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VOLUME 6.
ROME, 04., THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 26, 1851.
“
THE ROME COURIER
1a PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING
BY A. M. EDDLE9IAN,
TERMS.
.Two Dor,Mrs per annum, II paid in advances
Two Dollars and Fifty Cents II',paid within six
months^ or'Threo Dollars at the end'of the year.
Rales ol Advertising.
Legal Advketisements will be inserted with
strict attention to tho roqaltoiuents of tlio taw, at
the following rntesY
Font Months Notloo, ...
Notice to Debtors nnd Creditors.
, 0alo ol Personal Propotty, by Execu
tors, Administrators. Jco.
Bales of Land or Negroes, 60 days,
per square,
$4 00
3 as
3 as
ooo
Letters of Citation, - - * 2 71
Notise for Letters of Dismission. • 4 5(
Candidates announcing their names, will bo
Charged #5 00, whtoh will bo required in advanoe.
' Htnbtnds advertising their wives, will be oharged
xiusosnus aaverusing tuoir wives, wn. uu uuui|
•5 00, whioh must always be paid in ndvunco.
All othor advertisements will bo inserted nt One
1)oUar per square, of twelve lines or (ess, for tho
Brit, and Fifty Cents, for oaoh -subsequent Inser.
lion.
i Liberal-deductions willbemadein favor ofthose
who advertise by tho year.
BUSINESS CARDS.
B. W. ROSS,
DENTIST.
Rome, Georgia...... Office over N. J. Omberg's
Clothing Store.
January 16,1851.'
ERAN0I8 M. ALLEN,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
Dealer in Staple and Fancy
DRY GOODS AND GROCDRIES.
09» Receives uew goods every week.
Rome, Ga., January 9, 1851.
LIN & BRANTLY.
WABX-H0U8E, COMMISSION ft PRODUCE
MERCHANTS,
Atlanta, Ga.
0a*Liberal advances made on any article
inStore.
Nov. 28,1850. ly
A. ». KING ft CO.
COTTO S-G IN MANUFACTURERS
Rome, Georgia.
May 0.1850.'
ALEXANOBB Ac TIlsimELL.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ROME, OA.
Nov. 98, 1850. ly.
■OKAS HAADtUAN. 1 i CIIAALU V. UAMILTON.
HAMILTON It IIABOSMAN,
Factors & Commission Merchants,
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA
Oct. 3, tPOO,' 1
QltAALKS t. UAMILTON. I < THOMAS HAADEHaN
HARDEMAN Sc HAMILTON,
Warehouse & Commission Merchants,
MACON, GEORGIA.
Oct. 3, 1850. 1
12m.
PATTON It PATTON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Rome, Geoigia.
WILL Prscticoin all the Countlesof the Chero
kee Circuit 48 Sept. 5, 1850.
A. K. VATTOH. I. V. PATTON.
W.P. WILKINS.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Rome, Georgia.
1 Rtna to
' 1 lion. D P. POUTER, CHARLESTON, S. C., Or
' . AT CAVE SPRING, Ga.
r Hon W, It.UNDERWOOD, ROME. OA.
Hon. WILLIAM LZZAKD, DEOATUR, OA.
July 18,1850. 41 ly
r a. IV. BEALL,
DRAPER AND TAILOR,
Broad Street Rome, Ga.
Octobei 10, 1850.
J. n. DICKEIISON,
DRUGGIST—ROME, GEORGIA.
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER IN
DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE-
t, II ' STUFFS, PERFUMERY, 5to.
• Ootobsr 10,1850. Broad Street.
COULTER ft COLLIER.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Fume, Georgia.
Feb, V3,1851.
CHOICE’S HOTEL,
ROME, GEORGIA.
J, MRS, MARY CHOICE
Formerly of Dahlonega, has tokon charge of the
4EW HOTEL, and made extensive preparations
rfor the comfort and convenience of those who may
f lavor her with a call. From her long exporlonce,
I she'confidently hopes to glvo entire satislhatlon to
/transient.Visitors and Permanent Boarders.
September 5,1850. 48 12m
Qigh Persons will be carried to and from
[the Depot to the Hotel, free of charge.
IM. II. UNDERW00D& J. IV. II. UNDERWOOD.
. WILL PRACTICE LAW
N all the Counties of the Cherokee Circuit, (ex
. cept Dade). They will both personally attend all
s Coarts: J. W.H. UNDERWOOD will attend
A Courts of Jackson and Habersham counties of the
Western Circuit. Both wilUttend tho sessions ot'tho
BJJPREME COURT at Csssville and Gainesville.—
Til business entrusted to them will he promptly and
lithfully attended to.
OFFICE next dpor to Hooper & Mitoholl, "Buena
““ i House,” Rome, Ga., at which place one or both
Always be found, except absent on professional
.23, 1851
:w COTTON GINS
AT ROMi:, GA.
^WITHSTANDING our Shop has been dee-
kroyed twice within the last two years, once by
SABBATH EVENING AT HOME-
When Sabbath bells have ceased their sound,
And the hours of day aro passed,
And twilight draws Its curtain round,
And shadows gather fast—
There is one spot, and one alone, -
Round which our hearts must cling,
And fondest memories, one by one,
Their choices treasures bring.
That spot is Home > its sacred walls
Admit no discord then ;
Nor crowded marts, nor festive hells,
Nor gayest haunts of men,
. Can know a joy so sweet and pure—
None such to them is given j
Might joys like there for eye endure,
This Earth yvem qnite a Heaven.
I’ve wandered far ’ntong other bowers
' Than llioso my childhood knew,
With hope of gathering ihircr flowers
Than in those gardens grew;
Yet in the cold world’s earnest throngs,
Mid its din and stormy strife,
Affection turns to scenes and songs.
Of my young joyous lift.
Home’s well-loved group I - Its Sabbath song,
Its tones, I seem to hear j
Though borne fall many a league along,
%hey come distinct and clear.
Oh, Sabbath night 1 Oh, treasured homo 1
Fond pride of memory's train—
And thoughts of ye, whoro'er I roam,
Shall bring my youth again.
Written for the Model American Courier.
OH! SING AGAIN.
Tho sangs wo Bong in Childhood's hour,
Oh.eing them onoo again I.
Around my heart is lingering
Enoh old familiar strain ;
Oh 1 wake once more the melody
Ofthoso bright, sinless years,
When every childish grid was wept
Away id transient years.
I'll still my wildly-tluobblng heart,
And os I list to thoe,
I'll kneel in fancy once again
Beside my mother's knee;
I’ll hear onoo more her low, soft tones,
As gentle she would oldde,
Or strive with loving words to check
My wayward, boyish pride.
Thy voice, liko some enchanter's spell,
The memory will bring
Of friends that sported by my aide
In life's bright, cloudless spring;
Then sing again the songs we sung
In Childhood’s happy hour,
Ere aught of care or sin we knew,
Or left their blighting power.
SHfHcrUancoua.
nd onco by fire, we fro again ma
srior Cotton Gins, nnd hat
have prepared ourselves
ny amount of orders with Which wo may be
. We ore not making Premium Gins, or Wa-
llrins, nor do we claim all IM experience that
*n acquired in the art of Gin making, but we
Lvlthout boasting, say that we ore willing to
Bur Gina side by side with nny made in tho Uni-
i»t the same price, artd compare quality and
ANNA BAILEYS PETTICOAT.
A LUDICROUS, BUT TRUE INCIDENT OF THE
LAST WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
Mrs. Anna Bailey, ofGroton, Connecticut,
who died within the last few months at a
good old age, was famous during the last war
in consequence.of asingle incident—as ludi
crous as it was trifling—which occured in the
summer of 1813. It appears that the squad -
ron of Commodore Decatur had been chased
into New London harbor by a superior British
fleet, and an attack upon the town was mo
mentarily expected. It was ol great impor
tance that tho fort on Groton Heights should
he immediately prepared for a vigorous de
fence. Major Simeon Smith, with a band
of volunteers from New London, hastened to
the reinforcement of the garrison, and pre
parations were made to give the enemy a
warm reception, when it was discovered that
they were short of cartridges. Wadding was
wanting, and' a messenger was sent in haste
through the village to procure flannel. The
inhabitants had mostly packed their goods,
and were carrying them off to places less ex
posed. Mrs. Bailey was sending away her
effects, and had a few necessary articles left
in the housd. She was crossing to a neigh
bor’s door, when the messenger, having tra
versed the village, asking in ”ftin at every
house tor flannel to make cartridges, accost
ed her and made known his errnnd nnd ill
success. Without a moment’s delay, as
quick as thought, she slipped her hand into
her pocket-hole, loosened her skirt, shook it
ofl, and lifting it up,presented it to the mes
senger with a right hearty laugh, expressing
a. wish, the import of which was that it might
do its work piromptly and effectually,
The by-standers were much nmusod, and
uttered a shout of admiration. The messen
ger hastened with his prize to the fortress
and made his report. The story was rehars-
ed to the whole garrison, and the sacrificed
skirt being unrolled and displayed, was re
ceived with loud acclamations ; the men,
rearing it up on their pikes, declared they
woula fight under it to the last drop of their
blood. Had the British actually mado an at
tack at that time, it is quite probable that the
memorable garment would have been run up
the flag-staff, and allowed to throw out its
folds upon the winds as a banner.
' This anecdote went forthwith into the
newspapers, nnd was soon spread through
the Union, Mrs. Bailey wns exalted ton
pinnacle of notoriety ns the greatest of fe
male patriots. She was toasted visited, car
essed ; letters, tokens and presents were
sent from all quarters. At a great military
ball, given in New London, not long after
wards, Mrs. Bailey appeared in antique cos
tume and was led put upon the floor by the
officer highest in rank that was present on
.the'occasion. Since that period strangers
stopping at New London have made, it a
point to visit Mrs. Bailey. Two Presidents
of the United States—Monroe and Jackson
—in their respective tours through the north
ern states, offer visiting the Groton Fort,
wpnt in stately procession to pay their res.
pectsto her asaJieroiueof Gortcur •
POLITICAL: 3
Front tho Constitutional Union,
We give below an extract from the Mes
sage of General Jackson in 1833; It will be
rend with interest by all those devoted to the
tke Union of the States, and opposed to nul
lification and secession :
GENERAL JACK801 VS. SECESSION. _
By these various proceedings, therefore,
the State of South Carolina' has forced the
general government, unavoidably, to decide
the hew and dangerous alternative of permit
ting a State to obstruct the execution of the
laws within its limits, or seeing it attempt to
execute a threat of withdrawing from
the Union. That portion of the people at
present exercising the authority of the State
solemnly assert their right to do either, and
ns solemnly announce their determination to
do one or tho other.
In my opinion, both purposes are to be re
garded as revolutionary in their character
and tendency, and subversive of the suprem
acy of the laws and of the integrity of tho
Union. The result of each is the same :
since it State in which by an usurpation of
power, the constitutional authority of the
federal government ia openly defied nnd set
aside, wants only the form to be indepen
dent of the Union.
The right of the people of a tingle State to
absolve themselves at will, and without the
consent of the other States, from their most
solemn obligations, and hazard the liberties
and happiness of the millions composing this
Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such au
thority is believed to be utterly repugnant both
to the principles upon which the general gov
ernment is constituted, and to the objects which
it was expressly formed to attain.
Against oil nets which may be allcgedjo
transcend the constitutional power of gov
ernment, or which may be inconvenient or
opprypive in their operation, the cohstitd-
tion itself has prescribed the modes of re
dress. It is the acknowledged attribute of
free institutions that, under them, the em
pire of reason and law is substituted for the
sword. To no other source can appeals for
supposed wrongs be made, consistently with
the obligations of South Carolina : to no
other can such appeals be made with safety
at any time, nnd to their decisions, when
constitutionally pronounced, it becomes the
duty, na less of the public authorities than of
the people, in every case to yield a patriotic
submission.
That a State, or other great portion of the
people, suffering under long and intolerable
oppression, and having tried all constitution
al remedies without the hope of redress,
may have a natural right, when their happi
ness can be no otherwise secured, and when
they can do so without greater injury to
others, to absolve themselves from their ob
ligations to the government, and appeal to
the last resort, need not, on the present occa
Sion, be denied.
The existence of this right 1 , however, must
depend upon the causes which may justify
its exercise. It is the ultima ratio, which
presupposes that the proper appeals to all
other means of redress have been made in
good faith, and which can never be rightful
ly resorted to unless it be unavoidable, it is
not the right of the State, but of the individ
uals, in the State. It is the right of man
kind generally to secure, by all means in
their power, the blossings of liberty and hap
piness; but when, for these purposes, any
body of men have voluntarily associated
themselves under a particular form of gov
ernment, no portion of them can dissolve the
association without acknowledging the cor
relative right in the remainder to decide
whether that dissolution can be permitted
consistently with the general happiness. In
this view, it is a right'dependent upon the
power to enforce it. - Such a right, although
it may be admitted to pre-exist, and cannot
be wholly surrendered, is necessarily subject
to limitations in all free governments, ana in
compacts of all kinds, freely and voluntarily
entered ir to, and in which the interest nnu
welfare of the individual become identified
with those of the community of which he is
a member. In compacts between individu
als, these principles are acknowledged to
create a sacred obligation ; and in compacts
of civil governments, involving the liberty
and happiness, of millions of mankind, the
obligation cannot be less.
Without adverting to the particular theor
ies to which the federal compact has given
rise, both as to its formation and the parties
to it, nnd without inquiring whether it be
merely federal, or social,-or national, it is
sufficient that it must bo admitted to bo a
compact, and to possess the obligations inci
dent to a compact, to be “a compact by
which power is created on the one hand, and
obedienco on the other; a compact freely,
voluntarily and solemnly entered into by the
several' States, and ratified by the people
thereof, respectively; a compact by which
the several States, and the people thereof,
respectively, have bound themselves to each
other, and to the federal government, and by
which the federal government is bound to
the several Stntos, and to every citizen of the
United States.” To this compact, in what
ever mode it may have been done, the people
of South Carolina have freely and voluntarily
given their assent ;and to the whole and eve
ry part of it they are, upon overy principle of
good faith, inviolably bound. Under this ob
ligation they are bound, and should be re
quired, to.contribute their portion of the pub
lic expense, and to submit to all laws made
by the common consent, in pursuance of the
common dolence and general welfare, until
they can be changed in the mode which the
compact has provided for the attainment of
the; groat ends pt the government and of tho
Union, Nothing less than causes which
wouldjustify a revolutionary remedy can ab
solve the people from this obligation ; and
for Nothing less can the government permit
it to be.dons without . .violating its own obli-
f ations, by which, under tho compact, it is
ountj to the other States, and to every citi
zen of the United States-
These deductions plainly flow from the
nature of the federal compact which is one
of limitations'not only upon the powers
originally possessed by the parties thereto,
but also upon those conferred on the govern
ment, ana every department thereof. It
will be freely conceded that by the I princi
ples of our system, all power is vested in the
people; but to be exercised in the mode,
and subject to the checks, which the poopie
themselves have proscribed. These checks
are, undoubtedly, only different modifications
of the same great popular principle which
lies at the foundation of the whole, but are
not, on that account, to be less regarded or
less obligatory..
Upon the power of Congress, the veto of
theExeciitive and the authority of the judi
ciary, which is to extend to all cases in the
law and equity arising under tho constitution
and !aws of the United States made in pur
suance thereof, aro tho obvious checks t and
the sound action of public opinion, with the
ultimate power of amendment, are tho salu
tary and only limitations upon the powers of
tho whole.
. However it may bo alleged that d viola
tion of the compact, by tho measures of tho
government can effect the obligations of the
parties, it cannot ever lie protended that such
violation can he predicated of those measures
until all the constitutional remedies shall
have been ffilly tried. If’the federal govern
ment exercises powers not warranted by the
constitution, and immediately affecting indi
viduals, it will scarcely be denied that the
S roper remedy is a recourse to the judiciary,
uch, undoubtedly is the remedy for those
who deem the acts of Congress faying duties
on imports and providing for their collection,
to be unconstitutional. The whole opera
tion of such laws is upon the individuals im
porting the merchandise. A State is abso
lutely prohibited from laying imposts or du
ties on imports or exports, without the con
sent of Congress—cannot become a party,
under those Taws, without importing in her
own name, or wrongfully interposing her au
thority against them. By thus interposing,
however, she cannot rightfully obstruct the
operation of the laws upon individuals For
their disobedieuce to, or violation of, the
laws, the ordinary relnedies through the Ju
dicial tribunals would remain. And in a case
when an individual should be prosecuted for
ony offence against the laws, he could not
set up, in justification of his act, a law ofthe
State, which, being unconstitutional, would
therelore be regarded as hull and void. The
law of a State cannot authorize the commis
sion of a crime against the United Slates, or
any other act, which, according to the su
preme law of the Union, would be other 1
wise unlawful. And it is equally clear that
if there beany case, in which a State, as
such, is affected by tho law beyond the scope
of judicial power, the remedy consists in ap
peals to the people, either to affect a change
In the representation, or to procure relief by
an amendment to the constitution. But the
measures ofthe government are to bo recog
nized as valid, and, consequently, supreme,
until these remedies shall have been effect
ually tried; and any attempt to subvert those
measures, or to render the laws subordinate
to Stnte authority and afterwards to resort to
constitutional redress, is worse than evnsire.
ft would not be a proper resistance to a
“government of unlimited powers,” as has
been sometimes pretended, but unlawful op
position to the very limitations on which the
harmonious action of the, government, nnd
all parts, absolutely depends. South Caro
lina has appealed to none of these remedies
—but, in effect, has defied them all. While
threatening to separate from the Union, if
nny attempt be made to enforce the revenue
laws otherwise than through the civil tribu
nals of the country, she has not only not ap
pealed in her own name to those tribunals
which the constitution has provided for all
cases in law or equity arising under the con
stitution and laws of the United States, but
has endeavored to frustrate their proper ac
tion on her citizens by drawing the cogniz
ance of the cose under the revenue laws, to
her own tibunnle, specially prepared and fit
ted for the purpose of enforcing the nets
passed by the State to obstruct those laws,
and both judges and jurors of which will be
bound, by the import of oaths previously
taken, to treat the constitution ana laws of
the United States, in this respect, as a nulli
ty. Nor has the State made the proper ap
peal to public opinion and to tho remedy of
amendment. For, without waiting to learn
whether the other States will consent to n
convention, or, il they do, will construe or
amend the constitution to suit, her views,
she has, of her own authority, altered the
import of that instiument and given immedi
ate effect to the change In fine, she has
set her own will and authority above the
laws, has made herself arbiter in her own
poso, and has passed at once over all interme
diate steps to measures oi avowed resistance,
which, unless they be submitted to, can be
enforced only by the sword.
In deciding upon the course which n high
sense of duty to all the people of the United
States imposes upon tho authorities of the
Union in this emergency, it cannot be over
looked that there is no sufficient cause for tho
act of South Carolina, or lor her thus plac
ing in jeopardy the happiness of so many
millions of people. Misrule and oppression,
to warrant the disruption ofthe free institu
tions of the Union of these States, should be
f reat and lasting, defying ail other remedy,
'or causes of minor ohnraoter, tho govern
ment could not submit to such a catastrophe
without a violation of its most sacred obliga
tions to the States of the Union, who have
submitted their destiny to itshands.
“As a Union man he (ex-Gov. MoDon-
aldj repudiated nullification ns a political
heresy unauthorized, as Mr, MadisoD affirm
ed, by that platform, while he recognised
secession when occasion should demand h ”
—Fed. Union.
As a Union man he repudiated nullifica
tion did he ? Aye, he did more than that.
Ho sustained Gen. Jaokson’s proclamation—
that proclamation Which denied both the
right of nullification and the right of seces
sion, and which threatened to execute the
federal laws it spite of * Li “
A /wMeru*,. *
secession of Soutli Carolina. This is not all
he did os a Union man of that day. In re
pudiating nullification ho repudiated the-
Kentucky Resolutions, of Jefferson, which
asserted the doctrine—those very resolutions
which the late Southern Rights Convention
adopted ns its platform, and upon Which the
Ex-Govorncr and his party.now stand—ho,
as a Union man, repudiated, in the.days .of
nullification. ,
“He asserted the right of secession.”—.
We could successfully defy the Federal Un
ion or any other press to prove that Gov.
MoDonald or any Union man in the days of
South Carolina nullification, asserted such
right. They asserted tho right of revolution
as the Constitutional Union party now main
tain it. But that the framers of the Consti
tution, contemplated the withdrawal of any
State at its pleasure froir tho compact,
without regard to the rights ot the other
States, is a doctrine, which, though Gov.
McDonald embraces it now, he and all other
Union Men, in foimer days, united with
Gen. Jackson, in repudiating.
The inconsistencies nnd contradictions of
the Southern Rights Convention are remark
able for their absurdities. The secession
parly occupies new ground in the history of
our country, and they were afraid to avow it.
They wished to get. upon something recog
nized as orthodox. They evinced a desire
to rest upon some authority, nndlo! they
attempt to jump upon the platform of the
Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. But
the attempt failed. They leaped clean over
that platform aod landed upon that of seces
sion. Any one who has read these resolu
tions knows that no such right is assorted in
them. And yet after this remarkable, leap
the conventionists turned round and affirmed
that they saw it “so set down” in those reso
lutions. This is not all—they went to work
and nominated a candidate, whose former
principles were antagonistic .to this very plat
form which they hadooer/ea/ted Who sus
tained General Jackson when he threatened
“if South Carolina nullified or seceded, to
execute the federal laws in that State by force
if necessary.”
All great men should be allowed one or
tvvo radical changes of principle inn life time.
All our statesmen, nearly, hare exercised
the privilege, and we do not see any good
reason whv it should be denied to Governor
McDonald. He atone time believed that
resistance, nullification, secession, were, sy
nonyms of treason, and was prepared to see
sentence passed under the administration of
Jackson, as it was under that of Washington.
He now thinks that resistance, nullification,
secession, are synonyms of patriotism, and
all who occupy Jackson’s, Washington’s
Madison’s—Gov. McDonald’s former posi
tion, are federalists, consolidutionists, because
theysayaswas said, during tho former at
tempt of South Carolina to break up the
Government, “the Union must and shall be
preserved.” Verily “the world’s n stage
and men and women merely playdrs.”—
Would it not be woll to pass a law compell
ing each mun to play out his part. We
merely throw out the suggestion from ’ the
conviction that such a law would avoid much
confusion.—Marietta Union.
SLAVERY AND DISUNION-
Wo have seldom, if ever, soen the evils,
which disunion would bring upon the institu
tion of slavery, more forcibly depicted than
in the following article, which we copy from
the Eutaw Whig s
The Southern ultras, assume that a dissolu
tion of the Union is necessary to preserve
the institution of slavery. Tho joint per
petuity of the two, they assert to be now a
moral impossibility. Continue the Union,
say they, and slavery becomes extinct from
the pressure of antagonist forces against it.
Dissolve the Union, and slavery, relieved
from foreign interference, will find tho guar
antees of its perpetuity io tho isolation of its
position nnd the homogeneity of its interests
embraced in its territorial domain. These
flippant assumptions merit refutation. They
serve to mislend the ignorant and to blind
the credulous. They ore, one and all, the
crudities of ingenious sophists, who reason
from bod premises to worse conclusions, and
dissolve into transparent absurdities when
touched with the mace of reason, nnd sub
jected to tho crucible of n passionless logic.
We will examine each branch of the as
sumption. First, then, it is asserted that
the Union is fatal to the perpetuity of slavo-
ry, because of tho interference which it al
lows to the people of the free States, through
Congress and the State Legislatures, with
that institution. To this we-reply, that
this interference is placed under limitations,
recognized by the Constitution, and enforced
by the judicial tribunals of the land, that
disarm it. of all real potency to do mischief.
Neither Congress nor tho Legislatures of
the free States, can abolish slavery in the
States, nor have they ever claimed the right
to do so. It must, then, be an indirect in
terference, that constitutes the source of
danger complained of by tho alarmists. But
with every latitude of proof nllowod them,
they would find it impossible to make out
their case. For what kind or amount oi
indirect interference of the free States to
abolish slavery, can countervail the ■ direct
agency of the slave States to preserve it,
backed by the powerful auxiliary of a recog-
slavcry would exist actually- only in fifteen
States, while California and the other free
States would remain free soil still. Discard
ing, therefore, all idea of enlarging the area
of slavery by a dissolution of the Union, let
us see the efTect which that event would
lim’t/f P 1 * 11 that institution within its present
Suppose, then, ('horrible supposition, even
for argument’s sakej the Union divided into
two confederacies. The Southern confede-
r ® c y» composed of fifteen States, is organized
on the slavery basis. That is, it is n con
federacy of States, united for the protection
of slavery within the limits of each State.
As that institution is the connecting ligament
of the association, of course, it would be an
indispensable requisite to membership, str
that any State abolishing slavery in ita lim
its, would become disqualified for longer con
tinuance in the confederacy. Bu\ \s U not
probable, nay, morally certain, that in pro
cess of time, the State bordering on the
Northern confederacy, harrossed Tjy border
feuds growing out of their peculiar institu
tion, akid impelled by an insecurity in the
iwl. 111 ? a?/. l H eir 8 j aves > °nd a consequent de-
! »i • a. . Dm,ca i U,1U u consequent ae-
cline of their value, would abolish slavery in
t iftir mimsMifn limit.. IA .1
’ , ’"’“''J "WMIU HUUIIO.. ...
their respective limits. From .these States
the remaining slave States would secede,
and form a npw confederacy, and- by this
process of disintegration, continued os long
ns the confederacy itself endured, the asso
ciation would be dissolved and slavery be
come extinct. This issue, in fact, would be
greatly accelerated by the rapidly augment
ing numbers of the slaves in the State which'
continued to hold them, the consequent de
cline in their value nnd increase of burden on
their support. The wit of man could not
devise n more effectual or a more speedy
■— - ” viivLiuni tii a iiiijia Buccuv
plan of destroying the institution of slavery,,
and hence it is not at all surprising that
nvntpml nlutlliLniul. ..II C Ja!
avowed abolitionists all favor a dissolution
ofthe Union. They see, in that event,*
guaranty of the realization of their dominant
idea—the emancipation of the entire' black
population. But that Southern men, thw
professed guardian* of slavery, should favo’r-
a scheme which insures its ultimate extinc
tion, is indeed a monstrous delusion, into
which t)>dy can have been betrayed only by
the violence of passion and tlie fanaticism of
sectional animosities.
_ Look at the assumption we are considier--
ing in another light. The very isolaleti posi
tion in which it'is sought to piece the insti
tution of slavery wsula infallibly extinguish
it. The moral sentiment oftheworld is against
It, and seeks ever more to crush it. The
free States, by the tie of a common govern-'
ment, are in this light, in the judgment of
the world, at least, confederates and parties
with them, in abetting this institution. Hence'
they are, as against the rest ot mankind, the'
friends and protectors of Southern right*
Union,
and institutions. But dissolve the Union,
and the freo States pass at once into the'
ranks of open enemies, enjoying, Irom their
position and contiguity, peculiar facilities for
annoyance and injury.
Besides, is it not clear that the free States,,
as an independent confederacy, would be'
much less likely io respect the institutions of
the South, than they are now, that they are'
under a solemn compact .to do it J A con
stitutional obligation is worth a great deal
in such n case, and is much to be preferred'
to no obligation at all. And if, as the •»-'
sumption implies, it is destructive to slavery
to live in fellowship under the bonds of a 1
common government with the free States, it
would assuredly be more eminently-perilous:
to live near to them without any resiramt;
upon their aggressive spirit.
_ These considerations are with us conclu--
sive. They present, free from details, the'
argument against the secessionists, and prove’
that their policy is destructive of the very in
stitution which it is intended to protect. So
far from desiring n dissolution of the Union,
tho people of the South should cling to it as
the strongest bulwark of|thcir peculiar insti
tution. Dissolve it, and as surely as the sun
shines, slavery achieves its exodus from the
South ; peaceably, perhaps, but more proba
bly, through the fire and blood of war.
Anecdote of an Irishman-
At the close of the battle of Bunker’a Hill,
two of the brave spirits who helped to make
such fearful havoc upon the British ranks lay
near oach other upon the ground, both help
lessly wounded. “How do you feel, Tom ?”
said Patrick to his companion ; “will you
be afther getting over the rap the'bullet
mado in your thigh ?”
“Darned if I know whether the bone’s
broke or not,” replied the Yankee : “it’«
sartin that 1 can’t move without hollering-:
right out. How is’t with, yom
“Divil a bit of pain am I in, only Pm con
founded dry,” replied Patrick.
“1 thought you looked cheerful,” said the
Yankee, “but the worst will come by-andt-
bye, maybe.”
“Is it cheerful F was looking J O, no, by
the powers, darling, you was mistaken then
I wus thinking what a tremendous funk old
Peter Loring would be in if he knew where I
was at this moment. You : know I borrowed
ten dollars of him to help pay for my gun,,
for which 1 agreed to give the ould miser
twelve- dollors when my month.’* wages was-
paid !” ■
the former influence, would be a concession
to fanaticism against right, which even the
propagandists of disunion would be reluctant
to make. It is olear, therefore, that the Un
ion is not unfriendly to the continued exis
tence of slovety.
Let us next oxnmine the other branch of
the assumption, to wit: that a dissolution of
tho Union would insure the perpetuity of
slavery withiu its present limits,. This wo
Bounty Land WAnRANTs.r-The- Com
missioner of Pensions, at Washington, has.,
given official notice- that'where bounty land-
warrants get lost oi miscarry, the-person to-
whom they are. sent must immediately enter
a caveat in the General Land Office to pre
vent the issuing of a patent to a fraudulent
claim. The chmant is- also required- to give
six week’s public notico-of his loss—minute
ly describing the-warrant, the identity of the-
applicant, and' all other necessary facts, .
which must be proved under oath.
slavery withiu its present
regard as even less tetinble than the assump
tion just refuted. It is not contended'that a
dissolution of the Union would have the ef
fect of enlarging the area of slavery. For
without a war for that purpose, the dismem
berment of the Union would leave matters
precisely as they strUidi at present.. That is,
gQf We are pleased to- notice by the last ,
New York Ch, Adv. and Journal, <h»t;tEwpe
Book Agents, under ihe authority of 1 **■ "
Court, have-submitted the prof ‘ '
to arbitration, This is certak
sirable and Jrateraal way of
-unhappy *'
X..