Rome courier. (Rome, Ga.) 1849-18??, June 26, 1851, Image 1

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Newspaper Page Text- J tpr fit it / /.vif: s» ro ntkftfc'si iifipjfM - VOLUME 6. ROME, 04., THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 26, 1851. “ THE ROME COURIER 1a PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING BY A. M. EDDLE9IAN, TERMS. .Two Dor,Mrs per annum, II paid in advances Two Dollars and Fifty Cents II',paid within six months^ or'Threo Dollars at the end'of the year. Rales ol Advertising. Legal Advketisements will be inserted with strict attention to tho roqaltoiuents of tlio taw, at the following rntesY Font Months Notloo, ... Notice to Debtors nnd Creditors. , 0alo ol Personal Propotty, by Execu tors, Administrators. Jco. Bales of Land or Negroes, 60 days, per square, $4 00 3 as 3 as ooo Letters of Citation, - - * 2 71 Notise for Letters of Dismission. • 4 5( Candidates announcing their names, will bo Charged #5 00, whtoh will bo required in advanoe. ' Htnbtnds advertising their wives, will be oharged xiusosnus aaverusing tuoir wives, wn. uu uuui| •5 00, whioh must always be paid in ndvunco. All othor advertisements will bo inserted nt One 1)oUar per square, of twelve lines or (ess, for tho Brit, and Fifty Cents, for oaoh -subsequent Inser. lion. i Liberal-deductions willbemadein favor ofthose who advertise by tho year. BUSINESS CARDS. B. W. ROSS, DENTIST. Rome, Georgia...... Office over N. J. Omberg's Clothing Store. January 16,1851.' ERAN0I8 M. ALLEN, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL Dealer in Staple and Fancy DRY GOODS AND GROCDRIES. 09» Receives uew goods every week. Rome, Ga., January 9, 1851. LIN & BRANTLY. WABX-H0U8E, COMMISSION ft PRODUCE MERCHANTS, Atlanta, Ga. 0a*Liberal advances made on any article inStore. Nov. 28,1850. ly A. ». KING ft CO. COTTO S-G IN MANUFACTURERS Rome, Georgia. May 0.1850.' ALEXANOBB Ac TIlsimELL. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ROME, OA. Nov. 98, 1850. ly. ■OKAS HAADtUAN. 1 i CIIAALU V. UAMILTON. HAMILTON It IIABOSMAN, Factors & Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA Oct. 3, tPOO,' 1 QltAALKS t. UAMILTON. I < THOMAS HAADEHaN HARDEMAN Sc HAMILTON, Warehouse & Commission Merchants, MACON, GEORGIA. Oct. 3, 1850. 1 12m. PATTON It PATTON, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Rome, Geoigia. WILL Prscticoin all the Countlesof the Chero kee Circuit 48 Sept. 5, 1850. A. K. VATTOH. I. V. PATTON. W.P. WILKINS. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Rome, Georgia. 1 Rtna to ' 1 lion. D P. POUTER, CHARLESTON, S. C., Or ' . AT CAVE SPRING, Ga. r Hon W, It.UNDERWOOD, ROME. OA. Hon. WILLIAM LZZAKD, DEOATUR, OA. July 18,1850. 41 ly r a. IV. BEALL, DRAPER AND TAILOR, Broad Street Rome, Ga. Octobei 10, 1850. J. n. DICKEIISON, DRUGGIST—ROME, GEORGIA. WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER IN DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE- t, II ' STUFFS, PERFUMERY, 5to. • Ootobsr 10,1850. Broad Street. COULTER ft COLLIER. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Fume, Georgia. Feb, V3,1851. CHOICE’S HOTEL, ROME, GEORGIA. J, MRS, MARY CHOICE Formerly of Dahlonega, has tokon charge of the 4EW HOTEL, and made extensive preparations rfor the comfort and convenience of those who may f lavor her with a call. From her long exporlonce, I she'confidently hopes to glvo entire satislhatlon to /transient.Visitors and Permanent Boarders. September 5,1850. 48 12m Qigh Persons will be carried to and from [the Depot to the Hotel, free of charge. IM. II. UNDERW00D& J. IV. II. UNDERWOOD. . WILL PRACTICE LAW N all the Counties of the Cherokee Circuit, (ex . cept Dade). They will both personally attend all s Coarts: J. W.H. UNDERWOOD will attend A Courts of Jackson and Habersham counties of the Western Circuit. Both wilUttend tho sessions ot'tho BJJPREME COURT at Csssville and Gainesville.— Til business entrusted to them will he promptly and lithfully attended to. OFFICE next dpor to Hooper & Mitoholl, "Buena ““ i House,” Rome, Ga., at which place one or both Always be found, except absent on professional .23, 1851 :w COTTON GINS AT ROMi:, GA. ^WITHSTANDING our Shop has been dee- kroyed twice within the last two years, once by SABBATH EVENING AT HOME- When Sabbath bells have ceased their sound, And the hours of day aro passed, And twilight draws Its curtain round, And shadows gather fast— There is one spot, and one alone, - Round which our hearts must cling, And fondest memories, one by one, Their choices treasures bring. That spot is Home > its sacred walls Admit no discord then ; Nor crowded marts, nor festive hells, Nor gayest haunts of men, . Can know a joy so sweet and pure— None such to them is given j Might joys like there for eye endure, This Earth yvem qnite a Heaven. I’ve wandered far ’ntong other bowers ' Than llioso my childhood knew, With hope of gathering ihircr flowers Than in those gardens grew; Yet in the cold world’s earnest throngs, Mid its din and stormy strife, Affection turns to scenes and songs. Of my young joyous lift. Home’s well-loved group I - Its Sabbath song, Its tones, I seem to hear j Though borne fall many a league along, %hey come distinct and clear. Oh, Sabbath night 1 Oh, treasured homo 1 Fond pride of memory's train— And thoughts of ye, whoro'er I roam, Shall bring my youth again. Written for the Model American Courier. OH! SING AGAIN. Tho sangs wo Bong in Childhood's hour, Oh.eing them onoo again I. Around my heart is lingering Enoh old familiar strain ; Oh 1 wake once more the melody Ofthoso bright, sinless years, When every childish grid was wept Away id transient years. I'll still my wildly-tluobblng heart, And os I list to thoe, I'll kneel in fancy once again Beside my mother's knee; I’ll hear onoo more her low, soft tones, As gentle she would oldde, Or strive with loving words to check My wayward, boyish pride. Thy voice, liko some enchanter's spell, The memory will bring Of friends that sported by my aide In life's bright, cloudless spring; Then sing again the songs we sung In Childhood’s happy hour, Ere aught of care or sin we knew, Or left their blighting power. SHfHcrUancoua. nd onco by fire, we fro again ma srior Cotton Gins, nnd hat have prepared ourselves ny amount of orders with Which wo may be . We ore not making Premium Gins, or Wa- llrins, nor do we claim all IM experience that *n acquired in the art of Gin making, but we Lvlthout boasting, say that we ore willing to Bur Gina side by side with nny made in tho Uni- i»t the same price, artd compare quality and ANNA BAILEYS PETTICOAT. A LUDICROUS, BUT TRUE INCIDENT OF THE LAST WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. Mrs. Anna Bailey, ofGroton, Connecticut, who died within the last few months at a good old age, was famous during the last war in consequence.of asingle incident—as ludi crous as it was trifling—which occured in the summer of 1813. It appears that the squad - ron of Commodore Decatur had been chased into New London harbor by a superior British fleet, and an attack upon the town was mo mentarily expected. It was ol great impor tance that tho fort on Groton Heights should he immediately prepared for a vigorous de fence. Major Simeon Smith, with a band of volunteers from New London, hastened to the reinforcement of the garrison, and pre parations were made to give the enemy a warm reception, when it was discovered that they were short of cartridges. Wadding was wanting, and' a messenger was sent in haste through the village to procure flannel. The inhabitants had mostly packed their goods, and were carrying them off to places less ex posed. Mrs. Bailey was sending away her effects, and had a few necessary articles left in the housd. She was crossing to a neigh bor’s door, when the messenger, having tra versed the village, asking in ”ftin at every house tor flannel to make cartridges, accost ed her and made known his errnnd nnd ill success. Without a moment’s delay, as quick as thought, she slipped her hand into her pocket-hole, loosened her skirt, shook it ofl, and lifting it up,presented it to the mes senger with a right hearty laugh, expressing a. wish, the import of which was that it might do its work piromptly and effectually, The by-standers were much nmusod, and uttered a shout of admiration. The messen ger hastened with his prize to the fortress and made his report. The story was rehars- ed to the whole garrison, and the sacrificed skirt being unrolled and displayed, was re ceived with loud acclamations ; the men, rearing it up on their pikes, declared they woula fight under it to the last drop of their blood. Had the British actually mado an at tack at that time, it is quite probable that the memorable garment would have been run up the flag-staff, and allowed to throw out its folds upon the winds as a banner. ' This anecdote went forthwith into the newspapers, nnd was soon spread through the Union, Mrs. Bailey wns exalted ton pinnacle of notoriety ns the greatest of fe male patriots. She was toasted visited, car essed ; letters, tokens and presents were sent from all quarters. At a great military ball, given in New London, not long after wards, Mrs. Bailey appeared in antique cos tume and was led put upon the floor by the officer highest in rank that was present on .the'occasion. Since that period strangers stopping at New London have made, it a point to visit Mrs. Bailey. Two Presidents of the United States—Monroe and Jackson —in their respective tours through the north ern states, offer visiting the Groton Fort, wpnt in stately procession to pay their res. pectsto her asaJieroiueof Gortcur • POLITICAL: 3 Front tho Constitutional Union, We give below an extract from the Mes sage of General Jackson in 1833; It will be rend with interest by all those devoted to the tke Union of the States, and opposed to nul lification and secession : GENERAL JACK801 VS. SECESSION. _ By these various proceedings, therefore, the State of South Carolina' has forced the general government, unavoidably, to decide the hew and dangerous alternative of permit ting a State to obstruct the execution of the laws within its limits, or seeing it attempt to execute a threat of withdrawing from the Union. That portion of the people at present exercising the authority of the State solemnly assert their right to do either, and ns solemnly announce their determination to do one or tho other. In my opinion, both purposes are to be re garded as revolutionary in their character and tendency, and subversive of the suprem acy of the laws and of the integrity of tho Union. The result of each is the same : since it State in which by an usurpation of power, the constitutional authority of the federal government ia openly defied nnd set aside, wants only the form to be indepen dent of the Union. The right of the people of a tingle State to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent of the other States, from their most solemn obligations, and hazard the liberties and happiness of the millions composing this Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such au thority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the general gov ernment is constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain. Against oil nets which may be allcgedjo transcend the constitutional power of gov ernment, or which may be inconvenient or opprypive in their operation, the cohstitd- tion itself has prescribed the modes of re dress. It is the acknowledged attribute of free institutions that, under them, the em pire of reason and law is substituted for the sword. To no other source can appeals for supposed wrongs be made, consistently with the obligations of South Carolina : to no other can such appeals be made with safety at any time, nnd to their decisions, when constitutionally pronounced, it becomes the duty, na less of the public authorities than of the people, in every case to yield a patriotic submission. That a State, or other great portion of the people, suffering under long and intolerable oppression, and having tried all constitution al remedies without the hope of redress, may have a natural right, when their happi ness can be no otherwise secured, and when they can do so without greater injury to others, to absolve themselves from their ob ligations to the government, and appeal to the last resort, need not, on the present occa Sion, be denied. The existence of this right 1 , however, must depend upon the causes which may justify its exercise. It is the ultima ratio, which presupposes that the proper appeals to all other means of redress have been made in good faith, and which can never be rightful ly resorted to unless it be unavoidable, it is not the right of the State, but of the individ uals, in the State. It is the right of man kind generally to secure, by all means in their power, the blossings of liberty and hap piness; but when, for these purposes, any body of men have voluntarily associated themselves under a particular form of gov ernment, no portion of them can dissolve the association without acknowledging the cor relative right in the remainder to decide whether that dissolution can be permitted consistently with the general happiness. In this view, it is a right'dependent upon the power to enforce it. - Such a right, although it may be admitted to pre-exist, and cannot be wholly surrendered, is necessarily subject to limitations in all free governments, ana in compacts of all kinds, freely and voluntarily entered ir to, and in which the interest nnu welfare of the individual become identified with those of the community of which he is a member. In compacts between individu als, these principles are acknowledged to create a sacred obligation ; and in compacts of civil governments, involving the liberty and happiness, of millions of mankind, the obligation cannot be less. Without adverting to the particular theor ies to which the federal compact has given rise, both as to its formation and the parties to it, nnd without inquiring whether it be merely federal, or social,-or national, it is sufficient that it must bo admitted to bo a compact, and to possess the obligations inci dent to a compact, to be “a compact by which power is created on the one hand, and obedienco on the other; a compact freely, voluntarily and solemnly entered into by the several' States, and ratified by the people thereof, respectively; a compact by which the several States, and the people thereof, respectively, have bound themselves to each other, and to the federal government, and by which the federal government is bound to the several Stntos, and to every citizen of the United States.” To this compact, in what ever mode it may have been done, the people of South Carolina have freely and voluntarily given their assent ;and to the whole and eve ry part of it they are, upon overy principle of good faith, inviolably bound. Under this ob ligation they are bound, and should be re quired, to.contribute their portion of the pub lic expense, and to submit to all laws made by the common consent, in pursuance of the common dolence and general welfare, until they can be changed in the mode which the compact has provided for the attainment of the; groat ends pt the government and of tho Union, Nothing less than causes which wouldjustify a revolutionary remedy can ab solve the people from this obligation ; and for Nothing less can the government permit it to be.dons without . .violating its own obli- f ations, by which, under tho compact, it is ountj to the other States, and to every citi zen of the United States- These deductions plainly flow from the nature of the federal compact which is one of limitations'not only upon the powers originally possessed by the parties thereto, but also upon those conferred on the govern ment, ana every department thereof. It will be freely conceded that by the I princi ples of our system, all power is vested in the people; but to be exercised in the mode, and subject to the checks, which the poopie themselves have proscribed. These checks are, undoubtedly, only different modifications of the same great popular principle which lies at the foundation of the whole, but are not, on that account, to be less regarded or less obligatory.. Upon the power of Congress, the veto of theExeciitive and the authority of the judi ciary, which is to extend to all cases in the law and equity arising under tho constitution and !aws of the United States made in pur suance thereof, aro tho obvious checks t and the sound action of public opinion, with the ultimate power of amendment, are tho salu tary and only limitations upon the powers of tho whole. . However it may bo alleged that d viola tion of the compact, by tho measures of tho government can effect the obligations of the parties, it cannot ever lie protended that such violation can he predicated of those measures until all the constitutional remedies shall have been ffilly tried. If’the federal govern ment exercises powers not warranted by the constitution, and immediately affecting indi viduals, it will scarcely be denied that the S roper remedy is a recourse to the judiciary, uch, undoubtedly is the remedy for those who deem the acts of Congress faying duties on imports and providing for their collection, to be unconstitutional. The whole opera tion of such laws is upon the individuals im porting the merchandise. A State is abso lutely prohibited from laying imposts or du ties on imports or exports, without the con sent of Congress—cannot become a party, under those Taws, without importing in her own name, or wrongfully interposing her au thority against them. By thus interposing, however, she cannot rightfully obstruct the operation of the laws upon individuals For their disobedieuce to, or violation of, the laws, the ordinary relnedies through the Ju dicial tribunals would remain. And in a case when an individual should be prosecuted for ony offence against the laws, he could not set up, in justification of his act, a law ofthe State, which, being unconstitutional, would therelore be regarded as hull and void. The law of a State cannot authorize the commis sion of a crime against the United Slates, or any other act, which, according to the su preme law of the Union, would be other 1 wise unlawful. And it is equally clear that if there beany case, in which a State, as such, is affected by tho law beyond the scope of judicial power, the remedy consists in ap peals to the people, either to affect a change In the representation, or to procure relief by an amendment to the constitution. But the measures ofthe government are to bo recog nized as valid, and, consequently, supreme, until these remedies shall have been effect ually tried; and any attempt to subvert those measures, or to render the laws subordinate to Stnte authority and afterwards to resort to constitutional redress, is worse than evnsire. ft would not be a proper resistance to a “government of unlimited powers,” as has been sometimes pretended, but unlawful op position to the very limitations on which the harmonious action of the, government, nnd all parts, absolutely depends. South Caro lina has appealed to none of these remedies —but, in effect, has defied them all. While threatening to separate from the Union, if nny attempt be made to enforce the revenue laws otherwise than through the civil tribu nals of the country, she has not only not ap pealed in her own name to those tribunals which the constitution has provided for all cases in law or equity arising under the con stitution and laws of the United States, but has endeavored to frustrate their proper ac tion on her citizens by drawing the cogniz ance of the cose under the revenue laws, to her own tibunnle, specially prepared and fit ted for the purpose of enforcing the nets passed by the State to obstruct those laws, and both judges and jurors of which will be bound, by the import of oaths previously taken, to treat the constitution ana laws of the United States, in this respect, as a nulli ty. Nor has the State made the proper ap peal to public opinion and to tho remedy of amendment. For, without waiting to learn whether the other States will consent to n convention, or, il they do, will construe or amend the constitution to suit, her views, she has, of her own authority, altered the import of that instiument and given immedi ate effect to the change In fine, she has set her own will and authority above the laws, has made herself arbiter in her own poso, and has passed at once over all interme diate steps to measures oi avowed resistance, which, unless they be submitted to, can be enforced only by the sword. In deciding upon the course which n high sense of duty to all the people of the United States imposes upon tho authorities of the Union in this emergency, it cannot be over looked that there is no sufficient cause for tho act of South Carolina, or lor her thus plac ing in jeopardy the happiness of so many millions of people. Misrule and oppression, to warrant the disruption ofthe free institu tions of the Union of these States, should be f reat and lasting, defying ail other remedy, 'or causes of minor ohnraoter, tho govern ment could not submit to such a catastrophe without a violation of its most sacred obliga tions to the States of the Union, who have submitted their destiny to itshands. “As a Union man he (ex-Gov. MoDon- aldj repudiated nullification ns a political heresy unauthorized, as Mr, MadisoD affirm ed, by that platform, while he recognised secession when occasion should demand h ” —Fed. Union. As a Union man he repudiated nullifica tion did he ? Aye, he did more than that. Ho sustained Gen. Jaokson’s proclamation— that proclamation Which denied both the right of nullification and the right of seces sion, and which threatened to execute the federal laws it spite of * Li “ A /wMeru*,. * secession of Soutli Carolina. This is not all he did os a Union man of that day. In re pudiating nullification ho repudiated the- Kentucky Resolutions, of Jefferson, which asserted the doctrine—those very resolutions which the late Southern Rights Convention adopted ns its platform, and upon Which the Ex-Govorncr and his party.now stand—ho, as a Union man, repudiated, in the.days .of nullification. , “He asserted the right of secession.”—. We could successfully defy the Federal Un ion or any other press to prove that Gov. MoDonald or any Union man in the days of South Carolina nullification, asserted such right. They asserted tho right of revolution as the Constitutional Union party now main tain it. But that the framers of the Consti tution, contemplated the withdrawal of any State at its pleasure froir tho compact, without regard to the rights ot the other States, is a doctrine, which, though Gov. McDonald embraces it now, he and all other Union Men, in foimer days, united with Gen. Jackson, in repudiating. The inconsistencies nnd contradictions of the Southern Rights Convention are remark able for their absurdities. The secession parly occupies new ground in the history of our country, and they were afraid to avow it. They wished to get. upon something recog nized as orthodox. They evinced a desire to rest upon some authority, nndlo! they attempt to jump upon the platform of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. But the attempt failed. They leaped clean over that platform aod landed upon that of seces sion. Any one who has read these resolu tions knows that no such right is assorted in them. And yet after this remarkable, leap the conventionists turned round and affirmed that they saw it “so set down” in those reso lutions. This is not all—they went to work and nominated a candidate, whose former principles were antagonistic .to this very plat form which they hadooer/ea/ted Who sus tained General Jackson when he threatened “if South Carolina nullified or seceded, to execute the federal laws in that State by force if necessary.” All great men should be allowed one or tvvo radical changes of principle inn life time. All our statesmen, nearly, hare exercised the privilege, and we do not see any good reason whv it should be denied to Governor McDonald. He atone time believed that resistance, nullification, secession, were, sy nonyms of treason, and was prepared to see sentence passed under the administration of Jackson, as it was under that of Washington. He now thinks that resistance, nullification, secession, are synonyms of patriotism, and all who occupy Jackson’s, Washington’s Madison’s—Gov. McDonald’s former posi tion, are federalists, consolidutionists, because theysayaswas said, during tho former at tempt of South Carolina to break up the Government, “the Union must and shall be preserved.” Verily “the world’s n stage and men and women merely playdrs.”— Would it not be woll to pass a law compell ing each mun to play out his part. We merely throw out the suggestion from ’ the conviction that such a law would avoid much confusion.—Marietta Union. SLAVERY AND DISUNION- Wo have seldom, if ever, soen the evils, which disunion would bring upon the institu tion of slavery, more forcibly depicted than in the following article, which we copy from the Eutaw Whig s The Southern ultras, assume that a dissolu tion of the Union is necessary to preserve the institution of slavery. Tho joint per petuity of the two, they assert to be now a moral impossibility. Continue the Union, say they, and slavery becomes extinct from the pressure of antagonist forces against it. Dissolve the Union, and slavery, relieved from foreign interference, will find tho guar antees of its perpetuity io tho isolation of its position nnd the homogeneity of its interests embraced in its territorial domain. These flippant assumptions merit refutation. They serve to mislend the ignorant and to blind the credulous. They ore, one and all, the crudities of ingenious sophists, who reason from bod premises to worse conclusions, and dissolve into transparent absurdities when touched with the mace of reason, nnd sub jected to tho crucible of n passionless logic. We will examine each branch of the as sumption. First, then, it is asserted that the Union is fatal to the perpetuity of slavo- ry, because of tho interference which it al lows to the people of the free States, through Congress and the State Legislatures, with that institution. To this we-reply, that this interference is placed under limitations, recognized by the Constitution, and enforced by the judicial tribunals of the land, that disarm it. of all real potency to do mischief. Neither Congress nor tho Legislatures of the free States, can abolish slavery in the States, nor have they ever claimed the right to do so. It must, then, be an indirect in terference, that constitutes the source of danger complained of by tho alarmists. But with every latitude of proof nllowod them, they would find it impossible to make out their case. For what kind or amount oi indirect interference of the free States to abolish slavery, can countervail the ■ direct agency of the slave States to preserve it, backed by the powerful auxiliary of a recog- slavcry would exist actually- only in fifteen States, while California and the other free States would remain free soil still. Discard ing, therefore, all idea of enlarging the area of slavery by a dissolution of the Union, let us see the efTect which that event would lim’t/f P 1 * 11 that institution within its present Suppose, then, ('horrible supposition, even for argument’s sakej the Union divided into two confederacies. The Southern confede- r ® c y» composed of fifteen States, is organized on the slavery basis. That is, it is n con federacy of States, united for the protection of slavery within the limits of each State. As that institution is the connecting ligament of the association, of course, it would be an indispensable requisite to membership, str that any State abolishing slavery in ita lim its, would become disqualified for longer con tinuance in the confederacy. Bu\ \s U not probable, nay, morally certain, that in pro cess of time, the State bordering on the Northern confederacy, harrossed Tjy border feuds growing out of their peculiar institu tion, akid impelled by an insecurity in the iwl. 111 ? a?/. l H eir 8 j aves > °nd a consequent de- ! »i • a. . Dm,ca i U,1U u consequent ae- cline of their value, would abolish slavery in t iftir mimsMifn limit.. IA .1 ’ , ’"’“''J "WMIU HUUIIO.. ... their respective limits. From .these States the remaining slave States would secede, and form a npw confederacy, and- by this process of disintegration, continued os long ns the confederacy itself endured, the asso ciation would be dissolved and slavery be come extinct. This issue, in fact, would be greatly accelerated by the rapidly augment ing numbers of the slaves in the State which' continued to hold them, the consequent de cline in their value nnd increase of burden on their support. The wit of man could not devise n more effectual or a more speedy ■— - ” viivLiuni tii a iiiijia Buccuv plan of destroying the institution of slavery,, and hence it is not at all surprising that nvntpml nlutlliLniul. ..II C Ja! avowed abolitionists all favor a dissolution ofthe Union. They see, in that event,* guaranty of the realization of their dominant idea—the emancipation of the entire' black population. But that Southern men, thw professed guardian* of slavery, should favo’r- a scheme which insures its ultimate extinc tion, is indeed a monstrous delusion, into which t)>dy can have been betrayed only by the violence of passion and tlie fanaticism of sectional animosities. _ Look at the assumption we are considier-- ing in another light. The very isolaleti posi tion in which it'is sought to piece the insti tution of slavery wsula infallibly extinguish it. The moral sentiment oftheworld is against It, and seeks ever more to crush it. The free States, by the tie of a common govern-' ment, are in this light, in the judgment of the world, at least, confederates and parties with them, in abetting this institution. Hence' they are, as against the rest ot mankind, the' friends and protectors of Southern right* Union, and institutions. But dissolve the Union, and the freo States pass at once into the' ranks of open enemies, enjoying, Irom their position and contiguity, peculiar facilities for annoyance and injury. Besides, is it not clear that the free States,, as an independent confederacy, would be' much less likely io respect the institutions of the South, than they are now, that they are' under a solemn compact .to do it J A con stitutional obligation is worth a great deal in such n case, and is much to be preferred' to no obligation at all. And if, as the •»-' sumption implies, it is destructive to slavery to live in fellowship under the bonds of a 1 common government with the free States, it would assuredly be more eminently-perilous: to live near to them without any resiramt; upon their aggressive spirit. _ These considerations are with us conclu-- sive. They present, free from details, the' argument against the secessionists, and prove’ that their policy is destructive of the very in stitution which it is intended to protect. So far from desiring n dissolution of the Union, tho people of the South should cling to it as the strongest bulwark of|thcir peculiar insti tution. Dissolve it, and as surely as the sun shines, slavery achieves its exodus from the South ; peaceably, perhaps, but more proba bly, through the fire and blood of war. Anecdote of an Irishman- At the close of the battle of Bunker’a Hill, two of the brave spirits who helped to make such fearful havoc upon the British ranks lay near oach other upon the ground, both help lessly wounded. “How do you feel, Tom ?” said Patrick to his companion ; “will you be afther getting over the rap the'bullet mado in your thigh ?” “Darned if I know whether the bone’s broke or not,” replied the Yankee : “it’« sartin that 1 can’t move without hollering-: right out. How is’t with, yom “Divil a bit of pain am I in, only Pm con founded dry,” replied Patrick. “1 thought you looked cheerful,” said the Yankee, “but the worst will come by-andt- bye, maybe.” “Is it cheerful F was looking J O, no, by the powers, darling, you was mistaken then I wus thinking what a tremendous funk old Peter Loring would be in if he knew where I was at this moment. You : know I borrowed ten dollars of him to help pay for my gun,, for which 1 agreed to give the ould miser twelve- dollors when my month.’* wages was- paid !” ■ the former influence, would be a concession to fanaticism against right, which even the propagandists of disunion would be reluctant to make. It is olear, therefore, that the Un ion is not unfriendly to the continued exis tence of slovety. Let us next oxnmine the other branch of the assumption, to wit: that a dissolution of tho Union would insure the perpetuity of slavery withiu its present limits,. This wo Bounty Land WAnRANTs.r-The- Com missioner of Pensions, at Washington, has., given official notice- that'where bounty land- warrants get lost oi miscarry, the-person to- whom they are. sent must immediately enter a caveat in the General Land Office to pre vent the issuing of a patent to a fraudulent claim. The chmant is- also required- to give six week’s public notico-of his loss—minute ly describing the-warrant, the identity of the- applicant, and' all other necessary facts, . which must be proved under oath. slavery withiu its present regard as even less tetinble than the assump tion just refuted. It is not contended'that a dissolution of the Union would have the ef fect of enlarging the area of slavery. For without a war for that purpose, the dismem berment of the Union would leave matters precisely as they strUidi at present.. That is, gQf We are pleased to- notice by the last , New York Ch, Adv. and Journal, <h»t;tEwpe Book Agents, under ihe authority of 1 **■ " Court, have-submitted the prof ‘ ' to arbitration, This is certak sirable and Jrateraal way of -unhappy *' X..

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Rome courier. (Rome, Ga.) 1849-18??, June 26, 1851, Image 1