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id UfcHrt i'd’k 1 '- s - 6] - I : Hf '■**«’ r '* VOLUME 6. ROME, GA., AUGUST 14, 1851. _ I 4**.. SMjS NUMBER 45. almitm THE ROME COURIER ib 1’t'EUSIIED EVERY THURSDAY MORNIq BY A. n. EDDLEMAJI. TERNS. wml.fi months'i 'or Tlirco Uollurs ut tile end of tlio year. llntea ol A4«er'tl,ln(. Lkoal' ADVckTiatthtesTa will bo Inaortcd. with atrlot attention to the requltementa of the law, at tlio following rates t Four Months Notice, - • • Notice to Debtors and Creditors, Sale' ol Personal Proporty, by Exccu- ^iSfo»%day., per square, Letters of Citation, • • ■ • Notice for Lettors of Dismission, $4 00 .3 25 5 00 CandidatPS announcing their, names, will bo Charged SS 00, wlilob.will be required In advance. Husbiinds advertisingthulr wives, will bo charged ®5 00; wliloh must always bo paid In advance^ AH other advertisements will be Insorted at One bollar nor square, iff twelfo lines or loss, for tlio Hrst, and Filly Gouts, for ouoli subsequent Insor k, °Llboral deduotlons wlllbomade in favor oflboso \rbo advertise by tbo year. BttSISBSS CAKPS. B. W. BOSS, DENTIST. Rome, Georgia......OfficeoverN. J. Omberg'3 Clothing Store. January 16,1851. FRANCIS X. ALLEN, WHOLESALE and retail Dealer in Staple and Fancy DRY GOODS AND GROCDRIES. (jc$» Receives new goods every week. Rome; Go., January 3, 1851. . From tlio Charleston Courier. Cu.nperulloii shown lobe niutucoi* •ary mid iitjiiribns—and Washing* ton a decent man enough in his way. I suggested lately, with much hesitation, to one of thy numerous secession friend* who have not'tarried long enough at Jericho; that whatever the causes may be for complaint and indignation on the part of South-Cnroli- na against the Federal Government, they are common to the whole South. The insult, the injury, the oppression that we denounce they also are exposed to. The corruptions that'slink in the ndstrils of our secesssion men—to use their own fastidious phrases’— present the same vile smells to tho noses of Virginia and Georgia. Would it not be, 1 said, mere common civility and decent, not to say, well bred deference to our older or ,er neighbours, to wait until they are ready to-act with us ? We have more than in war, and their councils in peace were clever enough in their way—that the respec table revolutionary folks, suited theif times and purposes very well, hut if now olive, they would bo quite behind the age—that, when Washington and his compatriots talked so solemnly of the perpetuity of the Union, they meant sixty years—that their govern ment, in truth, is a blunder and a humbug— the Union they blieved to he a blessing is a curse—that they were mistaken in being so anxious to preserve the State from civil war, nothing can conduce so much to their glory and advantage os civil war, and it is pittiful and contemptible to be afraid of it—that our ancestors hod their Revolution for good and sufficient causes, as set fourth in their De claration, and we, as worthy sons of our sires, and cleverer than they, must have ours fur- no causo at oil—that Washington was in er ror when he represented the interests of the different Stales as compatible and when : he LIN & UKANTLY. WARE HOUSE, CJMMI8SI0N & PRODUCE MU IIUH ANTS, Atlanta, Ga. (^Liberal udviiuces made on any article in Store. Nov. 28,1850, >y A. it. KING Ac CO. COTTO V GiN MANUFACTURE IS Rome, Georgia. Mny 0. 1850. ALliXANUEIl A TRlJIMBa, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ROME, GA. NoV.38, 1850. ly. UOMAS 1IASOKMAN. y \ OlUeLM V. HAMILTON. HAMILTON A HARDEMAN, Factors & (LauUffci Jl^rcliiiits, SAVANT All, QEOB.aU Oot. 3, 1850, 1 IQ” OHAALKE r HAMILTON. ) < TUOMAS HASDEM.N ’ HARDEMAN Sc HAMILTON, Warehouse & Commission Merchants, MACON, QEORQIA. Oot 3, I860. 1 12m ' PATTON At PATTON, ATTORNEYS at law, |. - Rome, Geoigia. WILT; Practice in till the Countiesof tbo Chore koeOlromt 48 Sept. 5, 1850. I A. K. PATTON. j.F. FATTOX. f<b. : ' , , 4) , f r 1 W r * W I. M R * “ attorney at law, Rome, Georgia. Kcrsa to . Hon. u f. voutbii, chaolsston, s. o., or at oavesi'KIno, on. Hon W. II.L'N.lsilWOOD, HOME. OA. ' ire linn, william khard, deoatur, oa. July.lit 18,11' »y O. XV. BEALL, draper and tailor, Broad Street. v .,,Rome, Ga. October 10. 1850. ' • J , D . IV* C K E it SON, DRUGGIST—ROME, GEORGIA. ' WHOLESALE anb retail dealer in DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE. STUFFS, PERFUMERY, Sio. Ootobor 10, 1850 Broad Strict. rcouSL ATTORNKYS AT LAW, o Ei Rome, Georgia. Fob. \% 1851. HOLL AND HOUSE, ATLANTA, GEORGIA- Brick Hotel, neat the Htul rpHIS lArge oml Now .■ X Itoad Depot, is now opened, it will bo kept in such stylo that visitors will not forgot to stop.ag.in 'Passengers on tho care will have mote than ample time to’partake of the good meals always In readi- neat ai the arrival of each train. Persons visiting the City, and Btopplng at the Holland House, can got in formation and assistance in business; nnd pitas off their leisure hours in nmuaements connected with the Hmia« He Post Office, Bonk Agency, Brokers and othsr Important offices Will be in .he Holland House. Reference—Any one who has or may step one time. A, R. KEIiLAM, Proprietor. \YM. 11. UNDERWOODb J. W. II. UNDERWOOD. ; WILL PRACTICE LAW I N-all'the Counties of-the Cherokee Circuit, (ex cept Dade). They will both personally attend all thaOourts. J.,W. H. UNDERWOOD will attend Courts of JttcUsan and Hnhetsham counties of the stem Circuit. Both will attend tho sessions of the SUPREME COURT at Cassvllle und GoinesviUe.— ,11 business -ntrusted to them will he promptly and illhfnlly attended to. , OFFICE next door to Hooper Sc illitehcll, "Buena rlna'Hbusb,” Rome, Go.,at whloh place one or both rill always bo found; eXcept absent on professional Mness. ' > • a3 * 1P51 ]W COTTON GINS AT BORE, GA bTWlTHSTAfJblNG out Shop has been des. “■eyed twice within the last two yeara, onoe by nd once by fire, we tire again manufacturing «rior Cotton pitta, and have prepared oarselve . jny amonpt of orders with wAlch we may be qed. We nre riot mailing i.'rcmium Gins, or Wn- iox Gins, nor do we claim -all the experience that qalredindheurtof Gin making, but we 8S»f_ I pir day day with tlietn A. D. king & CO. uwv wo k>8l “y*«‘.we «? wf»f» tv e>da with any made Ip the Uni te price, andcompefeqnnl tynnd once said that he would ; that we have too much respect for their high, character and position to desire to become the leader in re sisting attacks made upon our common rights -,'that we are content to follow their footsteps, to imitate their examples, and we accordingly pledged ourselves to do so in 1848. f was told, in a patronising whisper, that all such pledges were mere fudge, soft sawder, springes to catch wood cocks, lures for shy birds, baits for gudgeous; and he must be a goose who understood them other wise ; that as they have not succeeded in winning the parties to our purpose*, they may be abandoned as unless and trouble- some; thut ill truth nobody supposes for a moment—nobody whose opinion is worth six-pence—that any people but the people of South-Carolina have any just understanding of Southern rights or wrongs, and the way to defend or redress them ; that toe only have set at the feet of Gamaliel, and are therefore alone entitled to * he honor of act ing (he port of chief and champion in the secession enterprise ; thot as tbo State of Virginia, Nurth-Carolino and Georgia, are so stupid to see the only remedy, nr so corrupt, from the influence of the Federal Govern ment, as to have become traitors, dastards, and submissionisls after all their vaunted re solutions to join Soutli-Carolino, in tearing to pieces the rascally Union, we must abandor) them to tiieir folly, cowardice, and treason, and act alone. It the South is to be defend ed, it is by the patriots only of South Caroli' nn. We want no help. Our school boys and cade's, or women, may storm Fort Moul trie or Castle Pinckney, whilst our men march upon Washington or conquer Califor nia. If any onedoubts this let him look to our Fourth of July toasts and speeches, and see there the certain prelude and evidence of our tuture exploits. Indeed it has been proved conclusively by the only Orator of Prince Williams, that it would be a misfortune if we had even one State to assist us—it would spoil the solu lion ofthe problem by which we intend to prove that, in establishing a perpetual Union, the wise men of ’88 held it to be essentia to that perpetuity that each State should have the power and right to puli the Union to pieces whenever it might think it fit.— The embarrassments ol the old Confederacy made them well aware that nothing contri butes so much tu the stability of a Govern ment os the ease with which any one may destroy it. The prespnt Government was therefore so arranged. Away then with alt scruples apprehen sions, and delays, tear away, pull down scatter to the winds the vile Government which poor old Washington and his sim pie friends valued so highly, and which simpletons abroad and at home still believe to tie the best in the world. We will solve the hitherto insoluble problem which has puzzled all Statesmen, nnd teach mankind how to maintain the liberties ofa State, and secure its prosperity without arms, without money, without credit or influence of any kind. We will instruct all Nations in the homoepathic political science at least, and show them how to preserve the health of the body politic by infuiitismal pills of all those matters which are thought to be need ful to ils vigour and well being—by a very small army, a very small navy, and a very small revenue, and a very little influence, at any time, with any body. It was impossible for me to hear such vigorous exhortations to destroy, regardless of consequences, without admiring the ener gy of my secession friend and his brother leaders. They not only have the singular good fortune to surpass Lord Peter, the head of the house, in the admirable art of plain reasoning, as 1 have already shown, but they equal bro'her Jack in his resolute, root and-branch manner redressing a wrong, or reforming an abuse. They will have no delay. They cry out,as he did to brother Martin, who wbs sluggish and backward, “Strip, tear, pu'.l, playoff, rend, rip up, for the love of heaven—never mind, so you do but teat away.” “Down with the Union, no matter what comes—civil war, extermi nation, annihilation—never mind, so you do but overturn the deteslible confederacy that the ould revolutionary simpletons have fast ened upon us. Notwithstanding my admiration of so much vigor and decission, l could not approve the cnnlemotuous way of treating the great men ofthe Revolution. Although not a very old man, I have some old-fashioned notions. — Washington and Franklin, and Henry and Pinckney and the rest are household words to me. I remember their deeds in war and in peace, I reverence, especially, the vir tue and wisdom by which they were able to complete the great conversative work of constructing a Federal Government, without which, the successful remit from England would have been a ctirse, and not a benefit to the country, and, therefore, 1 expressed to my ardent friend some small respect for the men, and the Constitution of their contriving, and some unwillingness to see it destroyed. I was regarded, with a' look of compassion, as evidently in my dotage, and told, - with a smite of concious superiority, that the seces- iun gentlemen have themselves a sort of re- ese old people—that their exploits recommended that the Union should, there fore be cherished ; the reverse is true, their interests are irreconcilable it being im possible for those who produce cotton and rice to be associated in the same Govern ment with those to wear the one und eat the other—-they nre natural enemies. My friend added that this conscious su- perority ofihe seccssien men over those of the Revolution, is the strongest proof of their greater wisdom and courage. It is the con- ident self-appreciation of true genius, and ought to be submitted to by all men. CURT1US. From the Charleston Courier. . “It In doubt, IlHht ’'-Biuffion Tonal, 4«h .lulr-Tho way In XThlcb the Texan nltnlr Injured South-Carollnia properly explained. Notwiihslnnding the strong impression mode upon me by my energetic young friend of the secession party, and my admiratiou of Ihe manner in which he proved how greatly the men of the pre«ont time excel those of the post, I was still far from being convinced that the causes alleged for his enterprise were sufficiently weighty. Indeed, ] began to feel somewhnt impatient at the perempto ry manner in which lie demanded an implicit assent to each one of his statements. With all my efforts, I could not understand the na ture of those things which are called aggres sions of the Federal Government. I had not the clairvoyance necessary for discerning them. I desired, therefore, that he would cease fora season from playing the parts of Lord Peter, and explain in a common way, fur the benefit of farmers and laboring men, what those wrong* are, under which the State is suffering. I feel no di minution, as one ol her citizens, of my rights under the Constitution. I enjoy the same proportionate influence in the State and in the United States as lhave done heretofore; my person, my prosperity, my pursuits are quite as much protected as formerly. If I am wronged, degraded, insulted, how has all this been done ? How has it been brought about without my feelings knowing it f Are all the States under a sort of mesmeric in fluence ? Has chloroform been administered to the whole South, except South Carolina ? It is not enough to tell me that I am obtuse, insensible, spiritless, nnd therefore to see, feel, or resist. I insist on being informed, and not being compelled to swallow the dog mas of any man, however great a patriot he may he—although claiming superior wisdom to that of Franklin or Washington. Indeed, just in proportion to the frequency and confi dence with which (he secession patriots in sist on their superior honor, houesty and cou rage, I am inclined to reflect that it is not and the wrongs inflicted by them on our State. , Inthefirsi place then, there is wrong number one—the sale of lands by Texas to the Government. But, I replied where is the wrong done to South-Carolina 1 Was the land ours.? Was not the case simply this'/ Thu people of .Texas held certain lands. It was doubted whether they belong ed to Texas. A collision was apprehended between Texas and the United States, be cause ot this doubt. To settle the contro- > ersy, a compromise was made. Texas sold tho lando, the United States bought them. The difficulty was adjusted, and civ il war was avoided. That is the very' thing, my friend replied —you have said it—that adjustment of the difficulty—that avoidance of civil war is what makes the wrong done to South-Caroli na. But for that atrocious arrangement of the.dispute our distinguished seceaers,. who have a decided fondness for a strong excite ment, would have had n very pretty oppor tunity for indulging their favorite fancy. It deprived them of the ploasure, in the first place, which lookers on always take in a vig orous conflict of any kind. It gave them the same reason to complain which the neighbors and especially the lawyers always have, when two men nre disputing the title to an estate, an, 1 , one oilers and the other ac cepts a compromise, spoiling thereby a very interesting case, and tho fun and lees that might grow out uf it. It look away entirely a most promising prospect of civil war on n large scale; ana you know, our seceding friends have a marked partiality for civil war —an absolute passion for reducing the popula tion of South-Carolioa to widows and orphans —a settled taste for blood-ensanguined fields —and an inveterate propensity for dying in the last ditch. There is a certainty, my friend added, that this ditch is somewhere near Dlufflon. Ao -Alt© noblo- oniotprlno of secession began, it must end there. It is in this ditch, without any doubt, that the re nowned Van Twiller will be found, how- dah elephant and all, after exploits that would fill his great predecessor, if on Garth, with amazement and doubt. This then is the wrong done to South-Carolina. It de prived us of our laurels, and that can never be forgiven. 1 was completely silenced by this unan swerable reasoning, and the exulting dispu tant, seeing the impression he had made, clenched the argument by saying—have you any objection to the correctness or sufficien cy of this view of the subject ? What but the cause assigned could have produced the strong dissatislaction, in our Stale, with the Texas adjustment ? You dont suppose we cared a cent about the land. If you do, you know nothing about it. The land has been opened to us for a year, and not a slavehold er has ever gone there, or intends to go. CURT1US very usual, to say the least of it, for good men and brave men to boast- of their virtue or bravery; and I am induced, therefore, to demand Ihe more pertinaciously a reason for their opinions. The Sbmpronius of Cato’s little Senate, whose “voice was still for war,” was not remarkable, if the story be true, for the fidelity with which he redeem ed his pledges. The Semprona of the pres ent day prove to be as little trustworthy, even, like those of Bluflton, they profess to be eager for fights, not only when the cause is good, and the occasion a fit one, but wheu they are in utter doubt whether there be any cause or occasion at all. 1 tnay remark here, in passing, how won derful a difference there is between the mod ern doubters and their illustrious predeces sors of New-Amsterdam. The great Vouter Van Twiller, or Walter the Doubter, found the habit of doubting always calming, sooth ing, and sedative in its nature. He is des cribed, by his scrupulously-exact historian, as being “five feet six inches in height, and six feet five inches in circumference—his face of vast expanse, his cheeks seemed to take toll of everything that went in his mouth.” In Ais tune, there was no wrang ling or fighting, no public commotions or private quarrels, no parties, no schisms. He doubted, but not to fight; on the contrary, there was profound tranquility around him. It is not so with the Van Twillers of the present day. In New-Amsterdam, to doubt was to slumber; in Bluflton, to doubt is to fight. The ancient Walter, when in dubtous mood, betook himself to his pipe—the mod ern turns to his musket; the ancient involv ed his doubts in a cloud of tobacco smoke— the modern hides his in one of gunpowder. This diversity of temper and practice is the more surprising since there is I am informed, a perfect resemblance in the bodily dimen sions of the two doubters—the Van Twillers of New-Amsterdam and of Biuffion. There are the same rotundity of figure, the-same breadth of face, the same to gathering- cheeks. How, it may be asked, can he car ry out his belligerent intentions ? To walk is impossible, and no horse can charge under such a mountain of flesh. -It will be neces sary for him >o fight from a howdah, orsome war elephant, wbieh the patriotic citizens of Biuffion will, qp doubt, procure from India, in due time for-the Spring campaign My seceder friend is very good nalured, and did not mind my hesitating faith in his men or his doctrines. Is it possible, he re plied, that you can be ignorant of the uncon stitutional acts of the Federal Govern nHBf LETTER OF JUDGE ANDREWS. Washinton, July 23d, 1851. To Messrs. George Sinpleton, P. B. Connel ly, Dr. P. S. Lemle, John Alexnnder, John W. Bothwell, John P. C. Whitehead, E. B. Gresham, Bailey Carpenter and Dr. T. A. Paroons. Yours of the 4th inst., in inviting me to a public dinner to he given at Davis’ Spring, in Burke county, on the 26th inst., has been received. I shall be unable to attend. 1 am glad, gentlemen, to see you in Ihe field against the spirit that seems determined to subvert our government. There is n pow erful parly among us, propagating disaffec tion to the government, with a zeal, which if employed in diffusing Christianity among mankind, would soon christianise the world. Thoy irte but preparing the public mind for the first pretext that may offer to do that which they attempted, but failed in effect ing,Vwelve months since. So long as some hoped, and the patriot feared, the passage of the Wilmot Proviso they resolved that : “The people of the South do not ask of Congress to establish the institution of Slave ry in any of the Territories that may tie ac quired by the United States. They simply required that the inhabitants of each Territo ry shall be free to determine for themselves whether the institution of sinvery shall or will not form a part of their social system.” —(See resolutions of democratic convention at Milledgevilie, Dec. 1847, and in 1848.J When the North was almost unanimous for the proviso, and it seemed impossible to prevent its passage, the Disunionists were willing to place the existence uf the govern ment on that issue as it promised a good reason for dissolving the Union. Then, it was thought politic, and compatible with the highest state honor to resolve that “the people ot the South do not ask Congress to establish the institution of slavery in any of the Territories that may be acquired by the United States.” But now, because Con gress did not establish Slavery in New Mex ico,! a “territory that (has been) acquired by the United States,’’ the South, it would seem has been degraded. If it be degrada tion because the minority canrnSt force the majority to pass a law, sure : t was greater degradation for that minority to ask forjts passage. Then, it was thought patriotic and honorable that the South “symply require that the inhabitants of each Territory should be free to determine for themselves whether the institution ot slavery should or should not form a part of their social system.” But now, because Congress has complied with such request, hy declaring in the compromise acts that such acquired Territories should be tree to determine for themselves whether the institution of slavery shall or shall not form a part of their social system, the.South has, say the disunionists, been degraded. If so, then did the great democratic party in all its last large conventions, nsk for degra dation, ask for humiliation, ask for inequality. If it asked for what was then right honorable and patriotic, being granted, it is still right, honorable and patriotic. But being, granted, it is no longer a pretext for dissolving the Union. There is the. real objection the malcontent*. Nof 1 justice is rendered to the South, the loyalty and patriotism of her people cannot be sha ken, and it is that loyalty and fidelity to the Union, the result of, the action of the gov ernment rendered according to our own re quest, that disturbs them. Hence they ac cuse the North for passing the compromise, though a majority of the votes of the free States were against, nnd a majority of the slave States fur it. Thinking more capital can be made against the Union, by accusing ihe Yankees, they charge the North with a Southern measure. We were willing to take the Territory from Mexico ns we found it.— Such as we fought for and bought wo have. And, however right it might have boen to repea) the emancipation laws ot Mexico, no onent the South asked it, until it was thought its refusal would be n pretext for disruption. And however just it may have been, the minority cannot expect to overturn thegoverlurn, because the majority hove ta ken them at their word, and exercise their constitutional right of voting as they may think proper, now that the minority have changed their minds. The complaint is, not the majority have passed an unjust, but re fused tho passage of a, just law. Finding the case made for a dissolution ofthe Union was demolished by the North abandoning tho Wilmot Proviso, and the government granting their request, when they met nt Nashviilo, in November, 1800, the disunion ists. assumed a ground for sotting up nn inde pendent Southern Contedeiacy that could not be taken from them by concession. By the fifth resolution of (hat body, they recom mended the calling of a convention of the slave holding Slates, among other things, “to deliberate and net with the viow and inten tion of restoring the constitutional righta of the South, and if not to provide for their fu ture safety and independence.” They were vory «ni-a|'iil nnt tnatnta uilmt IhnsA consti tutional rights were. K they meant any thing, it must have been a repeal of tho com- iromise; but could they expect n Southern Convention to ask for the repeal of an act liissed by Southern votes. How expect Kentucky, Tennessee, nnd Missouri,.in con vention, tu nsk the repeal of an act that their members, in Congress, voted for, al most unanimously ? 1 presume that body meant by “the constitutional rights of the South,” every thing that could not, and should not, be granted; so that they could irovide for the future independence of the South. That wns the alternative aimed nt, and hence the other was put so as to be made unattainable. Will they say what those “constitutional rights” are, without which, the South, in fnture, is to be independent ? If the fifth resolution of that body, shows they would be satisfied with-nothing but a Southern Confederacy, the fourth, demon strates they - were regurdless of Southern Rights. The great apprehension of the South, so often put forth by the Disunion ists, has beon the prospect uf the free {Mates getting sufficient power to emancipate our slaves by legislation. They complain, ond justly, that the abolitionists hy joining the W higs, in one state, in consideration that when elected by abolition votes, they should favor abolition views; and by a similar coali tion withthe Democrats in another, have been able to convert to their policy, some of the lnrgest free States in the Union. That the abolitionists, though m the minority, were able to give the bulance of power to either of the great contending parties; nnd there force, held out a temptation irresistahle to the struggling adversaries in heated political contests It has boen a constant subject of crimination and recrimination, between the Southern Whigs and Democrats, that the few politicians of the North who-were favor able to Southern Rights, were not supported by Southern politicians; that one by one, our friends had fallen at the North before the abolition combination above alluded to, until now our friends; were almost prostrate. In this emergency tne Union iren, whether Whigs or Democrats, have combined for (he purpose of supporting that party to whom the abolitionists are opposed. That by an unanimous support of those who support Southern Rights, .we may bid defiance to ab olition aid. That against Ihe abolition mi nority, so formidable when unopposed, we may present a Southern phalanx in support of those who will support ns, andther ght to establish a power when combined, able to over-ride all abolition influence. Tito tree States having the majority, Southern Rights can be maintained only by combining South ern power with the Northern politicians who abide the Constituion, and abiding it, main votes in favor of the abolitionist*. This t* not tho way you do in your States or county elections. If you cannot get the man you wish you will lake the next beet, to defeat one vory obnoxious or dangerous. Now, if they think the political power of the aboli tionists so very dangerous and obnoxious, why not ndopt the policy to defeat them ? Let those answer,who can, if any can It is no answer, to say thut this is to be the pol icy, “unlit our constitutional rights sre se cured.” In commenting on the first portion’ ol the resolution above noticed, it is hard to restrain one’s indignation at the insolence of the authors styling themselves Southern' Rights men. But it is still harder to re strain one’s contempt for the logic of the last : part just quoted. They complain that their constitutional rights have been wrested from thorn, but will do nothing to obtain them un til restored. They complain of a grievance;- but will do nothing to redress it until it i» restored They will do nothing to obtain; this object, nay, rather work against it, and then when attained, will go to work. When their constitutional rights are secured, they go lo work to secure them. When the' grievance is redrossed, (lien they work for. redress. This in accordance with some of their Union services. Twelve months ago, when tho Union was in danger, they strove against it, but now they say the danger i* over, and profess to be its greatest friends. And who thanks them for such sunshine; friendship ? The “constitutional rights” here spoken of, I apprehend, are such as be fore noticed Something that would never be the rights when obtained. I will not bo so unfair as to say they wish' the abolition of slavery. Then we can ac count for their willingness to see the aboli tionists obtnin political power, on no other ground, than a‘belief nnd hope on the part' of the disunionists, that that pc exercised iu JBy lain our rights nnd security. Tho Nashville Convention, over which Chas. J. McDonald presided, forgetting these arguments, so often used and reiterat ed by none more than the men composing that body, resolved to stand aside and let the abolition influence d9 its work. Let if carry, by the subtle policy above alluded to every free State, which the disunionists have pretended so much to deprecate; 1 say pre tended, because if in earnest, they would join the Union men to arrest its progress, liy the fourth resolution it was resolved to “recommend to ail parties in the slavehold ing states, to reluse to go into, or countem since any National Convention whose object .(might) be to nominate candidates tor the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the Uni ted Slates, under any party denomination whatever, until our constitutional -rights are secured.” That is to . put the question practically, if one of the great parties were about to nominate Benton, John Van Buren St ward or G'ddings, and the other Bucha nan, Cass or Henry Clay, it was resolved by this body to have no lot- nor part in it. To lot the abolition influence elect Seward or Van Buren over such a man as Buchanan; when, by combining with the triends of the latter, we could defeat the’ whole abolition crew. Now who are the friends of South ern rights ? Are Udion men, who will com bine and elect a friend of the South, or -tbey who will stand aside and let the abolition- elect our enemies. It is no answer to ists say, they will vote for Rliett, or some other Southern man whom they know can power will be; MuUaiAr a dissolution'. . of the Union.” Finding the South cannot be cheated into the belief of a cause when there , is none, they hope, even at the hazzard of slavery, to have one. I know there are’ thousands of our adversaries, I believe a ma jority of them, who would be unwilling to make such a hazzard, but have committed 1 themselves to men and a party, whoae poli cy ns certainly has that tendency, as effect produces cause. Therefore, finding them 1 without a name, I have called them dia- unioists for this reason, a* well a* beceuae,- in season and out of season, here a little end' there a little, they preach and propitaget*’ disaffection to this, the bes* of all govern ments. It will not do that some, even a' majority of them, may say and even believe they are Unionists, John Van Buren; Sew- -rd, and many ofthe most dangerous aboli- tionisls, say they are Unionists too. All the opposors of the compromise North end South, except some of the extremes who' have arrivedat thocrazy itigeofdisaffection, say they aro Unionists. But it is not every one who “saith Lord, Lord, but the doer* who shall enter into the kingdom.” We know that the friends of the compromise’ North and South, are doing the work that shall save the Union, and therefore' are the’ only men entitled to the name of Unionists; The experience ot the last twelve month* having manifested to our adversaries,, that no direct attack on the Union can succeed, they now assault it under “the masked bat-. tery of Secession;” If by the election of McDonald, South Carolina can be mace be- lieve she will he supported by Georgia, secede sho will, jvhen her convention meets. Then we shall lie told the right of secession 1 was the issue of this campaign. That by the election of McDonald, we pledged our State to back the seceding State, and nil who may bo unwilling to take up arms against the flag ofthe Union will be branded as “subs ana lories.” Occasions'will be sought ro have Southern hlood shed, and then confiscation 1 and nil the machinery of revolution, will be' put in motion by men now cqljlng themselves' Unionists to drive our peOple. to conflict with our government. Let the doctrine of secession be ns strong as its advocates would have it. It is certain that Mr. McDonuld and the convention that nominated him, have given ns their reason 1 for the right of secession, the strongest ar gument that con be advanced against it.— After stating in their third resolution, that each State “came into the Union by its own sovereign and voluntarily act, and that there fore, this a union Of consent and not of force,” they proceed fourthly, to resolve, “that each Stnio, in view of the voluntary nature of the union, has the right in virtue of its inde pendence nod sovereignty, of seceding from theUni>ni’’ &c.' It will be perceived (hat the right is put on the ground, that coming into the contract of union voluntarily and by consent, therefore, the State has the right to disregard such contract, because it was by her free and voluntary,consent. It would’ soem that if she had been decoyed into the Union by fraud, or forced by violence, a State might offer that ns a reason' why she should be permitted to depart in pence.— Before this, no nation nor age has been' found so ignorant or so savage ; nor any mun so corrupt or shameless as to assert the’ right to avoid his contract because it was- voluntary and by consent. The lowest gambler, in the lowest Parisian hell,-will,, because it was voluntari'y staked, part with his last frame and go into tho streets a beg gar or robber rather than abido the sconV of repudiating his- voluntary deed. The' most lawless pirate that ever raised a bloody hand, will ho blown to atoms rather than violate that “honor among thieves’ 1 which i him-to observe, because voluntarily bon, the rules ot crime and blood, underta So for as I have knowledge of the gentle- on composing that Convention, there is men < not one—and I have no doubt it ie- so with all—who would, in his private relations, the principle.which hy these resolutions, would have his State' acknowledge, j one, if so dishonest, would be so i go into Court and ask to be relieved ; contract, however onerous, not fraud i