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position toState authority bean net forcing a State into the Union, so would tho arrest of a fugitive slave in Massachusetts or Ver mont if done in detiaiice of State aurhoii- ty. If by sovereignty the malcontent Slate means that she is not morely co-equal with but sovereign over all ‘^submission” States, os a king over his subjects, then might it be true that not one had a right to judge but herself. Such kJhd of sovereignly only will authorise the arrogance of such a claim.— All these pietenccs by which malcontents seek to evade the wholesome restraints of luw and order, are alike dishonest or arrogant. The disunionists puts his higher law on the ground of sovereignty, Seward and his class on the te.iderness of their dear consciences, the anti-renters on possession and indulgence, the socialist that property is robbery, the mormon on the brass plates and Joe Smith the prophet and Abby Kelly on an opposi tion to things in general. It is said that if the majority can decide and judges as to the rights of the minority, the latter may be oppressed by such licence. That is quite as reasonable as to let the mi nority rule the majority. Such arguments — if arguments they can'be called—forbid all government. You must dispense with juries and judges, for fear they will do wrong.— You abolish the liberty of speech and the press for fear they will be abused. The right of universal suffrage, beenuse some— nay many—cast their votes for men and measures subversive ot public good. When men come into society, thoy sur render the natural rights of a state of nature, by which they do ns they please, for the ben- fits to be derived from the protection of so ciety. For such benefits you must run the risk of the majority using the forms of gov ernment to your injury. If such injuries be- herself by acknowledging so degrading a principle, profess to be of such stainless pu- rity as to suffer on agony of indignation at her humiliation and degradation, in forbear ing to force her will on the majority. Let no one hope to escape by any silly quibble about “sovereignity.” Not only common sense and common honeply, but the law and history of nations teach us that sovereign ties hold themselves most scrupulously bound to observe their contracts and treaties voluntarily made. If by “a government of consent, and not ot force,” they mean one without power to en- fonce its laws, one in which the members cau do as they please, then it is no govern ment, because no one governs, and no one is governed. Moreover, we need no govern ment if all are supposed to do right and nevcv need coersion. But if they mean because 1 ho States came into the Union by consent, ... . ’ intarily ratifying the constitution of the United States, that therefore, the goner- nl government has no power to enforce obe dience) 1 would in addition to what 1 have already said leniurk, that the declaration of independence declares that governments derive “their just prowers from the con sent of the governed.” Not that consent gives no power. 1 apprelioud, ' however, that to those who deride and ridicule the precepts ol Washington’s Farewel Address —the Declaration of Independence, will be contemptible authority. To shorten this letter, as well ns the weapons of the argument, 1 will pass over the difficulty of holding a Slate fully sover eign and independent, that cannot “enter into any treaty, alliance or confederation, coin money k lay any import or export; duties on imposts or exports; nor, without the consent of Congress, keep troops or ships of war in tlaMWlTorfce cTtlxeTsmayl «°° oppressive to bo borne, you have sued y in another jurisdiction, and whose the use of the tongue, pen and ballot box to sued in another jurisdiction, judges are bouud by other laws and treaties as tlio supreme laws ol the land, “any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” 1 will pass over all this field of discussion so olten occu pied before, and take the disunionists on their own premises. Admit that the States ore as independent os Great Britain, France oi Soain, and that the constitution is nothing moro than a treaty between the high con tracting parties. The severul North Ameri can Statos,not even “United States.” And what then I Does it not follow that the ' 'Stales ore bound by their treaty as England i -TVance or Spam would be by treaties be tween themselves ? And how are these lat ter bouad ? II England says to France and Spain, our treaty has been violated by you, and being sovereign and independent by vir tue of that sovereignty, 1 have a right to judge of its infraction and the mode and measure of redress. I will therefore, no longer be bound by this broken compact — Let her say after the manner of tho McDon ald Convention in their third resolution.— “That by our own Convention 1 delibeiated upon ana determined for myself the question of the ratification or rejection of that treaty, that l came into it by my own sovereign and voluntary aet, and therefore this !b a treaty of consent and not of force Let her pro ceed after tho manner of the fourth resolve, to say, That each of us, in view of the volun tary nature of this treaty, has the right in virtue of our independence and sovereignty of seceding from it whenever in our so voreign capacity we shall determine such a step to be necessary to effect our safety or happiness, and of consequence you have no authority to attempt by military force or oth erwise, to restrain me in the exercise of such sovereign-right. Suppose France and Spain- believe the treaty hat not been violat ed by themselves, aud that England is seek ing a mere pretext to abandon, or secede, from it. Suppose, moreover, they have agreed upon a power to interpret their treaty as our States have the Supremo Court to in • terpret the Constitution ; and they propose to England to abide the arbitrament thereof, but she in her sovereign will arrogates to do- cide for herself, and defies the common ar biter, ns well as the judgement of protesting France and Spain. Would not France ana Spain, nay still the world, hold her reasons about consent, and voluntary nature of the treaty, the merest jargon, and bitterest mock ery ; and her claim to judge for herself as to its infraction, and denying the same right to the other contracting parties as well as their right to enforce its observance by arms, if necessary, as the most insufierablo arrogance —an arrogance never known tiij these days of modern chivulry and Uglier laws than con stitutions and treaties. But to parry the absurdity—not to say in solence—of their position, the disunionists wish to present a case, that in the practical operations of the government, accoiding to their own doctrines, cannot occur. They wish to show the United States Government, not in the attitude of enforcing their treaty, but that of a tyrant driving a people unwil lingly iuto the Union, as the shepherd with his (logs would fold stray sheep. Now, ac cording to their theory, there is no Union other than this treaty ot the constitution. Therefore, being entirely sovereign and in dependent they are already out of the Un ion, and there can occur no such things as driving such State into the Union, other than driving her to observe her treaty, which, it seems, is eironeously called a Constitution. South Carolina may pass ns many ordinances of secession as she pleases, may decln.ein all the solemn forms possible, may write it on the sky, that she is no longer one of the United Slates, ("indeed in asserting her views of sovereignty she has often declared as much,' ana no one, under her own or any other theory of the government will be found to gainsay it. There will be no effort made to obliterate or expungo the record. But if iny of her citizens, even by her authority, shall be found obstructing the collection ui the revenues after her treaty of the constitu tion.has said io one place “that Congress shall Jiavq power to law and collect taxes end jlpties, imports and excises,” &c.: and in dp,qjiiqr*, that “no State shall without the consent pf the Congress, lay any impost, or duties on imports oi export,” fee , I appre hend the General Government would have tbeeaine right and power to enforce such collection as to enforce the arrest of a fugi tive slave in Massachusetts or Vermont; though obstructed by citizens acting with or vifbout, the authority of their respective and that no ordinance of secession of these States, or any other such dishonest pretext, would pro- 3 one . nor the slaves other thirty States y> and assert their arrest them. If these fail, and you deem the oppression of sufficient magnitude to justify it you have the remedy your fathers had of appealing to arms and the justice of your cause before Henven. You can no more enjoy the freedom of a state of nature, and bonefits of society at the same' time, than the boy can eat his cake aud have it too. Above all constitutional or other rights, to secede, is the great law of necessity end self-defence. By the common and all other laws tho citizen is bound so to use his own riirhtsas nolle nhtiao tm neiuhtinr’s Vou cannot erect a mill pond or other nuisance, it it breeds disease in tho air he breathes. The same law is recognised by nations. It was this principle which justified Mr. Monroe in announcing in his message, and recognised by our government since, that we coulu not suffer the monarchy of F.urope to colonise any more of this country. Though Spain has the same abstract right to dispose of Cuba as of Porto Rico, yet our govern ment, by this Inw of necessity and self-de fence, could appeal to arms rather than suf fer so dangerous a position for a naval power as the former to fall into the hands of En gland, Over-riding all other rights, the thirty States have a right to judge whether their safety or even convenience can permit the remaining thirty first to secede from the Union, leaving a spare around which we shall have to establish a line of custom houses to secure the revenues of the coun try ; around which our mail and munitions of war shall have to be carried, and troops marched in respect of neutral territory.— And whether we can permit a fine poit on our coast to lie open for the admission of our enemies in time of war. Whether we can permit Iowa and California to part with the public lands or Louisiana with the mouth of the Mississippi, are questions which the thirty cannot permit to be disposed of by the caprice of one State in defiance of their rights and convenience. No people, who deserve to be free, will ever submit that the whims, obstinacy or arrognnee of one way ward sister, shall be consulted in preference to the convenience, rights, necessities and solf-defence of thirty other patriotic nrd law-abiding Stales. Tney will truly be sub mission States when they decline to assert the right to judge whether the secession of such mnlcontenl Stuto will be compatible with their interest and safe'y. If a territory extending into our country, and occupying a E osition ns important os one of the States, elonged to a foreign power, could not be purchased, our people would feel justified, by this law of necessity, to annex it. Then why not retain, being nnnexed under the Constitution ? Now, whether South Carol! na is of consequence enough to mnke it im, portant to the safety and rights of the other Stales that she should remain in the Union, may be very questionable to every one ex cept herself. She could not be much miss, ed’ except in her power and capacity to en gender end propagate strife. I have shown above that our honor was concerned in sustaining that portion of the compromise bill which, according to our de mand, enacted that Congress should neither abolish nor establish slavery in the territo ries, rather than now that some have chang ed their views, to require that the majority he asked to pass a law at tho bidding of the minority. And then would have beer, the time to state what ] cannot let pass unnotic ed. That it should not only be a very strong case to authorise such a requisition on the majority ("if indeed one so strong could be made) but that there should be some means proposed to the end in view. Congrbss did not make New Mexico free soil; we accept ed it ns such. And do ihe disunionists pro pose any plau to mnke it slave territory Disunion will not—non-intercourse wilt not —election of McDonvld will not. Refusing to go into any con-ention to nominate a President and Vice President, as proposed by the Nashville Convention, and leaving the field open fur the abolitionists to juggle their favorites into these important offices, " am sure will not. And the disunionists do not propose any thing that will I have not space to show, as I have done on a former occasion, how the admission of slavery into these territories might weaken rather than strengthen, tho slavery power, We are often taunted with the prophecy, not to say hope, of the disunionists, that Northern aggression will drive us to disun ion. It may, but that would not make our present position wrong. To make a catas trophe, because it may cume, would be as unreasonable as to fire your house, because, by accident, it may hereafter be consumed. This is as silly as the complaint we often hear put forth by some fire eater, io the cra zy stage, that the Wilmot proviso has, in ef fect, been put in force, because we have te.'kby, California froi whole controversy is, whether we have been rightfully prohibited, no one disputes the fact of prohibition. He who cannot or will not see the difference, could not distinguish between having his property taken by a rob ber on tho highwny, aud by the Sheriff, to pay his honest debts. In the one case it is wrongfully, in Ihe other rightfully- taken; ond this embraces the whole difficulty. Why do not such men propose to overturn the government because they nre paying a tax on lea ? This was the complaint against En gland. And yet we are pnying a heavier tax to the United Slates than England levied.—. The fire ealor could say the tax is paid, and what is the difference to whom paid l The difference is the same as in the case of Cali fornia. In the one case the tax was wrong fully taken, in the other rightfully, because by proper authority. I would not have noticed so rediculous a matter—argument it cannot be called— hut because I have heard it so olten. And be cause it shows that' in this controversy, right is not taken into consideration by our adver saries. All they care to notice is that they have not what they now wish. Not only the great principles of self government, end tho right of the majority constitutionally to rule, are overlooked; but the plainest con sistency, which requires a people not to com plain when they have that which they re peatedly declared would be satisfactory — Such absurdities we have heard, and wiU hear again, for as a dog roturneth to his vomit, a fool returnctli to his folly. And though you brny a fool in a morter, yet will not his foolishness depart from him ! Let them rant, the people will reason. Let them vituperate, the people will vote, end vote os in November last Verily, this gen eration of fire enters is lik* 4 unto children sit ting in the markets, nnd calling umo their fellows, and snying, we have piped unto you, and you have not danced; we have mourned unto you, ye havenot lamented. If the peo- >le wero to follow their counsels they would ament, and lament when too late. To my old Democratic friends 1 have shown that by all our Inst great conventions, we reiterated the doctrine of non-interven tion, and I must remark, before I close that the last candidates for the offices of Gover nor and President for whom we voted assert ed the same doctrine during the convnss Governor Towns in his letter to Jos. Day and others, declared himself in favor of the Clayton Cnmpromise, ond labored to show llm- is oUould be left le tlio Supreme Court to determine, without Congressional interven tion whether slavery existed in New Mexi co or not. General Cnss, in his Nicholson letter of December 24th, 1847, speaking of the Wilmot Proviso, declares “1 am in favor of leaving the people of any Territory which may lie hereafter ncquired, the right to reg ulate it ("slavery) for themselves under the “ Should Congress at ang lime exhibit its purpose to war upon our property, or withhold our just constitutional rights, we stand ready to vindicate those rights, in Ihe Union as long as possible, and out of the Union when we are left no other alternative.''’ NOMINATIONS OF THI CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY. HON. general principles of the Constitution.” If it was right to support those who held these doctrines then, not only right but good faith, lequires you should support them now ant not those who wish to overturn them and the government with them Let those who believe in the Nashville platform retire with the clan of McDonald, whose bugle it seems, is not to be soundec till the flag of the Union is to he attacked.— But for the Union column—it it shall con sist only of the Georgia platform—it will march, under that ling, to that part of the field in which the abolition ranks are to be found. We shall not inquire whether our leader bo Whig or Democrat, but whether he will be willing and able to defeat the en emies of Southern Rights. That liberty v hich for seventy-five years has protected us under our own vine and fig tree has become stale and flat to the ambi tious and querulous.—It is too passive.— They wish to break the humdrum of peace ond content. They w-sh the liberty of en croachment, the liberty of disturbing tho re pose and contentment of others and finally the liberty of cutting their neighbor’s throats Suppose—ns some try to persuade us—the Union were out of danger. That move menls of South Carolina did not depend up on the success of tho Georgia and Mississip pi buglemen. Suppose the disaffected had ceased to preach disaflection and there were no efforts to supplant tho Union candidates good and true, by men who, twelve months sincefwere avowed disunionists or acting with those who were. Suppose all this, andyet, our work, ns patriots, is not finish ed. It is not sufficient ihut an offender be defeated and exposed; next comes the pun ishment to deter all others from offending in like coses herenfter. We have no punish ment for such political offences except pub lie reprobation. The safety and stability of the government demand that we should not forgive, too readily, those who huve labored though unsuccessfully for its subversion.— The disaffected should learn and leel that there is some peril in striking at the pence safety of society. That dangerous men can not be trusted if forgiven. The curses that have followed the old Hartfort Convention- ists are a more enduring protection against the recurrence of their offence, than the pun ishment prescribed for treason. The voice of public condemnation which followed Aa ron Burr, through a long life of disgrace and humiliation is more terrible to those who would raise their hand nga'nst their govern ment, than would have been his execution as a real or suspected traitor. ' Duly and patriotism require that society should not trust nor too easily forgive, those who have plotted its overthrow. Gentlemen, 1 am respectfully, Yours, &c., Garnett Andrews. - ' The Bnrkc Meeting. The accounts, we have received from the messing at Davis’ Spring on|4|>aiurday last are most cheering. Tho number present was estimated at 800 to 1000 persons, to whom Mr. 'Toombs made a speech of quite two hours, surpassing, in the estimation of many of his friends, any effort they had heard from him. The best feeling prevailed, and throughout he was listened to with the most marked attention, and his speech is said have told with great effect upon his audi ence. He openly invited discussion, submitted terms, and gave the Disunionists choice; but no one would enter the list. We commend this fact to a disunion organ, who had the temerity to assert that our invitation to the disunion speakers to meet him was a mere puff. P- B. Connelly, Esq. of Jefferson, was nominated as the Union candidate for Sena tor from Burke and Jefferson counties, and William Nasworthy and Joseph A. Shew- nominated as the Union hr on. For Governor. HOWELL COBB. For Congress. COL. E. W. CHASTAIN, Oj Gilmer. For Senator. COL. JOSEPH WATTERS. Fir Representative. WILLIAM T. PRICE. AGENTS roll TUB COll111 Bit. Dan’l Hix, Summerville. Judge Wooten, Dirt Town. J. T. Finley, Chattoogaville. HON. HOWELL COBB Will address the people at the following places, at the limes designated : Marietta, Cnssville, Romo, Summerville, LoFayette, Trenton, Ringgold, Calhoun, Spring Place, Ellijay, Blairsville, Dal.lonega, Gumming, Canton, Saturday August 23d. Monday “ 25th. Wednesday “ 27th, Friday “ 29th. Saturday ‘C 30lh. Tuesday Sept. 2d. Thursday “ 4th Saturday “ 6lh. Monday “ 8th. Wednesday “ 10th. Friday “ 12th. Monday “ 15th. Wednesday “ 17th Friday “ 19th. We are authorised by Mr. Cobb to say that Judge McDonald is invited to attend these appointments, and to participate in the discussion upon equal terms. APPOINTMENTS OF COL CHASTAIN. Thursday, 31st July, Floyd Springs Bnturdny, 2d Ang. Von Wert, Tuesday, Oth tt Marietta, Thursday, 7lh tc Cnssville, Saturday, 9th (( Summerville, Monday, nth u LaFnyette, Trenton, Ringgold, Wednesdny 13th u Friday, 15th li Tuesday, 19 th il Canton, Once more lo Hie Breueh I When the wise, und the patriotic, and the good met in Millcdgeville Inst winter to conaldei oar Fed eral relations,and to mark out-the coarse proper to be pursued by Georgia relative to ihe aeries of men. sures passed by the late Congress, it was devoutly ho. ped that their action would be satisfactory und final, and that all parties would abide their decision, ond tlio public mind be permitted to enjoy, at lra-t tempo, rnry repose. Conservative and sound thinking mar entry where, not only expressed their approbation of the calm, and dignified, and patriotic' stand taken by- cur noble S’nie, but her wise and moderate counsels called forth the most enthusiastic applouBe Horn tho friends of constitutional and rational liberty through out the world. Llttlo did wc think that a party would so soon spring up In Georgia, impiously to un. do whoi had been so wisely and opportunely done by her worthy aono, ond thus renew nil agitation and fan up an excitement pernicious alike to social peace and domestic lafety. And yet it iseven to. A party has been organized in our State, for the avowed purpuee of resisting thosu national measures to which Georgia in her sovereign capacity hno yield ed her acquiescence- Led on by CknrleB J. McDon ald, the presiding genius of the Nashville disunion Convention, tills parly hope to get into place and power- Should tney eucceed, their first etep will be to demolish the Georgia platform—to reverse the de cision of the Convention and join South Carolina in a crusade against ihe Union. Tho confederacy is to be broken up, the southern freginent, weak and ex hausted, is io be moulded into a rickety Republic, for jjje especial accommodation of Rhelt, McDonald & Co., and the rank nnd file who more ot their bidd ng. Quitman it appeals is already assigned to his place, and is io be ihe Commander-in-chief of ihe Southern forces, whilst Rhelt nnd McDonald will doubtlers enst Iota lor the tat nnd 3d offices in the government. Thu officers of the new Republic will want, of course, adequate salaries; a standing nrmy and floating navy must also be raised und kept up; military fortifications erected, munition-} of wnr procured, and men and means provided lo guard us from foreign invnrion ond domestic insurrection. To suatain and maintain all this, taxation, grinding, ruinous taxation will be in flicted upon the people; to avoid which, thousands nnd tens oflhousnnds of the hardy yeomanry will fly into other States. This fellow-citizens ie no fancy sxeteh. If you would, therefore, avert impending evils, support those and these only for office, who sustain and defend (he Georgia pl u tform. Let us once more to the breach and with all the power that Heaven has given us, labor lo transmit to posterity our political birthright, untar nished and unimpaired. rfiiuflton Judges to aaaxil the Constitution and the Union; to attempt the overthrow of our eherlahed-in- •titutiona—itia much mora fit that jurists, who love the Union and aru sworn to defend it, should come to Itarescue- We presume this fling of tho Souther ncr was inten ded for Judge Lumpkin. We are aware that that gen tleman has given moftal offence to tho disunionists by his bold and patriotic stand in the present perilous crisis. But we hope be and every other Judge in the State, will bo unceasing in their efforts to crush the apirit of disunion in our midst. That .Resolution—Again. It always affords us tho greatest pleasure to set our friends right, and if In error, to be sot right our selves. The lust Southerns seems to ililnk that wo were afraid to publish the whole series of resolutions presentod by Colonel Chastain at tho Gilnier meet ing. B it he is mistaken. Tho resolution wo pub. lislicd was first in tho list, and embodied, as wo supposed, the oliiel manor of controversy nnd ob jection to him by the dlsuffeotcd union men oj Lumpkin anil the tira-entora generally- And if our iriend will refer to tlio proceedings of that meeting, wo think ho will find thut its main ground of oppo sition lo Mr. Clmstaln was thatheutono time fa vored tho Nashville Convention; und If we mistake not a resolution was passed at said meeting, declar ing tholroppositlon to him on that ground. Wc, therefore, published the other day, hut one of the resolutions, as wo deemed tlio others entirely ir. relevant to the main matter In controversy. Mr Clmstaln himself subsequently reminded us that wo had published but n part, nnd seomod desirous that all should be pluced before tho pooplo. Tho paper containing thorn, however, was mislaid, aud licnoe their omieion. Happily for us nnd Mr. Cline- tain, however, a copy seums to hnve been preserv ed with great oare by tlio Southerner, and wo give the objectionable one, caption mid all, to our rea ders. lfour nmiablu contemporary has any others, wo shall very cheerfttUy transfer them to our co lumns. Keep it before Ibe People. Col.Chusmiii. in Ills Rome speech, assorted "Mat the admission WSwifomia was CONSTITUTION AL I" In Ilia Gilmer Rcaotullons, Inst summer, ho naior- ted" that the admission of California into the Union, with her PRESENT PRETENDED ORGANI ZATION AND ENORMOUS LIMITS, icon Id be at grots an outrage upon the R10HTS and IN TERESTS of the South, at the DIRECT ENACT- MENT OF THE WILMOT PROVISO BY CONGRESS, and should RECEIVE A LIKE MEASURE OF RESISTANCE !'• Yes, keep this resolution before ihu people, il you plousc, until Chriitm as; It will do Colonel Clmetain no Imrtn, aud may possibly supply tho pluoe of less interesting and important mailer in tire oclumnsof tho Southerner. Now let it be remarked ilmt Col.. Chastain does not deolaro that tlio admission of California would be unconstitutional or on “ outrage upon the coniti- lutional rightsf of tho South.' Ho only declares that it would bo an outrage, without prelnmllng to de cide upon the constitutionality of tlio measure at all. Let italso bo remembered thut tho loiegoing resolu tion wns drawn up when there wns a probability that tills measure, isolated and nlone would puss Congress, and tlio reader will perceive thut it but expressed the general feeling of the Soutli upon that subject at that time. Subaequently, however, it wns incorporated in the great adjustment scheme, by which the South obiuincd countervailing adv.ui lages, in die organization of the territorial govern- mentsof Utah nnd New Mexico, ihe settlement ol tho Texas difficulties, und the passage of the fug • tivo dnve kill. To these great measures, as a whole, Mr. Chastain, in common witli tl:e people nfGeoi- gin generally, has yielded bij cordial acquiescence, and stands upon tlio noblo platform she tins erected, n consistent constitutional Union man; tho Gilmer resolutions to the contrary notwithstanding. We say tlieuto our neighbor—“ keep Hint Resolution before tho people !" and at ihe anine time, ifpossl- ble, keep your temper. Purfiami Judges. The last Southerner contains quite nbrb f but spir ited homily about Judges mingling in party politics, and parly struggles. Unfortunately he wielded a two edge sword, nnd his back-strokes must tell fatally pp on some of hia political friends and confederates both in South Carolina and Georgia. Wo happened to be present when the great nullification ordinance was passed in South Carolina some 30 years ago, und we believe every member of the Appellate Court, every Chancellor, and every Circuit Judge in the State wns a member of that very talented and august bod,.— And how is it now! Is not the whole bench nnd bar, nnd in some instances even the pulpit, enlisted in the pending struggle 1 WiU not the approaching Conven lion be composed of men from all the profers'ons and walks of life 1 Will not every disunion Judge and Chancellor in the State be in that Convention 1 We agree with tho Southerner, that under oidinary ciri eumatancea, it would he improper for ogr Judges to enter largely into party conflicts. But when the Con stitution which they have sworn to support is in dan. gar; when every thing they bold dear is in peril- when the angry mutterings of revolution are heard in the distance, if behooves every mutt to porno out bold ly and labor if possible to ayert tba storm. Every man who has a foot pf land or a. jot of love for his country, lot and skoqld notAit quietly down and exhibit no lor Significant—Very- A committee representing a co-operation disun ion meeting in Charleston, recently nddre a.-dn let ter of invitation to Gov. McDonuid, requesting his presence nt one of tliolr convocations. This letter appears in tlio Augusta Consfitiiifomlisl, and is as beautiful a specimen of non-committalism ns bus ever dropped from the hopper of even Charles J MoDonnld, tlio pttnon ol iion-rommittnllsts. It is neither pig nor pup—fish nor fowl, hut n medley of generalities, so wretchedly fitted up and poorly dressed ns to excit- the ridicule of even tlio disiin- ioniats. If sufficiently tangible, it should bo secu ed und preserved by Barnutn. But what is very significant,nnd which we wish the people to bear in mind, is the foot, that McDonald nnd Qutmnn, nre invited,nnd toasted, and pruised, whilst Cubb nnd Foote are quite neglected by tlio disunionists of our sister State. Is il because the lattar gentle men, give no countenance to secession in any ol its multifarious phases! We leave the peo;b to judge. One thing is evident, the lenders in South Cnrnllna, expect tlio co-operation of Quitman nnd McDon ald In brouking up the Union, else they would not invl o them to their meetings. St-coasiscu, Coercion. Ac. Our neighbor desires us to explain to him how the right of coercion can consl itutionaUy exist, when a proposition to confor such right wns rejocted by the convention which framed the constitution 1 In reply, we would remark, tltnt as the constitu tion is entirely silent upon 'his snbjeot—tts it con tains no express grant to a Stare to secede, nnd no express uuthority to tlio General Government to coerce a State into obedience, we have to go bock and ascertain the history nnd ciroumstances which led to the formation of that instrument; to exnmine carefully its general provisions and requirements.— Wo are nlso to examine the laws nnd precedents of nations, and then be governed by such lights ns are before us. By common consent tho different parties to tho federal compact delegated to the General Govern ment certain specific powers, and devolved upon it the performance of certain specific duties. Undpr the constitution, for instance, it is bound to provide for the general welfare nnd common security of every member of the confederacy—to repel Invnaion and quell insurrection, and provide for the common secu rity nnd defence of all. Now, suppose New Orleans should take it into her wayward head to secede from Louisians, and Ik row herself into tho arms of France orEnglnndl whicb she has the constitutional right to do, if the doctrine of secession is correct ; for sove. reignty resit, say oqr opponents, with thq people indi vidually—will any one pretend to say tlintShe United States ss well as the State of Louieiana would not be bound under llje provisions of the Constitution to in- terfere and .coetoe her back into the Union. And even shoqld the sovereign State of Louisiana oppose coercion, still the duty of tbs General Government to Mississippi, Tennessee, and other States of the con- federacy, as well aa a due regard for the common se curity and " general welfare" of the whole country might warrant a resort to coercion. So also, upon thu same principle it might or might not be proper and expedient ;o coerce a revolted State into submission, Ifher; isolation would essentially impair the safety-or prosperity q[her.cot •elf-preservation might warrant and even deraa forcible retention; not under any expUoit grant or wer- nint of the constitution—for as the constitution never contemplated its own destruction,«o It never providtd for itsown perpetuation—but by Implication, la sack State bound to take Bare of itself 1 lots the Genaril Government required by the constitution to take cere of the whole family of Slates. Wemayreaume this subject hereafter, when we have more tifflAnd epaee. ■■■■.■»a • CONSOLIDATIONr Our opponents have n psssfon for Coining and flinging opprobrious epithets; epithets, which are entirely unmeaning and Inapplleablo, nntl both pointless nnd senseless. Federalist, submissionist, consolidation^. &c.,are some of tho terms by which they hope to frighten from u good cuuso the timid nnd uninformed. If they would but stop and ex plain tlte real definition' dr those terms, we should ho perfectly satisfied, for tho people would nt onco perceive their Innpproprlutoness to constitutional union mon, ntlonst; but this wo»ld defeat tholr pur poses of elap-trap and deception, and wrest front them their pritnnry mentis of success. Listen tu rn Messrs. Stiles nnd J McDonald J ft; on* breath' they telj you thu Constitution nnd the Union Is pas ting away; in tho next, that wo nre under the op-' pretsive rule of u consolidated govornmeat, whleh" lias usurped and trampled upon the rights of tho States, nnd reduced tit* pcoplo to a debased and Ig nominious vassalage t They don't stop Ij Is true to - show how. when, or where it has been done—they don’t pnuso to show tho peaple wherein they are fettered, robbed nnd oppressed; titr do they point to - any new and alarming development in tlio sots of tlio General Government, proving that Its tendency is increasingly to centralization Anuttompttodo ' this would nt onco show tho unsbundnoss of their ’ premises nnd tho fiillnoy of tholr t'tiluctioni. The ory of federalist, eonsolidatlonlst, (cc., we ' have heard from boyhood; and political oronkers and 1 deceivers, have periodically prcdloted the downfall of tho Constitution nnd tlio Union; but the good old ship or Slate, sound from stem to stern, without a • missing mast, or spur or rope; with ,hcr canvass, spread and her proud pennBt flying, aim ) n glorious majesty rides stondily on in her onreor of greatness,, undismayed by foes without ond unimpaired by faotlonista within. Tltnt sbo is envirotied with pi*. Ils wo readily admit—that she ever has been from tlio first hour of her existence, nil acquainted with Iter history know full well—that she always will bo is equnlly certain. But wo take tho liberty of say ing, that nevor since the formation of the Fedeml Government nnd the ndqption of the Federal Con. , Stltiulon, wits there less danger of oppression I rent ‘he one ami Infructitai of tho other, than ut this mo ment. Witli some,' n well ordered government which moves strictly wittiin cltwrly defined limits, nnd exercises clearly defined | rerogatives—a gov ernment that has wiidum enough to know its caueti- tutiomi) powers, and oouragoniid strength enough to kcop Hit in hralthftil und prudent exorcise; such a government, witli itime hi cinsttidatod—nnd ul, who sustain it are consntidu'tiuntsls and federalists.- The climax of snnitory rule with there gentlemen,, must be that every ntnn, womkn ond child shall do ns they plcuse, ut all times, all places nnd uuder all circumstances. That conspiracy, treason, sedition, rebellion, disunion, secession und.itisnrreotion, are,. If they please, to hold tln-lr revels unrestricted amt unrrbuked That individuals, families, communi ties, states and nations arc to ho amenable to mu nicipal law, nnd to sespeut civil nnd potitloal rights, nnd regulation,, just so tong and no longer, et they may comport with their convenience, taste or fancy. This is tire model government of the model state*- men of this secession epoch, who ere undoubtedly wisei in their generation -.linn cither the children at" the revolution or the fathers oftlto Republic. Wc cheerfully admit tknl the tendency of nil gov ernment, civil and t-co'.e in* leal, is to eentralizatii.ni that ilia utmuat vigilance should bo exercised to keep it within ita constitutional bounds; but we nl so assert thnt another danger equally formidable is to be guarded against, nnd that is, an excess of li berty. Unfortunately tho tendency of the times il more to lawlessness than to consolidation. Both are to ho shunned as the Soylln and Clmrylides ofour free institution,. More Startling Facts for the People. We have before intimated that there was a eoaret understanding between the Carolina Disunionists and the Secession leaders in Georgia, Alabama and. ' Mississippi. The following communication from a 8. Carolina paper, confirms, (it continuation were ne cessary,) the suspicion that McDonald. Quitman and Rhelt perfectly understand each othor, and are at this moment, by a wholesale fraud upon the people, wickedly plotting the overthrow of this Government. Part and parcel of their plan sjeins to bo tho acquisi tion of Cuba, right 1 ot'Vkrong.by which a new element of excitement will be introduced, calculated t* foster amt stimulate the spirit of insubordination and mis rule, already too rampant in our midst. It was ri - mored last spring that Quitman passed stealthily through Rome—it is also known that tho names of several of the leading fire-eaters of Georgia, ware mentioned in connexion witli tho objucts of his expe dition In these parts. Wo do nopsny that Gov. Mc Donald, Towns and other fire-eatcro, had any agency or connexion with this Cuban movement, although th-.-y were suspected; but ws do any that there ia too much reason to believe thnt Quitman, Rhelt and oth ers are implicated in this mailer, and that th*y hops to make the aeqnjsion of Cuba a question of BoJnh.. cm policy, and when acquired « pzrt of the Southern Confederacy. The plat thickens, and there. ia much behind the curtain, to startle and astound the people. Already lias Quitman been named in South Carolina in connexion with the Presidency of the forthcoming Southern Republic, and McDonald, it In, aa eriatl by soma will serve as Tice President. Tits. ' people will thus perceive that wy are slumbering up on u magazine. Should McDonald succeed in Geor gia and Quitman in Mississippi, a fresh blait from the bugle will be blown, nnd T.hett will apply the match, and the Government of Waahingtou anil bis . illustrious compatriots, wiU be blown into a thousand-- fragments; revolution nnd camngo sweep through the land, and the snn of American iibtrty net forever ■ in smoke, fire end blood. Bat we invite attention to the following significant article, front a noble minded Car jlinnn who seisms the trickery,'double-dealing, and time-tervinf policy of McDonald, Quitman & Co. ■ . From the Southern Patriot. Messrs. Editors; The distinguished service* and) chivalrous bearing of General Quitman ia the Mexi can war, and especially his co-operation with the Ps metre Regiment at the taking of the city, endeert him to every Carolinun For thia reason everyone indignation that he should havo been accused as b implicated in the Cuban expedition. But recent events too plainly tend to ooafij probability of bis participation in that unwan invasion of the trrritory of a Government wit) we are at peace, and consequently an invasion rights of others, universally condemned' by , the and ustgaaof civilized nations. Finding it necessary to his elevation to the | torlel chair in his own Skate, to repudiate t! career of the seccesionUte in South Csi 11 4 he does in the atoet public and unci yet, at the vame tltpe, if ’wc are , distinguished fycesetei