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On (his platform stood Gov. McDonald lost year.. Not as n private soldier—but as commander-in-chief." If there be any man in or out of Georgia entitled to the distinc tion of ring leader of the diiuniouists, Gov. McDonald is that man. It there wcre,such things ns Disunion men, he was among, and of, and over them. But how are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished. VVe come next to Gov. McDonald’s uack tracks. . Where 7 does Gov. McDonald note stand f Has he, or not, been "taking steps back ward ?” Having fast bold ol two or three of his po sitions,'we will'disbuss these questions leis urely. When we ascertain his present po sition we can coolly compare it with the for mer. The tracks do not poiut the same way. On the 38th day of May, a motley con vention of an unchristened nortion of the people of Georgia assembled in Milledge- ville, under no name or style. Did this con vention boot the Nashville Couvention ? We wot not. It proposed no such thing as a Southern Congress—the leading idea of the Nashyille Convention. It proposed no con cert with Southern States. It proposed no primary meetings, as did that Convention, to establish private (’as distinguished from leg islative) non-intercourse—no appointment of committees of vigilance. It proposed no measures of redress—not a solitary measure. We are too fast. It did propose one, pitiful enough ai that—-but discreetly rejected it. Resistence I—“Oh no, they never mentioned it.” “That once familiar word” had be come obsolete in the vocabulary of these once “valiant for the South.’’ Resistance! Re dress I Who hears these words in Georgia now f Last summer they were household words.” The Nashville Convention, backed by the Convention in Alilledgeville “of Southern men, Democrats and Whigs ?”' Why the very existence of a Nashville Convention was ignored. Of such a Convention as this, could Gov. McDonald, the President of the former, consent to be the candidate, the standard bearer of their—heaven save the mark I— •heir principles ? Could he come down from the height ol his demand, and occupy this paltry platform i Verily he could, and' did. Look at his letter of June 5th. Nominated by a Con vention whose very name he must express by a circumlocution, (a description, not a namoj he offers his profound acknowledg ments for the honor, and replies that “a call so made he does not feel at liberty to de cline.’’ Political liberty is a different thing from what we had fancied it. VVe should have thought Gov. McDonald ‘tat liberty” to have replied to these gentlemen with period courtesy. “Gentlemen, look at my Nash ville tracks and see whether I can reasonably be expected to take this new direction. 1 can only accept nominations from those who back me.” “Not feeling at liberty to decline” their nomination, and unwilling to leave them nameless, he proceeds with all convenient despatch to dub them “the party of the Con stitution.” He considers their repudiation of old narty ties “the most gratifying evidence that the party of the Constitution is deter mined to sustain the Union of the State* on •Jbo principles on which our venerated ances tors established it.” A much higher evi dence, to our minds, would have been fur nished by the adoption of some practical means of vindicating ths principles they .asserted, tq be violated. “The habitual violation o( these princi ples”—“the flagrant and fatal violation” of them, one would have thought needed action louder than mere resolution. The violation of them did not give rise even to valiant re solutions. “The fraud upon an injured peo ple” is to be submitted to in a quiet way, of which among nations, ( not abiding by the scripture rule of forgiving injuries,) few pre cedents are to be found. Laboriously does, the Governor argue to prove that he ought to do what he does not propose to do—re sist. To his own satisfaction, he demon' strales that the South has been plundered, outraged and degraded. The Convention which nominated him labored the same point But, oh, lame and important conclusion I They propose, in Iho way of redress, to do . what ? Why—nothing I Last summer it used—with the mildest of them—to be something. Something must be done. But now they all, with one ac cord, (one mar, did volo to the contrary in that grand submission meeting—wo do him the justice to record it,) hnve let go even that uncertain measure of redress. “Considerations like these,” induced Gov McDonald to endeavor to promote united ac- . tions at the South. Well fnight they. They might have moved a milder spoken man than Tie was— at that time. But why not now as well as then ? Have the Governor’s spirits failed -him ? Are majorities indeed so potent l Is <it so hateful to his feelings to be in the mi nority I Why, says Gov. McDonald—“The wrong having been done, each State must judge for itself without consultation with the rest in the matter.” Indeed. Why then did you call the second Nashville Convention ? Was 4bat to enable each State to “judge tor it self?” Wo should think it ill-adopted to any such purpose. It was for any purpose, it was to promote-“united action.” But “Georgia, in advance of her sisters lias met in her sovereign capacity, and her people hnve determine to pretermit the out rage committed on her right by the admis sion ot California as a State, with her highly ’ objectionable Constitution.” Georgia has not been wont in her past history to pretermit outrages.” If Georgia-had agreed witli Gov. .McDonald in sentiment—had believed her eights outraged—she would not have sub mitted to the outrage. How mildly the word “preteimit” strikes the ear. Sub mission has dwindled down, into “extraordi nary forbearance ;” very extraordinary in deed. We are not subs now, only preters . not suhmiasionists, only pretermissionists. But what shall wc say of the next few sentences ? How shall w« characterize it ? t is slavish. It bends its neck to the yoke cka the rod. Shame, shame, that in airy of boasted Republican principles, the should be found, (any, not one man on to party ; a party big enough to nom- overnor,) to maintain-that they [even to strive, to maintain gt they pointed wags. Until another election the decisions must stand. But was it ever be fore disputed in this Government; has tran- ny ever dared to rais his front so high oa to deny that the minority may try the chances of another election ? to what purpose is the ballot box consecrated, if not this ? If min orities have no such rights, what hope have they but in banishment ? And yet this shameful, preposterous her esy lies at the bottom of their whole unbaptized platform. Under this pitiful pre text they hide, when asked why they con demn the Compromise, yet dp not resist it. Under this they hide when submitting to “outrage.’.’ “Mnke the issue again like men. Say to Georgia, your decision was wrong. Cor rect it, not by revolution, but by the ballot box. VVe, your faithful sentinels, call on you to reverse it speedily. Repudiate the Compromise, that fraud upon your rights— that blot on your honor—that outrage. Send men to the Congress of “the Assailed States.” There yet is time. The democratic party have been often belt. We did not therefore abandon it — We hung aloft the same flag, and fought for the same principles. But the rights and honor of tho South were not principles worth contending for twice. They did not survive one defeat. No. The base crew make baste 'o submit. They get under in decent converse rather than not submit.— They hide in this very cess pool of despotic doctrine, rather than again raise the same issue with the people of Georgia. Ye who proclaim yourselves the leaders of Slate Rights men /—ye who are ao loud ns to the sovereignly of the people I—are ye leaders in lseral, and have not learned this ? Do you not know that to renew at the ballot box the issues you have lost no treason, but the undoubted right of the minority, the highest duty and most distinguished glory (because of its evident disinterestedness,) of the citizen ? Ye beasts of suhmiasionists ; who will not even resist by ballot I Do you publish to the world this creed and still hold up your brethren as submission men 1 If yon ate the tiest stud in Georgia, os you would have men believe, how low, how vile, how abject must she have become. And yet for such a reason, for such a rca son only, do Gov. McDonald and bis ad herenta swallow their brave words. They have got no new right; the Compromise is still an outrage ; the Southern Congress is not yot in session ; it is not too late to ap peal from the ve.dict rendered by the people last year. But no. They make haste, and delay not to submit. They do not want to try that issue over again even if Georgia re main “degruded.” Gov. McDonald then proceeds to say that “it is sufficient to consider it (tho right of secession and resistance)as set down by our people as a political axiom, to be acted on,” &c. If’ sir, your Convention spoke the truth when it said that the Southern States “have been deprived, by high hand, of all their in terests in the terrilorias acquired from Mex ico ; have been degraded from their condi tion of equality in the Union; hate been forced to surrender territory unquestionably and legitimately their own, to the use and en joyment, of the hireling “Stales,” then it is not sufficient for those believein* such things true, to lay down axioms for the future — Prodigiously bothered are ye all for axioms If the outrages you nllege to have been com mitted do not justify their application to practice, then you may safely be trusted with axioms as truculent as your own words. But is it 'rue that you will let Georgia, your own State, your father land, lie low in dust and “degradation,” with only one gtruggle for her elevation ? Is she fallen so low that she cannot, by dint of argument, by the power of the press, by the most strenuous effort of her sons, be nroused even to feel an insult1 Then, tn God’s name, let us aban don her. Let us go to a land we are not ashamed of. f etus disown and repudiate her. But if she have a spark of honor unex- tinguislied, let us try to kindle it to a blaze. At least, while her sister States have not met in Council, let us try to keep honor alive, in tho hope she may catch the flame from them. But we must defer to another time any lurlher comment upon Gov. McDonald’" briskly retreating letter. We have seen where he was—where ho is—which way his tracks once pointed— which way they now point. la he sincere in backing out! Does he really mean to leave his own State “degra ded ?” We have no use for a man who believing her so is willing to leave her ao. But on tho other hand. Is he honest With the retraction on his lips, would he still prefer disonion to the Compromise ? Is the issue the means, different from the issue ho speaks ? Then he is not fit to bo trusted even by those who a^ree with him in sentiment; we care not which horn of the dilemma his ad herents take, whether he honestly intends leave Georgia in a state of degradation, or whether he is afraid to make a manly, hon est issue. One horn or the other they must take. Washington, June 23, 1851. supreme. In some cases, however, it is not so easy to draw the dividing line between the tights ot the States and of the Federal Government. Lilfe the sunshine and the shadow, it is difficult to say where the one ends and the other begins. In this region of twilight and doubt, it is the duty of the par ties to refer their differences to the umpire TheDootrme of Secession Examined The Secessionists iusist that a State may secede from tho Union by virtue of its sov- ereighty, and with or without cause. Should it become tired of the Union and desire a change of air, they claim that it may pack up and go out, notwithstanding the secedini State itself may admit theie is no ground o complaint. They also affirm, that the Un ionists are consoiidationists, aud that they deny to a State the right to secede for any cause whatever. We propose to examine this doctrine of Peaceable Secession, and to define the position of the Uniou parly, so far as we understand it—premising that all we ask of the readers is to peruse obr remarks to the eud before he makes up his decision, and of such of oui cotempornries as may comment on them, is to give them a place in their columns and we will do the same with their remarks. Sovereignly in this' country is divided be tween the States and the Federal Govern ment. When the Union was formed, the States yielded up certain rights which are enumerated in the Constitution, and retained certain other rights to themselves. Within the limit of the tights thus yielded up, the Federal Government is supreme—the Con stitution-of the United States and the laws nd treaties made in pursuance thereof being —aSHRI ,...^ eme law of the land,’ ties to refer their diflerences to the umpire which they have mutually appointed. - When the Stales adopted the Federal Constitution, and entered the Union, they bound them selves, and the General Government bound' itself, to Bubmit their disputes to the Su preme Court. It will not answer to say, that Court hits become' demoralized and would not render justice to the States; there is not a more upright, or more fearless and independent tribunal upon the earth. It is beyond the influence either of the Govern ment or the States. Standing between the two, it is more deeply interested than either in preserving the equilibrium between them The States and General Government, not un like centrifugal and centripetal forces, ever drawing in opposite directions, will always counteract each other, and where they do not, the Supreme Court will not hesitate to restore them to their proper spheres. As a general rule, those who throw suspicion on that tribunal, are such as do not respect the laws of the land and are bent on revolution. It is our duty, therefore, as well as our great privilege, to subject all doubtful laws of Congress and of the States to the ordeal of the Supreme Court. If it decide that a law of Congress is constitutional, we should submit; if unconstitutional, then it is null and void. In like manner, if it decide that a State law is constitutional, the General Gov ernment must submit; if not constitutional, then it is of no effect. This is the only le gal course, and any other is revolutionary. ose, however, the Federal Govcrn- mentVhould violate the Constitution in a manner to threaten our safety and existence, and should manifestly heap upon us degrad ing and intolerable oppressions—what then? We answer—throw off the Government, re sist it by sword and by fire, and establish new sale-guards for future security. When the Government becomes n curse—au ojt*. nressor—a corrupt and bloody tyrant, let »t be destroyed. The people have never sur rendered, and can never surrender, the right of self-preservation—the inestimable tight to resist tyranny This, however, is a revolu tionary and not a peaceable right. To be a peaceable right, it must be exercised through the ballot box and not by the sword. Consider the Constitution in the light of a simple contract: has one party the right to set aside that contract fcoui mere caprice nnd blind the other party by its judgment ? If so, has not the other party the right to do the same ? If a State disregard the Consti tution and reject the Supreme Court, the appointed tribunal for the adjudication of such disputes, may not the remaining thirty States do the same ? Mr. Legare, of South Carolina, one of the profoundest and most brilliant jurists the country ever produced, said they might, it should be remembered too, that the State Governments and the Na tional Government were orduiued by the same people, and if the people can renounce the one, they can also renounce the other. We hold that they can renounce either or both- but there are only two ways of doing it: One is by the Ballot Hex, the other hy the Sword. One is Peaceable, the other Revolutionary. There is no such middle ground as that of Peaceable .Secession. Stales are every year changing their Constitutions by the ballot box, nnd the National Congress has more than once altered and amended the Federal Constitution by the same means. This is the universal war, the only exception being where the sword is substituted, as it was feared would be done some years ago in Rhode Island. It is the merest humbug t'neiefore to talk about peaceable secession. Whoever heaid of a government being overturned ai d its em pire dismembered peaceably I The right claimed by the Secessionists valueless even <f well founded—for sooner or later would be decided by the arbitrament of the sword 'Where constitutions end, revolution be- 'in.” Will it be contended that California or which so much blood and treasure were expended, has the right peaceably to secede now that the is out of the elutches of Mexi co and in the Union f If Georgia, one of the old thirteen States, may withdraw at discretion, so may California, the youngest of the thirty-one. The admission of such a right would have authorized California to leave the Union the day after she was ad mitted, and to cheat us of all the territory for which we spent so much blood and mon ey. So with Texas and other new States. Canada, Cuba, the Mexican and South American States, would be very glad to take shelter in the Union against their oppressors, if they may peaceably withdraw when the storm is over, and establish governments for themselves. We would do all the fighting, and bear ail the expenses, while they would enjoy all the benefits. The doctrine of Stale sovreignty has been carried to an extreme by the Secessionists, just as the doctrine of unlimited Federa Sovereignty has by the Consoiidationists. The true ground ties between the two. For example : the Secessionists, in the State Convention of December, objected to that part of the fifth resolution which made it the duty of the Federal authorities to enforce the fugitive slave law. They contended that the Government could not execute any law in a State, however constitutional, against the will ol that State. In other words, they contended that when a slave escaped to Massachusetts, the authorities at Washing ton could not arrest him and remand i im to his owner without her permission ! This carrying Slate rights to as ridiculous an ex treme as Don Quixote carried chivalry These same men would hold that Massachu setts has the right, “by virtue of its indepen dence and sovereignty,” as Gov. McDonald says, to secede from the Union on account of the fugitive slave law, or without any cause whatever. On the same ground, the north ern States may withdraw because Congress will not improve their rivers. Pennsylva nia and the New-England States may do likewise because they do not get all the pro tection they desire. So may Carolina be cause she does not like the Compromise— and Louisiana, because Congress- will not keep up her levies on the Mississippi—and Texas, because the Indians on her frontier are not exterminated—aud Florida, because the reefs on her coast are not dug down and her score of Indians removed to the West. Indeed, if the Secessionists are right, the .Union is a mere rope of sand, and the thirty- se it may fajl aisun- The true doctrine for the South is embo died in the following resolution of theGeoi- gia Convention ana the accompanying ex tract from Mr. Cobb's letter : Fourthly, That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of this Convention, will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, ary action of Congress, upon the subject of slavery in the District of Colum bia, or in placet subject to the jurisdiction of Congress; incompatible with the safety, do mestic tranquility, the rights and the honor of the slave-holding states; or any act sup pressing the slave-trade between slatehold ing states; or any refusal to admit as a state any territory hereafter applying because of the existence of slavery therein; or any act pro hibiting the introduction of slaves into the territories of Utah and New Mexico; or any act repealing or materially modifying the laws now in force for the recovery of fugi tive slaves. , Mr. Cobb, in his letter of acceptance, says: Should, however, the time arrive when the conditions of her (Georgia,) remaining in the confederacy are degradation and inequal ity, I should be prepared with her, “to re sist, with all the means which a favoring Providence may place at her disposal,” even “(as a hst resort,) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to tha Union,” any and every power that seeks to put upon her such debasing terms. Nor nm 1 particular by what name this resistence may be character ized—whether secession, revolution, or any thing else—for no one can for a moment doubt, that should this fearful collision ever come, the issue will be decided only by the arbitrament of the Nword. Where constitu tions end, revolutions begin. Here is the plntfortn not merely of the Union party of Georgia, but of the Union party of the whole South. It is moreovei the true platform. It avoids the rocks nnd quicksands of disunion, (unless in case ol defence,) on the one hand, and of the re morseless and ever-craving maelstorm of consolidation, on the other. It recognises the inalienable right of a people to protect themselves against intolerable oppression; arid still it denies the dangerous heresy of leaceable secession claimed by tl e disunion- sls, and the equally dangerous powers claim ed for the General Government by the con- solidationist. To say therefore, that the Uniou party of Georgia, or its candidate, is opposed to the withdrawal of a State from the Union for any cause, is to say what is false. Thai party totally repudiates the monstrous doctrine of consolidation It holds the right of the States nnd the rights ot the Federal Government as they sie defin ed by the Constitution, and is the enemy alike if a central despotism and a State des potism.—Sav. Rep. THE COURIER. Mr. Coos is now upon tour In South-western Geor gia, and has mode several speeches which hnve hed a good effect. We would Im happy to have him visit Upper Georgia, Canvass for Congress The nominations for Congress tn this District are now over and the result is before the people. Of the candidates of the reepeotive parties, oar position es a political Editor compels us to spook. It la our duty to csnvnu their claims to the station which they seek, to publish to the world the opinions which they may avow upon public measures, and to aid the constituen cy of this district In choosing, understsndfngly, the agent whots to serve them for the ensuing two years. These obligations we sh U endeavor fairly amt dispas sionately to discharge, without the slightest persona? animosity towards either of (he aspirants. Indeed, there is no neceeslty for pereonal abuse and demotion, as the auffraee of every voter should depend upon the political opinions avowed by the candidates, sir fairly attributable to them from their associations. The candidates are the representatives of certain opinions | the embodiment of principles, Snd their pa'sonel merits or thmerlts ere of little Importance to the issue. The man who believes thsl the perpetu al union of Diets States Is pntsmnunt to alt other questions; end that that Union is endangered by the open ettneks of enemiee or the covert machinations of pretended friends, will not too critically judge the agent who Is to avert the danger nnd restore peuce and security. Nor will hr who desires the overthrow of the Government by open revolution,nr by theanar- chy of secession, slop to enquire whether the instru ment which effects it is drown from the niniory of his opponents or forged by his own hands. At no for mer period has the mere pertonel of the candidates bten of less moment; and we should be most happy to conduct the entire canvets in view or this fact.— Gut we have no idea th-t tills pleasure will be allow ed us Indications which cannot be miatuken, admon ish us that personal abuse, neftmnbon and ridicule will he employed to dufeni the election of site Union candidate ; that unmindful of ths advice long ego given to the occupants of glass houses, his adversaries will assail him w th unjustifiable missiles. We de precate these means from s sense of propriety, but not from any fenr of the result. We are prepared at all points, and we notify our opponents in advance, that If such ■ course be persisted tn we shall wage no Par thian warfare; the seat of hostilities will be transfer red to Afrits, and If the waters of the Danube have not more than Stygian virtue, vulnerable points may still be found upon the person of Achillas. , NOMINATION We are pleased to see that Col. Lewis Tumlin has been nominated as the Union candidate for the Senatorial district compos ed of Cass and Paulding, and. Dr. Slaughter of Marietta for the district composed of Cobb and Cherokee. W. T. Wofford, Esq. and Dr. W. H. Fel- lon, have been nominated as union candidates from Cass, for the lower branch of the legis lature. Thos. Bytd from Gordon. Excel lent aelectiona, all which will bt ratified by people in October next. THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 10,1851 J. KNOWLES, EDITOR. NOMINATIONS OF Till CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY. HON. For Governor- HOW ELL COBB, For Congress. COL. E. W. CHASTAIN, Of Gilmer. THE CAMPAIGN AND THE COURIER The campaign has fairly opened—the two parties have selected their respective leaders anti unfurled their banners tn the wind. The conflict will be novel and exciting, conducted however, we trust, in good nature and cour tesy. Upon the new issue, Greek will meet Greek, and old Democrats and old Whigs will be found side by side, shoulder to shoul der, battling for the Constitution and the Un Both will v ant, and must have inteili getice and intelligence of a reliable kind. This the COURIER proposes to furnish at reduc ed, prices. We say to our friends every where, aid in the circulation of the “Rome Courier.’’ Let every‘subscriber become an agent, acd send ns forthwith n handsome list. The enemy is upon the alert, let us be prepared to meet him. To those who subscribe for the year, the terms are unchanged. To those tvho’sub- scribe for the campaign, (from the first of Ju ly to the last of October,) the following rates will be charged. Single Copies 75 cts. 5 Copies for $3 00 10 Copies for 5 00 Let our friends in Paulding, Chattooga, Walker, Dade, Murray, Gordon, &c. aid in extending the circulation of the Courier. No Postasi.—The Courier will hereafter go free of Postage to Subscribers living in the county; and for 90 cents per year to all living within 00 miles. Senatorial Convention. In our paper of the third instant we nam ed the first Saturday in August as the day for the meeting of the Senatorial Conven er this district (the 47th,j composed of the counties of Floyd, Chattooga and Gordon Since that time we have learned that the day fixed upon by the meeting in Gordon was THURSDAY THE 31ST, OF JULY and we -arneatly hope that all misunder standing on the subject will end. Let the delegates from the "arious districts of the three counties meet there, at the California Springs on the 31st of July to make the Nomination, At the same time & place, we understand there will be a free barbacue given to the delegates and to ail other peraous who may wish to be present aud witness their delibera tions. Sympathy in a good cause and the hospitalities of the occasion, will, we doubt not attract a large assemblage. Col. Chastain the Union Candidate for Congress in the Fifth district, will also be present, and address the people upon the prominent topics of the day. Let us have a full gathering of Union loving Patriots to “set the ball in motion.” Tbs attention of the reader is directed to the notice W ipjj| 0 ] " " s sdvertjjmg columns. | Rome Georgia and its Rail Roads. At this moment Georgia presents n spectscle of wonderfi I progress In the prosecution snd consumma tion of all those varied pursuits nnd improvements which tend to happiness snd renown. The Isp.o of s few brief years has wrought a mighty change in the Spirit of her dream," and the prospects of every clsssof her enterprising citisens. Nothing has con tributed so much to give herfameend influence abroad, and prosperity nnd thrift at home as her liberal sys tem of internal improvements. Agriculture, com merce, insnufectnres, snd even the arts snd sciences, have received a new nnd healthful impulse from this system. And yet we are now but beginning to real ise the benefit# these greet achievements nre destined to confer upon the State, if properly directed and controlled. When all the rs il-roads within her limits, already constructed, or in process of construction, thoroughly repair, d and fully equipped, slintl be in suceesslut operation, our State will present a scene of sctivliy snd busier.s delightful to look upon. In selecting their representatives to the next Legl; Inturc, the people should be careful to elect those, nnd tho-e only, who will liberally promote snd prudently guard this great interest. Death ol Vf. 0. Pope- The unexpected demise of this estimnble gentleman on Thursday evening last, spread universal gloom over our entire community end excited universal re gret. During the few brief yearn he had resided in onr city, he hnd, by his uniformly urbane and upright deportment—by his zeal and liberality in the forma tion of every laudable enterprise, drawn around him a In rue circle of deeply attached friends snd admirers. With an untarnished name, he had just (entered upon a course of extensive usefulness, with fnlr prospects of success, when at the early nge of 93. he has been ar. rested by the hand of death. His less will be deeply felt and deplored by the Vieihodiat Church in this place, of which he wae nr, official member, and olso by the "Coosa Lodge,” in which he had long been an officer, and an efficient promoter of its intercts. Ills remains were followed to the grave by a large con course, snd with the usual musonio rites, and amid the tears of soirowing fnsnds, he was consignod to the house “appointed for the living." As n just tribute to the memory and worth of our d parted friend, the stores were closed end business generally suspended on the efternoon of his funeral obsequies. Few young men have lived more generally loved ; few have died more universally regretted. Peaceful bo his quiet slumbers!—fragrant be his memory 1 Below will be found the nemes of the delegates sp. pointed from tills county to the Senatorial Convention st the Floyd Springs, on the 31st inst. We hope that two delegates from each Militia district In Floyd Chattooga nnd Gordon counties will he found, with out fhil at the above named time and place, prepared in the spirit of conciliation and compromise, to select e euiisble Senatorial Candidate. We take this occnsion to say to our Union friends in Cherokee Georgia, e.very whore—be diUigent, be active, be prudent. Our opponents will make a des perate effort to carry this Congressional District. The man who they tried to hiss down and shout down at Macon and Kingston, Is now put up as a decoy candi date, to secure votes for McDonuld and Secession.— Avaiiibility nnd humbupgery are their tactics now, and if they succeed in this, disunion snd revolution hereafter. We hope Mr. Stiles wilt respect himself too much to become the supie plaything of such a party, and de-line the (aided bait proffered by such questionable hands. If he is truly a Union man, he will do nothing to weaken the Union Party. We shall see. Etowah Dlst.—Frank. W. Ayer nnd Brysn Allen. Wattersdlut.—Dr.W.C. Brandon, Burnell Ayeock. Californ is dlst.—Rolin Speers, Thompson M. Hen son. Dirt Town dist Jesse New, end Willis Sillmnn. N. Cnrolinn d'st.—Thoe. S. Price, Wnt. Berryhill. Cave Spring dist.—Matthews Ellis, K. P. Simmons. Vann’e Valley dist.—John Guffin, James M. P, .Bennett Lawrence, Job Rogers, isb—aS.BIsek.Ni-' ~ ' Coincidence and Contrast If the whole world coaid preeent n nation with a better form of government than onr own—with wiser lawe, freer instltutkits, civil and religious, greater progress In all that ennobles and elevates and renders happy and prosperous a great and glorious people, tlien might we excuse the infatuation and wickedness that would combine to demolish the glorious fabric reared by tin immortal Washington am) his illustri ous compatriots. But where shill yre find such aspec'. taole in ths who’s history of tie past, in the whole " aspect of the present or in tho reasonable anticipa tions of ths future t And Will not a people' thus hon- ored and thus blessed—that dignified, envied, admir ed nnd praised abrpsd, pause tad ponder wall before, at the bidding or’the captions and .seditious, they plnnge Into the dark abyss of untried experiments.—- Let them again-aiid again, contemplate tha magntflV cent picture of 9J millions of freemen, held together (not “by the cohesive paivefof public plunder,") bud by mutual esteem and confidence—by mutual re* ! ‘ gard lor the Constitution andUvvs under the Goustl--. ration—by ties' of common Interest and general secu rity—by love to God and lovo of country, and love of liberty—let them, we say, oomemplstu this spectacle'’ of n mighty people, without force or feat of arm*, car rying' out their own high destiny, and then tarn lo> the old, rotton, nnd to ttertng, and tumbling kingdoms of the “Old World "and draw the contrast. It ap pears by the following extract of a Paris correspon- dent, that the people of Europe,- at Icost, are doing 1 this themselves. Shall wo deface and disniember the ' model, and thus destroy pur own bright' liopes,' and leave tho world without a beacon t?'Heaven forbid U t “The colm ideuce of the. inauguration of the two railways, the Erie and tire Dijon branch, by tho Chief. Magistrates of France and the United States, was too striking to bo allowed to pass' unnoticed.' I cannot forbrar l tmslating a p stage or twoXomtbo A’alionaf upon the subject. The article l» entitled the "Two Presld ms.” “We teceivcd yesterday Atnercm papers contain-' lag dentils or tho inauguration of the. Eric Railway by President Fillmore ; at Hie same moment we were serding off by the Humboldt oar own journal, narrat ing the opening of the Dijon road by .Prcaldent Bona- purte. “We wilt not again al'ude to the difference between Mr. rillmore, surrounded, without let or hindrance, in til tho towns that he v,sited by orowds of persons of every class, snd Mr. Bonaparte entering between lines 01 soldiers und gens d’srmes, who permit a near er approach only to official personages. We will not contrast the unanimous acclamations of a people honoring iuelf in the person of its Chief Magistrate, with the drunken shouts ol the remains of illegal so cieties... ..... Such is the man .(Mr; Fillmore) who modestly deollnes the honors bestowed upon him by his fellow citizens, and who attributes to others the merit of tbs nets accomplished during his Presidency. An able statesman himself, he did not seek to compose a Cabinet of inf rtormrn, who might execute Ids will and accent nnd Ibllow his personal'policy; he sur rounded himself with tho great mindi of the country p ho listened to their counsel, and asked or them their inspiration. He did not, impelled by a dogged pride. Impose upon them-his own ideas, but found Ills glory in putting in practice those which experience amt pstnotiem dictated to the' eminent men of hi* Cabinet s nnd in the face of the people openly declare ' tvhnt pirt of the honor of bis administration be- iged of right to them." LUMPKIN AND MILLER. Allusions have been made time and again to the meeting held in Rome for the pur pose of appointing delegates to a Convention tp he held in Caasyille to nominate two can didates for election, as delegates of the fifth Congressional district to the Nashville Con vention. It has been alluded to in certain quarters for the purpose of establishingThe fact, that Judge LimpRiN, the Chairman’o( the Floyd county meeting, and Dr. H. 'V.' M. Miller, the author of the resolution*, adopted by that meeting, were in favor'st that time of the proposed Nashville Conven tion. Suppose ail this had been true, it dd.ee not convict these gentlemen or any other* who were in that meeting, with favoring the- wild nnd revolutionary projects favored by that Convention, after its assemblage. Bub we undertake to say, and are capable of es tablishing the fact, that both of these gentle men were opposed to the Nashville Conven tion from the outset, and apprehended'evil consequences to the South from the spirit! who had influenced, and who would' in probability control the deliberations'of' that- body. II those who make this charge would' reflect for a single moment on the conditioa . of the country and the state of the question, at that time, thoy would not make this charge- The Legislature of Georgia had just then, adjourned, after declaring in behalf of the- State of Georgia or the people whom they represent, that delegates should be sent to the Nashville Convention from the State of' Georgia. Four delegates were elected, twfr from each of the two old political parlies by the Legislature to represent the State ab large, nnd provision was made by an act of the Legislature, that elections should be he’d- io each Congressional district, and two dele gates, one from each of the. old, parties, should be elected by the people or their r* presentatives to. that Convention- ‘ Nor mi. this all; the sameact provided, that in. event no delegates were elected, or should those elected refuse to’Tfls^v'e; the law con' ferred upon Governor Towns the abthoritf to appoint delegates to represent, the peopn of each district in that Convention. Legislature and the Governor had not ohl) declared in fi<vor of being fepresented in th convention, but they had made their arrang ments for the State to be fully represent* whether the people of the State desired it not. They had not left the question open j be discussed whether it was proper to I presented. And all that was left to ti consider, and all that was considered, shall we send' conservatives and frient the Union or shall we have as our t tatives open and avowed disunionisti so far as thp fifth Congressional concerned, our representatives did i to leave to us the poor privilege of m*F r selection of our own representatives.. had nominated before the adjournm Legislature, one of their own body,,; distinguished himselt for his extreiij and disorganizing views; as a suitah date to be voted for as a deleg^ Nashville Convention. And so | rage upon the rights of the ca^‘ this regarded, that the peopiaC ly in all the counties, Cassville to nominate- objectionable that