Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

dilating, cannot be relied upon for any tiling. Therefore to our old political friends, tvesay, >e not deceived—be not carried away. If .•mi are not Visimonists per se, vote not for Indge McDonald or his supporters. Rest issured ihnt every vole you cast for these lien, will he put down on the side of Dis- l'lion, immediate or remote. Relloct, then, lefoie you give it. Dunk at lho fourth reso- utio.i of the Georgia Convention. Is not hat strong enough for any reasonable man ? The men who passed that resolution have sever deceived you. Will tlioy he likely o do so now ? We think not. 1 hat was 1 solemn act of the authorized Representa tives of the sovereign people of Georgia, and i ftvo vonture to predict that every limn who voted for that resolution, and overy genuine Union man in the State will stand fast nt tho hour ottiial. If its provisions are rno- fitted, Georgil stands pledged to AC r l\ with out stopping to quibble about the abstract right of secession. Is not that onough ? Mr Cobb, in his letter of acceptance, is pledged to stand by this position. Why then nut vole for him in preference to One who is va cillating, uncertain, unsife and unreliable in every thing? Row, old Whigs! wo ore ■“ tVe have said this much from a sense We have spoken tho words of soberness. If you heed them not, (firls are clear. Res* assured of one imever: that evory vote cast for , j^or for tho McDonald candidates, J a vote cast lor disunion.in disguise— ow struck althe Government of Wash Q Suppose South Carolina should secede, and Georgia does no*., will he receive any reward then ? A. Yes ; he will remove to that State, and then bo honored with an aristocratic post. Q. Who will be badly beaten by his old friends for abandoning them ? A. Charles J. McDonald. Q. Who is now in correspondence with tho Disunioists ofCarolinn ? A. Charles J. McDonald. Q. Did any candidate for Governor in Georgia ever correspond with the Disunion- ists of Carolina before ? A. No—nover. Q When the Governor of Maire refused to give up a thief who stole a negro from Savannah, and the Georgia Legislature pass ed a luw retaliate upon Maine for lhenct,and to search her vessels before they left our ports, who vetoed that bill and said we should do no such thing ? A. Charles J. McDonald—hand his name arouud—let overy body see the Georgia Gov ernor who protected by his veto, the negro thieves from Maine. the mastery of the universe, and will achieve it.” THE every American Is a sovereign ? Doos lie not farther know that every family, unless unitor the Bloomer regime, is a sovereignty 1 We greatly fear that he is tending to consolidationperhaps to something worse—we shall see. _THUB8DAY MORNING, AUG- 28,1851. J. KNOW LKS , KD1T0R . “ Should Congress at ang time exhibit its purpose to war upon our property, or withhold our just constitutional rights, tee stand ready to vindicate those rights, in the Unioit as long as possible, and out of the Union when we are left no other alternative.” Iun mill Secession. le Richmond llepubUcan after quoting a Uv paragraphs from a recent address qfGcn .»Allace, of Soulli-Cnrolina, in which lie sets forth, very explicitly to purpose mid views of the Secession leaders ol that Stale, adds the following pertinent remnrks, to which we call the attention of those who wish to force Georgia and the other South ern Stales to follow tho Secession lead of Cnioiina:—Savannah Republican. “With our contemporary of the Baltimore American, we do not see how the enforce ment of the Constitution and the Laws of tho General Government in any Sta'e can be properly said to involve the destruction of the rights of the States, or any one of them. We do not believe, however, that any coer cion will be used, and that the United Stales will so far gratify South Cnrolfca ns to cross swords with her chivalry on the battle field. Wo are free to confess that we should depre cate as a great calamity even the enforce ment of the law at the point of the bayonet, but we must also declare that there is anoth er kind of coercion which we regard as more tyrannical and cruel—the process, virtually amounting to coercion, by which other slave States are to be compelled to co-operute with South Carolina. If coercion, even when only the enforce ment of 'lie Constitution and the laws of our country, is abhorrent to the mind, much more is it repulsive and abominable, when it is the instrument of a lawless and despotic spirit, wielded by the few to control the many.— It we should deplore the shedding of a single drop of blood by federal bayonets in South Carolina, we should regard it as much more lamentable that South Carolina dictation should involve nil the other Southern States, whose wishes and inteiesls are opposed to her measures, in a similar calamity. It is evident to ”11 that her chief reliance in the approaching crisis is,—not that the other States will voluntarily, aud with the sanc tion of their own will and inclinations come to her and,—but that she will place herself in a position which "must, in the very nature of things,” “compel” them to co-operation ? Their community of interests and the power ful sympathies arising from common institu tions, are relied upon to coerce them into dis union ar.d civil war, not only without their own choice, hut against it ? The other Southern States are to be dragged out of the confederacy and into the battle held as re morselessly and with as little regard to their wishes, as ever a British press gang forced men on board British ships of war, or as even the despots of Europe compelled their peo ple to fight their vile battles of ambit ion and interest. Such coercion ns this will be regarded with universal abhorrence by all the other South ern States. The whole course of South Carolina is most contemptuous tu them. It indicates that she alone of ail the slave States is a safe guardian of Southern hunor, and that, if they will not agree with her views.1 and voluntarily join her banner, she will place them in a position by which they will be compelled to give up their nationality ; to Relinquish their fields ofj dessoiation, their ;sons to the slaughter, and their households to ruin j to surrender their past glory and ‘their future hopes in the American Union ; to follow South Carolina to the field, and •yielding to others tho Stars retain only for themselves the Stripes, fit emblems of their bondage to an aspiring oligarch). It is well thnt tho politicians of South Carolina have so explicitly avowed theiraims and purposes. That avowal has defoated their object. The people of the other slave States are as proud, resolute and patriotic as a. Sou tic CaayUwa- They will not brook com pulsion from any power. Odious as is the General Government in Carolina eyes, it may at least be said that it has never exhibited such tyranny and oppression os that contem plated by the Palmetto State. Contemplat ed, we say—but it will never he submitted to for any wrong yet suffered by the South from the Union ! South Carolina may se cede ; she may go ; but, she will he long solitary and alone, ere the Southern States will he compelled to leave the tight of their ancient constellation, and follow a will o’- Ihe wisp into the depths of a tnorass. When they do leave it, they will leave on account of future wrongs ; they will leave of their own freewill ; they leave in a Spartan phalanx, shoulder to shoulder, and with Vir ginia, the ve'eran of the Revolution, at their head. From the Union Banner. Q Who abandoned his old party friend: A. Charles J. .McDonald. Q. What party has’bo joined ? A. TJte South Carolina Disunionists. Q. 'What dues that party intend to do ? A. Dissolve the Union, andniakean Aris- racy. 'Vital reward is he to got for leaving party ? t made one of the Royal Coufed- N0MINAT10NS OF TUB CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY. For Governor- HON. HOWELL COBB. Mr. Cninoitn on Sectmilou. lit the month of February, 18-13, n debate took pluco in the Senate ot the United States between Messrs. Rival of Virginia and Cal houn of South Carolina, in reganl to the Revenue Collection Rill, in which the doc trine ol Secession, or the right of a Stale tc, resumo tho powers granted to the General Government, came under consideration. Mr. Rivos nmde a very powerful argument, in which he charged Mr Calhoun w ith having avowed tho doctrine: “Mr. Calhoun here said that lie had been misapprehended by the Sena'o from Vir ginin ; that he had not said that the people of n State might resume llic. powers which had been granted to the General Government; hut that they had u right to judge ot the extent of those powers, and whether they had been exceedea.” Mr. ltivo s still insisted “that the Senator from Carolina had avowed tho doctrine of se cession.” “Mr. Calhoun again explained : He lmd contended that il a State should resume the powers granted to the General Government, such resumption would only be a breach of compnct, for which llto State, ns a commu nity, would ho responsible, and not its citi zens individually.— [Gales Sf Seaton's Con gressional Debates, Vol. IX, Part 1, pp. 500,501.” This iB ulmostprecisely the doctrine avow ed in the loiter of Mr. Cobb. Mr. Calhoun did not contend for the right of secession even for just causo. He did not, as do the modern secessionists, contend that a State must be the sole judge He recognized both the sovereignly of tho Slates, and the equality of the Stales. He admitted tho rights of the other Slates, as well as the seceding States, to judge for themselves as to the extent of the grievances complained oj, and as to whether the breach of the compact was justifiable or not. He goes further. W ilh Mr. Cobb he de clares that the State seceding lor just cause would be subject to international liabilities ; but to international liabilities only—in other words, that it, citizens would not be punisha ble for treason. This is precisely the doc trine laid down in the letter of Mr. Cobb. It is the dootrimrof the fourth resolution of the Georgia Platfohn. it is the doctrine which we think must lie recognised by every man, and every pnrty who does not wish to set up a cowardly plea to excuse himself for wag ing war upon the government of his fathers. ~ Union Rainier. For Congress. COL. E. W. CHASTAIN, Of Gilmer. For Senator. COL. JOSEPH WATTERS. Fir Representative. WILLIAM T. PRICE. AUKNTS FOIl TUB COURIER. Dan’i, Hix, Summerville. Judoe Wooten, Dirt Town. J. T. Finley, Chattoogaville. Saturday August 23d. Monday 25th. Wednesday (( 27lh. Friday <t 20 th. Saturday a 30th. Tuesday Sept. 2d. Thursday u 4th. Saturday u 6th. Monday u 8th. Wednesday a 10th. Friday a 12th. Monday « loth. Wednesday u 17th. Friday (( 19th. HON. HOWELL COBB Will address the people at the following places, at the limes designated : Marietta, Cossville, Rome, Summerville, LaFayette, Trenton, Ringgold, Calhoun, Spring Place, Ellijay, Blairsvllle, Dnhlonegn, Gumming, Canton, Wo are authorised by Mr. Cobb to say that Judge McDonald is invited to attend these appointments, and to participate in the discussion upon equal terms. (CTTlie communication oil our first page, signed “A UNION DEMOCRAT” should Le onrelully read, as it coulnins in a brief spaoa much truthful history. Tho writer ie really whut lie subscribes himself, and his stutements, therefore, mny he re lied upon ns entirely uccurnte. expect to lie elecicd Gover- Jifl^hally bon iii Tim Question of Secession. Wo submit the fullowing argument to the advocates of a constitutional right of seces sion. Kilher the Federal Government was en dowed by those who organized it with the power of self-protection—the principle of sell-preservation, or it was not so endowed. If it is so endowed a state cannot, consti tutionally or peaceably, secede. Wo think that it is so endowod, first, in that clause ol tho Constitution which de clares Federal law supreme, Slate laws to the contrary notwithstanding. Secondly, from tho oath imposed upon each federal Officer, to support the Constitution, a.id from the power vested in these Officers by the framers of tho Constitution, for the pur pose of effectually executing the laws of the Union. Lot these he taken, among numer ous other points which can be adduced, why we think the Constitution of the U. States forms a government rightfully cndjweil with (lie power of self-protection. If the government has not the right to pre serve itself from destruction, then the Union is simply a treaty ot alliance between the States, and os such must he controlled, in its breach and observance, by ‘the higher law,’ that is to say, the law of nations. This law will recognise all the parlies to the compact as equals, in determining the good faith of each other, aud if one of the parties violates the compacts, the others have the right to hold him to the bnrgoin if they can. So, whether you take the one horn of the dilem ma or the other, Mr. peaceable secessionist, if the time shall ever come when this mag nificent system, which has won so largely upon the admiration ot the world—when this Union, which has conferred more hap piness than all the governments that have preceded it—when that Star Spangled Ban ner, sacred as the blood of our Ancestors, shall no longer represent, in all quarters ol the globe, the greatest, happiest, best people on eurlli—before we can create another sys tem, from another union, hoist another fiug, half so potent in emblematic power, we must pledge to it ‘our lives mid fortunes, 1 and re deem tho pledge. Our children then will honor it us tve honor tho glorious Stars and Stripes.—Hlarictln Union. ‘‘Coming Events cast their Shadows Before.—The Liverpool Journal thus speaks of the future United .States : “America exists to reproach, and will re form, the woi Id. The rough and ready re publicans expand themselves over a universe; the Union has just been enlarged by territories as large as Europe, and already the new State of California exports half a million of gold per month, and prepares to open a steam communication with China and Japan The Pacific becomes the highway of nations, nnd enterprises unheard of approach maturity, while the mind of the ancient world is absorb ed on the miserable subjects of divine rights and sectarian controversy. Tho majesty of civilization and commerco brightens legions rich and vast, while Europe pauses to parley .with idiotic legitimates and ancient nonenti Th« Hfii.nUie of A nuA-jci s fair ft* The communication of our friend up on mellon-culture, and other articles of inter est are omitted for want of room. Oj-The London (JeAnrEnr.v for July, is decided' ly one nt the best numbers that tins recently come tohnnd. The 3rd Artlolo entitled—“ Recent Tra vellers in North America” wo Imve loiut witli (jrout interest—also, “ DennUtown’s Memoirs of tho Dubes of IJrblno." iO*\Voare indebted to some body for a neat pam phlet copy of Mr- Webster's speech to tho young men of Albany. We wish this pntrlotic allusion of. tho mastor mind ol tho ago, was ill the hands of ev cry young innn In tho Innd. devolution in Culm. We duvote a considerable space in onr columns tills week to exciting news from Cuba. Whilst we would gladly seethe people of that fair Isle released from the Spanish yoke, nnd treed from Spanish tyranny end extortion, we nevertheless greatly fear thnt die present movement will resutt, most unliep' pity to tho peace and prosperity of tills country, particularly the Southern States. Cotton is now at a low mnrk, but a foreign war would bring it lower, nnd grcntly embarrass most other Industrial inter ests. But Its efiects upon religion and civilization, would be most pernicious. Convention of Cotton Planter*. Wo have received a small pamphlet front Leon County, Florida, containing the proceedings of a lnrge meeting of the cotton plnnters or thnt county, nt which n vory nblo report wns submitted, setting forth th» evils under whieli the cotton Interest now labors, Ar.d presenting a remedy. We imve before expressed our doubts relative to tho nbillty of any convention to remove these difficulties nnd prevent the ruinous fluctuations to which the price of tins groat staple lias always been Untile; still we will ondeuvor nt an early dny to publish the report be. fore us for tho information ofonr readers, nnd would also suggest the appointment nt our Agricultural PloNIc, o( delegates to the proposed Colton vention. Difficult to Please. We have been extremely desirous to please our neighbor; courteously to answer nil his interrogmo. rles, nnd us tar ns possible, lead him forth into the light of Until nnd sound reasoning. Tims far, how ever, onr efibits seem to lmvo failed of success, nnd we slmtl imve to abandon bis enso we fonr, as cu tirely hopeless, nnd turn him over to tho tender oios o[ our fair renders, who might givo him mid nil other bachelors like him, some very original and striking" views of secession, sovereignty, coercion die. Indeed, we expect soon to lienr that onr friend of the Southerner, ifhudocs not buconie out-and-out n submissiomst, will become a thorough going an ionist, amt talk as largely aud sing as loudly nhout tliv glorious Union as the most enthusiastic Bene dict. Until then, nay lessons wo might give him wo greatly (ear, will he hut little heeded, though they should be selected from his own text-book: A few weeks sineo he desired our views upon se cession, kc. Well, in few words, hastily thrown to gctlier, wo gave them; and in lining so, nljuded to the notions of our opponents of sovereignty—that according to their views, it rested with die people, individually. A’tno, ho expresses astonishment nt such a doctrine, and says, the idea is original with us, and desires to give us the credit of die discovery. This we must beg leave to dccliuo. Particularly no we find in an editoritd of dint pnper of tho 7th inst. undor the caption ol sovereignty, tho following ex plicit nv aval : “ But in these United Stales, there is n higher power than that of Governments, tlmu thnt of Con gress or Legislature—the jiowcr of the jhojjIc. Here, the people are the source of all power, and their right to alter ornbolish their governments at will,-is unquestioned. With us, then, lire sovereignty is in the people, nnd not in their Governments.” Here thou we have die Southerner's views of sove reignly, mid we confess they nru for more rntionn) tlmu those we ore in iho habit of seeing in ;h" co lumns of that paper Door /--' 'that editor know, Tito How Party. Never probably since tho foundation of tho world, has there existed a political party boaring more namos nnd possessing more strikingly orlginut fila tures than the disunion pnrty of tho South.' In all that ia utdquo nnd ridlouiouB in' aentlmout, mal- a- propos nnd fictitious in oognotnon, marvellous and pnomolous in pretension and. profession, it must stand forth by universal consent, tho groat enigma of the nineteenth oentary—tho great mystery and mztlo of tills generation and die wonder of tho text. Most reformers in ethics or politics, have md somo settled plan; some definite inotfm operandi, which looked lorwnrd to ulterior benefits. Their ichcmcs have at least been designed to do somebody, tomowhoro, some servico—to remove ovll and eon for good—to oxdrpnto error nnd cilijbHsli' truth.— Nat to, however, with our secession friends. Tltol great labor seems to be to hc-fog themselves mid their dougns—to launch out upon unexplored sens, without chart, oompass or rudder, to hunt up some truant storm, mid experiment with its power. If tl;ey cannot find n storm ready mnde to hnnd, forth- wi'h they set their wits to work to create one—fur a storm, mat nothing but a storm they must Imve, nnd have nt onco, and lmvo nt all hazards nnd “ to dialnstcxtrcniity.’ 1 Liko “Mother Cary’s chiok- ens,” they love to bo “ rooked in tho cradia of the deep” by somo furious gale, und|lhc more uproarous 'tho clamor of the winds and wavos tho pleasanter their dronmo sleeping, and visions wnklng. They are constantly laboring under the hallucination tlmt tlioy wore bom to rldo upon n storm, mid lienco booted and spttred, tlioy are impatient nntl restive ut tho tardy movements ot ordinary events and ordi nary men. Witli them tho destruction of a govern ment—the annihilation of a Republic is but a pits- time, mid they are surprised thnt any ona should lor a moment suppose their wisdom nnd sngnolty amid not evolve a better'ono ihnn that knocked up by ahl Washington nnd his compeers any morning be lore broakfnst. With those political schoolmen, tho chief end of mnn is, to imagine himself exqnisltely miserable, und die chief duty ot man iB, to labor to mako him self mid every body else as much so as possible,— Unices they cun soon mako tho peoplu of the South believe tilth they nro tho most oppressed nnd un happy peoplu on die face of the ourtli, nnd I ive un der tho worst government that ever afflicted the ■World, they will go off in violent convulsions- To keep the m on their legs, tlierclbre, until nftor the first ol October, our Union friends, mny, if they enn, occa sionally imagine themselves just as miaernhiu now, ni they would be in reality were Illicit, McDonald k Co, to get into power. More Facts for the People. We lmvo occasionally presented evidenco conclu sive to onr minds, ai.d we presume to the minds of others, that a perfect understanding exist* between the secession lenders who composed the Nashville Convention at its second meeting. It will be remem bered, that at its first session, this body denounced tho adjustment measures that were then before Con gress, aud upon the basis of tho Missouri Compro mise, adopted the line of 3G, 30, or the coffin line, as it is more lamiliarly known, as their ultimatum. To this proposition, they well knew neither the North nor the entire South would accede. Nor did they desire it,as the sequel showed. Their object evident ly was to commit the people of the South to a certain course upon the happening of a certain contingency, nftd thnt contingency they knew would happen. Im* mediately, therefore, upon the adjournment of that body, the parties to the plot hastened home, called meetings of the people, and endeavored to get them to ratify their doings at Nashville. Mr. Rhett less enu- tious aud more candid thnn tho rest, in his address at Charleston, let the cut out ol tho bag, nnd openly avowed himself in favor ofimmedlute secession should tho compromise measures pass Congress. Charles J. McDonald, Walter T; Colquitt and other confederates got up meetings in Georgia, to which, with a full knowledge of his sentiments, Mr. Rhett wns invited. One of these meetings, held in Macon, ha attended. At that meeting Charles J. McDonald PRESIDED, and its proceedings have gone forth to the world with his signature, and of course with bis approval. The doings tt thnt meeting he has never yet rebutted or repudiated,so far as we are informed. As soon as Judge Sharkey, who presided at the first meeting of the Nashville Convention, saw the designs of Rhett and his confederates, he resigned his post nnd quit the concern in disgust. Mr. Hardeman, also, who •ucted as one of the Secretaries of the Macon meeting came out with the following manly letter of dissent. 1 Macon, Aug. 2S, 1830. J Messrs, Hay fy Rom—Gentlemen: As my name has gone forth to the country as one of the Secretaries of the Mass Meeting, thnt convened in this place on the 22d inst., for the purpose (ns expressed in the proceedings of the Convention) of adjusting those onuses which now distract onr federal relations upon )the basis of the Missouri Compromise Line, and at 1 do not endorse the disuniut tcnlimcntt ixprertd in that meeting, 1 humbly ask the privilege of placing my disapproval before your readers. When I con sented to act 09 Secretary for the Convention, I little dreamed that a disunion of our Government was the purpese, for which it was convened, but the sentiments ol tho Orators and the deafening cry of a portion of the audience for disunion and recession, opened my eyes, and I saw plainly the sole aim of the speakers was to excite the people of Georgia to dismember this glorious confederacy. 1 cannot, aud I never shall endorse such sentiments as these. I am and have btfen in favor of the Missouri Compromise Line, as a means of restoring peace and qui.’t to our distracted country, but if that lends me to disunion nnd revolu tion or to Mr. Rlrs&’s suicidal plan of “Temporary Secession, then, sirs, I am no longer for 36 30. This ffiny subject me to the columny of some, and the rid icule of others. Of this I care but little, for so long as the stars and stripes (those emblems of our nation’s glory,) Uont from the mast head of our old ship of state, so long will I rally under their folds, and lend iny lce- ble aid to the maintenance and support of the Union of onr Fathers. Yours, THOMAS HARDEMAN, Jr. Now, we ask every candid man, if McDonald had not favored the proceedings of that meeting would he havesu/Kcred them to go forth to the world with his signature? Why did he not, like Mr Hardeman, enter his protest ? So far from this, we find him again nt Nashville with Rhett, plotting against the Govern ment. No wonder dien that he is toasted, nnd petted and praised by the Bluffion boys, and has been promot ed to the distinguished honor of chief bugteman to Mr- Rhett. In that capacity we are perfectly willing he should serve ; but nt this moment, we want in the Executive chair of Georgia, a man who can do some thing more than play skilfully on wind instruments: last Courier, have not convinced them, nothing we can add will do so. We will however, ask particular attention to the following article. If any man* con read the terms of the old compact, tile clause of Rat ification, and the preamble to the present Federal Con stitution, and then say that the right or secession is even remotely hustnined or countenanced, wo shall bo greatly mistaken. The Union under tho old articles ol confederation, was deemed perpetual, and yet under the new articles of agreement—undor the present con stitution, there was to be a still more perfect Union by mutual consent. Let every man read for himself i Indivisibii ity op tub Union.—Wo are indebted to the Lynchburg Virginian for opportunely bringing to notice, at th J * moment, the precise language of the Preamble to tho original Articles of “Confederation” agreed upon by the delegates of the old Thirteen States, U8 iblloWB ! "Whereas, the Delegates of the United States of America In Congress assombled'did, on tho fifteenth day of November, in tho year of our Lord one thou sand seven hundred and seventy-seven, and In the se cond year of the Independence of America, agree to certain Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Un ion between tho States of New Hampshire, Massa chusetts Day, Rhode Island and Ptovidence Planta tions, Connecticut, Now York, New Jersey,Pennsyl vania, Delaware, Muryland, Virginia, North Carolina South Carolina and Georgia,in the-words, following, 1 RIGHT OF SECESSION. We feel that it is scarcely necessary to trouble our readers with much more information upon this subject, We have heretofore shown, that there ia nothing in the Constitution that can bo tortured into the support of tho right of secession ; nothing in the writings of Washington, Hamilton, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, and other illustrious founders und defenders of the constitution, that even remotely favors this moon struck fallacy, which seems to have been so ardently embraced and carefully nurtured _ns the last and for lorn hope of Southern disunionists and Northern fa natics. II the able letters of Judge Andrews, Profes- fessor Licber, und last, though not leas:, the masterly op eto. Of these “articles” the 13lh was as follows \ “Evory State shall abide by tho determination of the United States in Congress assembled, on all ques tions which by this confederation ore submitted to them. And the articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, nnd the Union shall be jiepctual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be mnde in nny of them, ut less such alter ation be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be af-erwurds confirmed by the Legislature of every State,” The clauso of Ratification, embracing as welt the Preamble as all the artilcles, was in the fullowing word i *'And whereas it has pleased the Governor of the World to incline the hearts of tho Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress to approve of nnd to authorise us to ratify the said articles of Confeder ation and Perpetual Union, Know ut, that wc, the undersigned Delegates, by virtue of the. power and uuthority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each und evciy of said articles of confederation and Per petual Union, and all and singular the mutters and things therein contained; and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constitu ents that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congre£snssumbled,on all que. tlons which bv the said Confederation are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be Inviola bly observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be Perpetual.'L Ten years afterwards, in the year seventeen hun dred and eighty-seven, the more fully to secure and curry out the objects of the Confederation, a promi nent one of which was the t% pcrpetual union” of Stutes —another convention was called, by which tho pre sent Constitution of the United A'tntes wns framed and submitted to the States, and by them solemnly con curred in and approved. The preamble to that Con stitution commences in these words t *‘\Vb, the Peo ple of these United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice,” etc. In their first convocation (^nys the Virginian) the States resolved that the Union should be “perpetual.” They met a second time to mnko that Union “more perfect ” Having consented to the articles binding the Union by a “perpetual covenant;” and having gone into a second Convention, the prime object of which wns to make that “Union” wore perfect, no Stato had a riyht to make any reservation in passing upon die Constitution. And, if the right to nmke reservations had passed out of the power of the States then, a fortiori is it now out of the power of n single party to the covenant to violate and dissolve that co- venant. This is precisely consonant, ns the render will per ceive, with the opinion expressed by Mr. Madison to Mr- Hamilton, whilst the present Constitution was undergoing ratification by the States: thnt the ratifi cation of the Constitution by a State, with nny condi tion whatever, must vitiate the ratillcation, and that the constitution required an adoption in toto und for- evcr.—lVat. /nt. Disunion Catechisms. Our opponents at the opening of the pend ing canvass drew up two catechisms, one for the especial benefit of their own candidates, and another for tho entrapmzntnf their ene mies. Those who have noted passing events, will have observed with what adroitness the questions addressed to Mr. McDonald were framed; how vague nnd indefinite; and how very cxpliciily be hns responded. So far ns we have noticed, not one of them seeks to elicit his views in regard to the “Southern Congress”—not one of them asks, “what he means by resistanceVI Tho fact is, follow citizens, they know their catechism nnd their catccliumnn too well, to pul to him such troU’ hlcsome and injudicious questions. The peo ple however, are taking the matter into their own hands, and are enquiring very shrewdly, how a man can nt the same time stand npon the Nashville resistance Southern Congress platform, and also upon the Georgia Consti tutional acquiescence platform ? And their respenso nt the ballot-box in October nc.vl will leave the illustrious president of the Nashville Convention with one foot, ut least, upon nothing. The Georgia Platform enn very well dispense with such friends, espe cially os they will he needed by Mr. Rhett in the formation of his naw Republic. But what has amused us not a little, is, thnt Mr. Cobb, contrary to the expectations no doubt, of his hopeful inquisitors, has come out with such explicit and able replies to their queries as utterly to confound them; and now, instead of laying his sentiments, a disclosure of which they officiously sought, before the public, through the medium of their journals, they are endeavoring, liy giv ing them out in disjointed and broken sen tences, accompanied with their own illiberal comments, to destroy their force. We ask, nay, demand, ns an act of justice, as well as courtesy that Mr. Cobb’s letter shall appear entire in every Southern Rights paper in Georgin. It was called forth by a Southern Rights committee ; they have got what they sought, now let them give it to tho people entire and unadulterated. NR. CHASTAIN- The election of this gentleman by a trium phant majority, is every day becoming so ap parent that his opponents are getting quitp desperate in their ossnults upon his characr ter, and are resorting to every expedient tp accomplish his defpat. But thpy wjU fflil in their efforts. Fr oni every part of the Dis trict the accounts are truly cheering. The little screw that got loose in Lumpkin has been replaced, and so far as we know, the utmost harmony and concert of action, and the greatest enthusiasm of feeling pervades the entire ranks of our party,. Our friends, however, mu$t be on the alerfy as we desijp not merely a victory, but one witli tin whelming demonstration, that disunion and secession find but little favor or affectioo in the pure mountain air of Cherokee. — SOUTHERN ENTERPRISE. We would particularly direct public atten tion to the advertisement of our worthy and enterprising townsmen, Messrs. Sumter,Tor- belt & Co., which will be found in our pnper. to-day. We looked into their establiment the other day, and were vyeU.. pleased jvith the tasteful arrangement of the different de partments of labor, nnd the rapidity with which nil kinds of work is executed. Their engine is of fouf-iioso poivor, nnd Works up lumber most admirably. We can very safe ly commend their establishment to the liber- nl patronage of tho public. < Their, furnilurd is made of the best material,, and • fit' prices that will challenge foreign competition. To our friends in this and tho adjoining counties nnd Alabama, we would soy, try them. Let us foster home Industry, nnd reward South ern enterprise. Mr. Cobb a Traitor* It i* quite comnion for our opponents to denounce Mr. Cobb as a truitor to the South - and a deserter of the Democratic Party; liiit it has never yet been exactly - covenient for them to prove that he is either the one or the other. When we have challenged proof, and pressed them to show when and wherein • he hns been recreant to Southern Rights mid untrue to democratic principles' they have failed to adduce it 01 to prove either from his declarations or his acts, that lie. is not now both in principle nnd feeling, what he always . has been' We say this in nil candor ; and it is the expression* of one who has not been and indifferent or careless observer of public men during'the last ten years. If tho noble and patriotic support which lie gave to the adjustment measures of the liist Con- ' gress, and his cordial adhesion to the conser vative action of his State makes him a trait or or a deserter then the charge is welt founded ( otherwise, like other silly slanders it explodes in the hands of its originators. ID* As our paper Is luw going to press we lmvo only lime to say tli.it tho Uon IIowel Cobb, has just clou'll a mi."I powerful mnl innsturlv argument, be-. 11 re nno of the largest itsseinbingi.'s wo imve over soen In our cliy. It bn- sweptevfry thliighofure It. THE SOUTHERNER. At our earliest leisure we shall endeavor to satisfy the mind of our bewildered neigh bor upon the various points nbuut which he seems nt present to be in grent doubt.— When Messrs Cobb, Waters, Price,' and other good Uni an friends of ours shall be • fnirly installed into office at Millcdgevillo,. and Mr. Chastain packed off to Washington City, weshnll then breathe more freely—- the Republic will breathe moro freely ; and .. it is to be hoped, that in the peace<h| shades' of political retirement nnd forgetfulness . Messrs. McDonald, nnd Stiles, and their fol lowers generally, will have a better opportu nity to study political science, and to form a more correct estimate ofthevnluenfour civ il institutions. So long as they are dazzled with the prospective glories of a Southern Confederacy and the liquors and emoluments of office, we fenr our teachings will be hut little heeded. If they heed not the sago counsels ut Washington, Jefferson, Madison,’ Jackson nnd others, they will hardly profit under our tuition. By-the-liy, will t|i 0 Southerner do us the favor of giving himseif and his readers an opportunity of studying the letters of Prof. Lieher, Judge Andrews, and Mr. Cobb, by publishing them entire? A Matt nit to he' Cuxsidehed.—Whilst' tho disunionists of South Carolina are anx iously desiring tho election of Mr. McDonald, and fool “ that his cause is their cause,” it is. gratifying to know that good old Noilh Ca rolina, Tennessee and other Union Slates are deeply desirous that Mr. Conn should tri umph. They judge, nnd rightly too, that the welfare of the whole South, and ihdeed of the whole Union depends in some degree up on his election. T hat should his opponent succeed South Carolina will immediately quit tho Union, expeoting Georgia to follow, There is, also, it appears, a general feoling* of distrust in the executive and administra- .- tive ability of Mr. McDonald both nt homel and abroad. Our Tennessee neighbors it v would seem are in some little dread upon : this subject, as well they might be, should McDonald succeed, for they are every day, becoming more and more identified witl\. Georgia in interest, and therefore very na turally desire her prosperity. Well, we caq assure them that there is now every proba bility that the next Executive of Georgia will be a mnn ready and willing to give hiq best energies to the promotion of the puhlip good, by fostering all the great interests of • Georgia, and cultivating a fnteriml feeling with her neighbors. The disuionists arc laboring to widen the breach, already two wide, between the Stales composing this great confederacy—to embitter, thht they mny embroil one section against the other. . Howell Conn is national in his feelings, lib- . era! in his views. He is put lip On too no ble n model to he the abject slave of a nnr- • row sectionalism. We have carefully.: wu!died his political career; wo have read his speeches; we have noticed his -oles; as speaker of the House of Representatives^ wo • have seen his ability and impartiality as q" presiding office: the theme of universal praiiso and admiration. And should he live until ‘ December next, Georgia will once more tha o Governor !>f whom she nepd not be ash—- or afraid a ™™