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from tliei'otilhsm Patriot. 1 he Federal and State Governments- It imiy not lie uninterosling to the people of South Carolina, at this time to inquire in to the origin and history of the Federal and State Governments. We know it has been fashionable over sii co the days of nullifica tion, n speak of South Carolina as n sove reign State, and that ns such, she has n right to nullify an net of Congt cts, or secede from the Federal Uuion. This was not anciently tile Carolina doc trine. It was not tho doctrine of this State when Mr. Calhoun was advocating those groat national measures, a nnt y, tho hank, internal improvements, tho tariff and internal tnxca, Which gave powor and strength to tho Federal Union nt the expense of South Car olina, in money, and prosperity and political influence. Nor wns it the doctrine ot this State when Mr. McDuffie wrote his fnmoos pamphlet on the powers of the Fed. and state Governments, signed “ One of the People,” nod declared that if these heresies were not discountenanced, they would, at some future day, “ dissolve our happy Union, and sweep away in a tide of civil blood all that consti tutes the happiness of individuals or the glo ry of a nation." Nor hnd these State rights doctrines been canonized in the political church ot South Cniolinu when Judge Sutler, and many other distinguished Carolinians, contended in the Legislature of this Stnlc that the acts of the Federal Government and the proceedings of Congress wero uhovo the censure, comment or notice of the Legisla ture. Hut from having been one of the strongest Federnl States in the Union, South Carolina has now got on the olhor extreme, and would make our Federal Government n rope of sand, or a tenantry nt the will of thirtv-one lease-holders, any one of whom mny hrenk the tenure ot all nt his will and plensure.— The secessionists hnve carried this doctrine so far ns to declare that we are not even cit izens of tho United Slates. That wo are citizens of South Carolina alone, and we owe no allegiance to any other power on earth ! That South Carolina is a sovereign, and that sovereignty is indivisible ! That the Federnl Government so lar from being the parent of the States, is actually tho child and ofispring of tho States ! That although Alabama, and Iowa, and California came into the world fif ty or seventy years after the American Un ion hnd taken rank ns one of the most power ful nations of the oarlh, yet they assisted in begetting her, and she is tho genuine offspring of their loins ! Wondorful nnd mysterious ! The United Slates hnd originally thirteen pa rents, nnd tins now lliirly-one, and will hnvo forty in a fow yoars more I Wo have heard of barren and unfruitful persons purchasing nnd adopting children to raise up, nnd com fort them in their old age, but we never heard of a child, blessed already with thirteen fa thers and mothers to commonco the world with, being so insane as to purchase fifteen or twenty more ! This, however, the United States have done, if the theory, physiologi cal, of the secessionists he correct! Louisi ana, a French mother, was purchased in the lieginning of the prosent century. Florida, a Spaniard, wns obtained some years after wards. Then Texas, a sort of mongrnl par ent, with n dash of Indian blood, was obtain ed, on the condition that we would support or defend her. Our multifarious parental passion, by this liino, became so stroug that we must need liavo two or three Mexican mothers by force of arms. Hence Utah, New Mexico and California, were conquered.— Hut tile two first, although in a fair way to be, are not yet dignified with the appellation of mother. They are not yet sovereign States. Let us now examine this incomprehensi ble mystery of the secessionists, nnd see whe ther the whole theory is not a delusion, nnd n-most fatal one to our peace and happiness. tVihen an Irishman comes to South Carolina, ood is naturalized, lie does not apply to be a citizen of South Carolina, hut of tho United Stales, and not to the State By virtue of the I cderal Constitution, ho then becomes a citizen of the Union, may go into any Stalo of the Fedoral Union, and exercise nil the rights and privileges ofa citizen of that Slate. If Ilia rights are invaded by a foreign nation, nlthough he has not gone out of South Caro lina, jot Massachusetts nnd New York, nnd eve.-y other sovereign State of the American confederacy, must, nnd are bound, to defend this Irishman, not as a citizen of South Caro lina, hut as a citizen of the United Stales.— The war of 1812, with Great Britain, is proof on this point. There arc then citizens of the United .S'tntci living in South Carolina. Every magistrate and constable, member of tho Legislature, judge nnd militia captain in South Carolina, has taken an oath to sup port the Constitution of the United Slates.— In that constitution It is declared that “ the laws of the United States shall he the su preme of the land, any thing in the constitu tion or laws of any Slate, (sovereign Stale if you will) to the contrary notwithstanding.” This is the oath which most of us liavo ta ken,nnd yet we are told that we owe no nl- leglnnco to the United Stales, and must oboy the mandate of tho Slate in prcfcrenco to tlint of the Federnl Government. Is South Carolina a sovereign Slate ? “ n supreme ruler without contra! r” She cer tainly can neither make war nor peace, noi- I tlier coin money nor emit bills of credit, nei ther keep troops nor shins of war in time of pence ! The-o arc the highest acts of sove reignty, and none of them can she do. They are forbidden in the constitution of the Uni ted Stales. In some respects South Carolina is sovereign. She can forfeit the lives of her citizens for any offence she pleases to make capital. Instead of using the word sovereignly, if we were to substitute, in its plncr, the word \ power, we should produce less confusion in pur idoas. Sovereignty is an old kingly word, and not stictiy applicable to the U. States, as we have no kings here yet. Power is di visible, ifsovereignty of kingship is not. Ail ,— power, in this country, is vosted in, and ol right belongs lu the people. They have di- . vidod it out, politically, into three parcels.— To the federal government they have given a portion which is enumerated in the Constitu tion of the United States. To the State Governments they have given another por tion, a part of which is enumerated, nnd a part is not, i« ti e constitutions of the seve ral States. To themselves, the people^ have I reserved, in their Federal and State Consti- . another portion of political power. ’ Carolina never saw the day when , in the European sense of the word, power Her history proves 1 doubt, and to that history Carolina'. They were invested with all roy alties, powers and authorities necessary for the government of the said province, snving the faith and allegiance due the king. It. 1665, this giant was confirmed by the king to he held und used by the proprietors ns the Bishop of Durham did his Pnlatinnte. In 166!) the lotds proprietors did ngreo up on fundamental constitutions for tho better government oi the said province. In a few months nferwnrds they adopted a second series of fundamental constitutions. In 1681 they adopted a third, nnd ufterwards a fourth. In 1698 u fifth was p.omulgaled, and ill 1719 the province of South Carolina cast off the proprietary government. Tho title and inter est of tho proprietors wore then surrendered to the king, and so remained n royal province till tho American revolution. Up to this period, there L nopretonco that South Caro lina wns sovereign, as she received her go vernor, her judges, nnd ull Iter officers from the appointment of the king of Great Bri tain. In 177-1, Massachusetts, one of tho thir teen British Provinces, got into n serious dif ficulty with the mother country, about some tea, thrown overboard in the harbor of Bos ton, nnd tho right of the British Government to tax the Colonies. In her resistance, sho sought tho co-operation of all the other Colo nels, nnd they nil met in Congress, in the city of Philadelphia in 1774. This Congress met again in 1775, nnd in 1776declnied tho Colo nies tree and independent. No declaration of independence was made by South Carolina, nnd no step was taken by her to throw off, separate and alone, her subjection to the British Crown The Declaration of Inde pendence wns the niiileil act of all the Colo nies. It wns made in these words: “We thereforo, the representatives of the United Slates of America, in general Congress as sembled, appealing to the Supremo Jud^e of the world for (he rectitude of our inlontions, do, in the name nnd by the authority of tho good people of these Colonics, solemnly pub lish and declare tlint these United Colonies nrc, nnd of right ought to ho free, nnd inde pendent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown,nnd that nil political connection between them nnd the Slnto of Great Britian, is, and ought to be totally dissolved ; nnd that os free and inde pendent States llioy hnve full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, es tablish commorce, and do all other acts and tilings which indopondent Statos may ofrighl do." The Congress which inode this Declara tion of Independence for the United Colo nics, had become’ a regular organized Gov ernment, and had been governing the coun try for two years previous thereto, raising an nrmy, providing ways nnd means for the de fence of the country, nnd making laws which tl.o Colonies felt themselves hound to obey Immediately after tlio Declaration of Inde pendenee, tlio different Colonics assembled and adopted their Slate Constitutions, and referred expressly to the Declaration ol in dependence by tlio Continental Congress in justification of their acts. In 1778, the old articles of Confederation were agreed on in Congress os “a perpetual Union” between the Stales, nnd rntified liy the different States nt different periods. They carried the country through the Revolution nnd were sufficient in lime of war for its gov ernment. But when peace was restored, i stronger nnd Letter Government was reqnir ed, and the Slates mot again in Convention The presenl Federal Constitution was agreed on in 1787 liy “the people of the United Stales, in order to form a more perfect Union.” It will thus he seen that, at no time, was Soutli Carolina independent, hut nlwnys con nected with some other power. Till 1774 she, with the olhor Colonies, wns a subject to Great Beitain- Then sho united with all of them in Congress, nnd in 177G, ns one united people, threw off the dominion of Great Brllem Tho Union wns formed be fore State government were formed. The Stnto governments grew out of tho Union and weicbegolton by that Union which de dared their independence. For two years had tho Colonies been united in the Conti neirtnl Congress before they became States. Not only wero the States brought into ex istence by the Union, and freed of their for eign bondage by the Union, hut under the Union they have lived, and grown,nnd pros pered, ns no States ever did before. Youn gcr Stales hnve since come into the world under this same Union ; nnd now, when the family circle lias thus increased, nnd are nil lmppy nnd blessed, South Carolina steps for ward and denies that she is the daughter of this Union ! She does worse than that.— With unrivalled impudence sho declares that sho is the mother of the Uuion ! and with unholy and unnatural feelings, claims the right of destroying her own offspring; instead of nursing nnd cherishing it I or a vestry, seeing that vie must have somebody to quarrel with 1 had rather keep our New England associates lor that purpose ihnn to sec our bickerings trails-, erred to others,’’ THURSDAY MOBNINCb SEPT- 4,1801 Jf KNOWLKS, ED1 TOR7*" NOMINATIONS OF Till CONSTITUTIONAI. UNION PARTY. Are not Messrs. McDonald and Stiles, and their followers dear lovers of the glorious Union, when they use such paltry humbuggs to deceive the people aed arouse their hat red against the government ? Again we say to the people, beware of tho Nashville lea ven, which is emphatically hypocrisy and de ception I Heed not the idle clap-trap of that precious hatch of patriots, who went a se cond time to Nashville to save(l) the Union 1 Tho preservation of this Union by Rhett and McDonald, and Stiles, would be that exten ded by the wolf to the lamb. For Governor. HON. HOWELL COBB. Fon Congress. COL. E. W. CHASTAIN, Of Gilmer. For Senator. COL. JOSEPH WATTERS. Fir Representatives. II.OtD COUNTV, WILLIAM T. PRICE. CIIATTOOOA COUNTY, ROBERT OAMRON. GORDON COUNTV, THOMAS BYRD. AUE9ITS coil TUB CUHItlBU. Dan’l Mix, Summerville. Judge Wooten, Dirt Town. J. T. Finley, Chnttougaville. E. R. Sasseen, LaFnyotte. HON. HOWELL COBB Will address the people at the following places, at the times designated : Calhoun, Saturdny 6th. Spring l’lnce, Monday It 8lh. Ellijay, Wednesday li 10th. Ulnirsville, Friday ti 12th. Dnl.lonegn, Monday it 15th. Gumming, Wednesday (( 17th. Canton, Friday U 19th. Wo are authorised by Mr. Cobb to say that Judge McDonald is invited to attend those appointments, and to participate in the discussion upon equal terms. Hon. ROBERT TOOMBS will be with Mr. Cobb nt his appointments at Dalton nnd Calhoun. Dalton on Friday Sept. 5th, nnd Calhoun bnlurdny Glh. Go, one and all, nnd hear both. QfZfr. Several articles omitted for want of room. We are indebted to Mr. Richard Bu ber of this county, for some very choice spe cimens ol apples and peaches. Success to fruit cullute in old Floyd. Mr, Cobb’* A (litres*. Our time burely permitted us to refer to the very powerful and argumentative address delivered by this gentleman in our City last week. Clear, strong and eloquent, unencum bered by tinsel, it went right home to the judgment, and has produced the happiest ef fects—-converting outright some, confirming others, and convincing all who are not hope lessly wedded to the Nashville platform.— Mr. Cobh’s conciliatory and gentlemanly port and icpublican manners, will make him friends wherever he goos,and greatly strength en the cause ho so ably represents nnd main tains. Wo say to the people every where, go out mid hear him. Mr.’Cobb at Nuramerrlllo and CaFnyettc, A friend who was present, nnd heard Mr, Cobb at Summerville end LaFnyotte, in forms us that on immense crowd attended nt both of those places to hear him, and that his speeches have already had a most linppv effect upon the people of Chattooga and Walker counties. At LaFayette the crowd was immense, and the address of Mr. Cobb is spoken of in the highest terms of approba tion. Several new accessions to the Union ranks, nnd the mountains in a blaze of en thusiasm. To our friends below, we sny —clear the track, a ball from the ‘'Look out" lias started for the sea-board and will sweep everything before it. Mr, Cobb n Dlsiiulanist. For cool assurance, and great fertility of invention, we think our fire-eating friends are placing themselves beyond the reach of competition. With a sang froid, inimitable as it is undesirable, they wilt make the most sweeping charges against their opponents, and when proof is, demanded, in its stead, they astound you with something still more absurd, and monstrous, and fabulous. Air. Cobb wns first a traitor, then asuhmissionist, then a Federalist, then n bnnkrupt, then a Jrec-soiler. And what next ? Can you imagine, worthy render ? Why he is a dis- unionist. So says n writer in the Dalton Times. Hear him : “Mr Cobb is iur disunion, there is no question about it, and he is for civil war and revolution in the South.” Wo wonder if our fire-eating friends will vote for him. Let our friends prepare them selves to hear next that Mr.- Cobh lias kid napped his own negroes and is gn. his way with them to Canada in a flying machine. Tlio Southern Patriot. Wc ought to have given this valuable pa per an especial notice long since. It is pub lished at Greenville, South Carolina, and is doing noble service in disseminating sound doctrines upon the great questions which now agitate the country. It is one of the handsomest sheets that comes to our table, B. F. Perry and C. J. EJford, Editors. of i Mr. Jefi-erson on Secession.—Mr. Jef ferson has never been suspected of being Federalist. His reputation was won by his efforts against the black cockade federalists of the East. As long ngo as 1798, soon after the ndoption of tho Federal Constitution, he cemmenced to v. ar against the hersesy of se cession, which was then entertained by some of the people of Virginia, who had becomo outraged nt tlie conduct of the Federalists He then wrote a letter to n distinguished gen tlcmcn in tlint Slate, an extinct from which has recently been re-published from an old -opv ol the Sbuther-i Quarterly Re view as follows: “Bui if, on u temporary superiority of tlie one parly, tlio other is to resort to o secession from the Union, no Federal Gov ernment can ever exist. II, lo rid our selves of I lie present rule o! Massachusetts’ and Connecticut, we break the Union, will the evil stop there 7 Suppose the New England Stales alone cut off; will our nature he changed ? Are ivc not men, still to the south ol that, and with all tlio passions of men f Immediately we shall sec a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary Confederacy, and tlio public mind will be distracted with tlie same parly spirit. Wlmt a game, loo will the one party liavo in their hands by eternally threatening the oilier, that unless they do so and so, they will join their Northern neighbors I ii wc reduce our Union lo Virginia and North Carolina, immediately tlie conflict will be establish ed between tlie representatives of those two States, and they will end by breaking into their simple units 1 Seeing, therefore an association of men who will not re] with one another is a thing which. Cuba, The news from this Island is ofn very ex citing nnd painful character. The unhappy nnd mournful fate ot Crittenden and his brave comrades, has produced a profound sensation throughout tho land. There seems to have been some misconception, in refer ence to the state of feeling in Cuba, and the Now Orleans papers end Lopez come in for a large share of censure. That the ex pedition wos too hastily gotten up, nnd but illy provisioned nnd equipped, is generally ndmilted. How the matter will end ao one can at present forsee. Death of Da. Oi.in.—The papers an nounce the demiso ol this distinguished pul pit orator and divine. Ho died nt his resid ence in Middletown, Conn, on the 15th ult. He was extensively known und admired at the South, and the last Southern Christian Advocate, contains an eloquent tribute lo his memory nnd worth. More IlnuibuBgery. We would especially caution our friends •gainst tho wholesale system of bumbuggory and deception, by which our opponents are at this moment endeavoring to dupe and mis lead the people. The last gull of any note which has como under our observation, is the " Alberti case.” We should not have re ferred even to this, but for the fact, that hand bills purporting lo give its history, are scattered broad-cast through tlie country - Now all we have to say iu regard to this case is, that the government ot the United States, had no mote to do with it than a man in the moon. Kidnapping by the laws of Penn sylvania, and indeed by the laws cf most of the States, is, and ought lo be a Peniten tiary offence. He was convicted of this crime and sentenced accordingly. We think he probably innujumt;—but this is a matter ennsylvania Sovereignly. There are few words more frequently used, nnd none more generally misunderstood and miiapplicd than the one which heads this ar ticle. Wc have heard lor years, and still hear a great deal said,—and eloquently too —about State Sovereignly, Fedoral aggres sions end usurpations, nnd Federal impotence until the people are beginning to imagine that it is not only their light and duty to glo rify their State Governments ns containing the quinlescence of true sovereignly, hut to look upon acts of the General Government, which m the least conflict with their views and interests as arbitrary nnd unlawful. And wo beiievethat much of the ill-feeling and opposition which now oxists in the land, and which threntenBthe stability of our free institutions, is attributable to a misapprehen sion upon the part of the people of the true structure nnd powers of the Fedoral nnd State Governments, respectively. Now the term sovereignty, cannot bo ap propriately applied to any power on earth— it is not certainly possessed by the States in dividually, nor by the United States collect ively; and although we very frequently speak of the sovereign people, the expression is not strictly correct. It is true thnt with them, exists the power to make, modify or destroy governments, but the possession nnd exer cise of this power does not mako them ipdi vidunlly or collectively sovereign; for the ve ry existence of government implies the sur render of certain private rights and preroga tives. And it is equally preposterous to sup pose that the people can impart thnt to i governmenCwhich they do not possoss them selves. Sir Edward Coke very properly de clared, that sovereignty was not a parliamen tary word. Ifit could not be properly ap plied to the King or Parliament of Great Bri tain, it certainly should not find n place in the political vocabulary of a Republic like ours. It should he eschewed especially by our Southern Rights friends, who have so grent a horror of consolidation. Fortunately in this country, the respective powers and duties of the local and central governments are so clearly defined by the Constitution in plain and explicit language, that none need be in doubt in regard to their appropriate and lawful spheres of action. We would enlarge upon this subject, but ns tlie worthy editors of the Southern Patri ot have furnished us with an nriicle entirely to our notion, containing not only sound rea soning, but vnluuble historical facts we shall dismiss this topic by commending it lo the perusal of our readers. It will be found in another column. derstood-, that letter i < intendedfor Georgia,” or words to that effect. Now we bog the people of Georgia to mark well this fnct ; for we have our information from an undoubted source, and to pause befure they give their votes to a man who would thus trifle with their rights and interests. HR. COBB. The people of Georgia, and Indeed the whole coun try, owe lo lliis gemlcinun n debt of gratitude winch they can never repay. Ilia dignified nnd noncilintory, nnd yet decisive con rse In Congress, by which, in n most critical period In the history or our Government, he waa promoted to the 3d office In the Republic ; his eiibfcqnont bold and able championship of tho Com promise, In tho passage of which he largely aided—his recent masterly vindication of those measures before the people of his own Stale ; all these, nnd other ser vices entitle him to the lasting gratitudo of those of his countrymen who think our free institutions nrc worth preserving,* transmitting lo posterity.We know he has been vorv liberally abused for canvassing the State, aa though he hnd for the Oral time Bet the pre cedent i hut we wish from our very heart, that he Imd time and strength to visit every hamlet, every district, and every house in Georgia, nnd in his plain nnd mat ter-of-fact style, to instruct the people upon the great questions and issues whicli now agitato nnd divide the country and arouse them to the defence of the Constitution and the Union. The unceasing efforts of uitraista and funntica to diffuse into tlie American mind a spirit of disaffection and disloyalty to tile Gen eral Government should illicit corresponding efforts to thwart tiieir wicked devices. I-or more thnti twen ty years, n party has existed in this country, strange to sny, hostile to the Union. It has grown with our growth,until tlie Dual virus of hatred and distrust, has been insidiously diffused into the whole body, politic, nnd threatens the utter extinction of out national exis tence. Tho Government of our first nnd only love, is presented to us by our inlatnnted opponents ns an object fit only for loathing, dctestntlon nnd destruc tion. Institutions reared by our patriot sires, and which have conferred untold blessings upon mankind nt largo: tinder which wo hnve enjoyed unpnralled prosperity nnd happiness, arc lo perish nt the bidding of fiery zealots nnd ambitious aspirants. No marvel then, that this aittfming state of things, has produced n profound sensotloh throughout the land, nnd awakened n spirit of nnxious inquiry in tlie public mind. Ncvor hnve wo seen the grent body of onr people so deeply solicitous to know tlie truth, and thoroughly to acquaint themselves wi-li tlie grent ques tions which they are soon to decide, ns during the presenl canvass. And well they mny be anx ious, fur there is hut ti step between them and revolu tion, onnrchy and dismay. Therenre none so hum ble—none bo poor or ignorant ns not to appreciate iu sonic degree the rational liberty secured to oil classes under our present constitution. They have therefore only to know that it is in danger to rush lo its rescue. Wc know thnt disuniotiisin is doing Its worst to pre vent the people from getting nt the truth, and thnt div- unionis's ore endeavoring to counteract its force upon their minds by tlie lowest nbtisc and cnlunmies against Mr. C obk - still, thousands flock to heir him, and pa ticntly and respectfully listen to his fuir nnd lucid ex positions of the groat questions of the day, nnd go nwny with more ardent devotion to the Union We tepeut then, that for these well-timed und wcll-bcstow- cd labors, Mr. Cobb is entitled to the gratitude of hia countrymen. NOTE IT DOWN, It is known that Mr. Rliett ofSoutli Caro lina has on more than one occasion compli mented Go”. McDonald, and alluded to his co-operation in the formation of n Southern confederacy, and many have wondered why McDonald’s late noncommittal loiter to the Charleston co-operation committee has been passed over in silence by Mr. Rhett and his organ the Mercury. We are able to give the public a solution of this matter. A gentle man from South Carolina, who is a disunion- ist, in conversation upon this subject the oth er day, said—‘.bat when in the presence ot Mr. Rhett, the character of Mr. - McDonald’s letter was referred to on a recent occasion- 'sfaad; out let or hindrance from any of the part'es to the federal Compact. Other powers and pre rogatives were retained by the States and may be exercised by them wi'hout fear or molestation. If the States ever were sove reign—which we deny—they are not so now, for they hnve actually divided their sovereignty or powers with the General Gov ernment, and given to it exclusive jurisdic tion over all national questions, m perpetuity. All this talk then about State sovereignity, or federal sovereignty, or any other sovereignty ns applicable to any kind or grade of govern ment in this country is entirely unmeaning. To possess and exercise certain powers with in prescribed limits is one thing—to possess and exercise supreme power without limit or restriction is another, and quite a different matter.'" Fortune is, our system of govern ment issosiinple, undyetso wisely arranged, - with its checks nnd balances—its powers ate so accurately defined, its legitimate sphere of action so clearly marked out, that it ran not go estray without the instant knowledge and interference of the people. An occasional abuse of powet upon the part ol both the Slate nnd General Governments may he ex pected; this we have more than once witnes sed since the adoption of the Federal Consti tution—still we have ever found in that glo rious instrument, n self-adjusting, remedial power by which harmony hns ultimately been, restored, our noble Union, saved, and the Republic has still gone on conquering hnd to conquer in its career of greatness nnd benefi cence. Long may it live the love and ptide of every American heart. 1 yo ed, t It will be recollected, thnt Mr. Stiles has ircquently in his speeches, nlludcd to Mr. Cobb's vote on the Or egon hill, and in a moat offensive manner associated him with frccsoilcrs. In hi.- address tho other d .y, Mr. Cobb gave a satisfactory explanation nnd triumph ant vindication of his conduct upon this subject, nnd showed torn the record that he did not Vote (or the hill on its final passnpc, nlthough said bill wns approv ed by Mr. Polk—thnt previous to the acquisition of Mexican territory when tho question wns unimpor tant hnwaswilllng to apply the Missouri Compromise line to that country, but that so soon na there wos a. prospect that other grent monsurcs involving the righti ontl interests of the South would come up, he r.-fn. ed to vote for that bill, until the whole quealion should he fairly adjusted. Bat what will our readers think when wc tell them thnt Wm. II. Stiles, late Minister to Austria, nnd tlie present Southern Rights candidate for Congress, VOTED FOR THIS VERY OREGON BILL. Will they believe it 1 Let them refer to tlio proceedings of the 2d session of the 28th Congress, if they linvc doubts upon this subject. For this vote wc do not censure Mr. Stiles, but we do censure him, for endeavoring to prejudice tho minds of the people ngainst Mr. Cobb, for doing precisely what he himself did.. Indeed cannot trust ourselves ptoperly to characterise anil la bel lids conduct of Mr. Stiles towards an old colleague nnd friend. Let on indignant people mark the man who would injure without provocation another for do ing precisely what he himself has done. SOVEREIGNTY INDIVISIBLE- Thousands of honest minds are misled by the misapplication of terms—tens of thou sands have been bewildered by the inappro priate use of the word sovereignty. The States, say our political teachers, are sove reign, and sovereignty cannot he divided, therefore the States are supreme. The whole difficulty upon this subject may be traced lo false premises nnd false assumptions. Now we assert, that absolute sovereignty is only possessed by Deity—thnt it never has been delegated or impnrtcd lo any individual or government on earth—it never can be ; for there never can exist two or more supreme heads; “ The powers that he, ure ordained of God”—not the sovereignties that be. Tlie terms, strength, power, influence, mny he appropriately applied to individuals and states, but notthe word sovereign; berico this term is no where found in tho articles of confeder ation, in tho constitution nor in the laws of Congress. It is sui generis, adopted by cer tain modern schoolmen to accomplish a spe cific object. Had they stopped and defined it, the people would readily have discovered that it could not have been npplied with any degree of propriety or truth to the American States, united or separate. The word “ pow ers, 1 ' is the one used by the Constitution, not “ sovereignty.’ 1 It does not say--“ all sove reignty not delegated to the' Federal Gjv ernment, &c.—for the framers of that instru inent knew thut the Statos could not divide out and impart that which they never pos sessed, they therefore declare “that all pow ers’’ &c. Power is both divisible and distri butive,hence when the Constitution was. fra med, there was an explicit grant ot certain powers and prerogatives to. the GencrJ G.ov- atom MR. CHASTAIN. During the present exciting and very im portant campaign we have endeavored to keep the columns of our paper free from all offensive personalities, Whilst we hare felt it t:> he our duty to scrutinize rigidly the po litical character and measures of our oppo nents and disclose them to the people;- we have studiously refrained from personal u- huse nnd vituperation; wehnveneither used them ourselves nor suffered our correspon dents to do so in our ■ Journal. Indeed, we hnvo nlwnys viewed n resort fo such moans, ns evidence of a had cause; as pernicious to social harmony nnd good fooling, and disre- pntnble lo the press, Our views upon this subject are unchanged, and our course, we trust will continue the same, whilst we con trol the columns of the Cornier. We have no heart for throwing mud and dirt ourselves nnd we haven higher appreciation of tho pub lic taste thnn to suppose it would he nt nit acceptable to the people or serviceable to our cause. The ridicule nnd abuse which are daily helped upon Mr. Chnstnin by our oppouent*I enn do him no harm. The stale calumny that he wns bought up hy Col. 1unilm, he has again and again hurled hack in the very teeth of his trnducers, and challenged them , to the proof. It is true, as onr opponents' sneetingly declare, he is from the mountains, but the people of Cherokee Georgia, will hardly look upon this- ns an unpardonable (to; and wc greatly mistake the spirit of-the Cherokee buys, if they shall Buffer Mr. Chas tain to ho proscribed motcly because ho hnihi from Noonntoolln instead of the .Sevarift nnd Etowah rivers. Moic thnn once has Col. Chnstnin served the people in the Legislature of his native State, and he wns then the favorite of some 1 of tlie very men who now so grossly abuse* and vilify him. Then he was tho able and popular Mr. Chastain—now wlten he stnuds in the way of Messrs. McDonald, and Stiles. & Co., ho is suddenly transformed from n lion into an ass; from a gentleman into n row dy; from a Republican into n Federalist, trai tor, &c. Let the people look well to this matter, and not suffer n worthy tuan to be immolated to satisfy tlie cormorant appetltri of disunionism. . Hay making. Although the late rains have somewhat rev ived the hopes of the husbandman,.yet be yond question, the coming year will be one if great scarcity in many parts of the South. Few oats were made, whilst the early ci with here and there an exception,'is aln an entire failure. The Spring wns also q unpropitious to the growth of fhesweet pot*- toe, and even with late frosts there will dof, he an nvernge crop of this valuable esculent.* With these facts before us, it behooves tb farmer at once to adopt n rigid system economy, nnd to gather up every thing tha will conduce to tho sustenance and comfort * of stock of every kind during thecoming win ter. Here at the South, in addition to the grasses which flourish in more northerly lati tudes, we have the crab-gross, which usually matures at a most propitious season for cu ting und housing. It is of .spontaneous and luxuriant growth, nnd when properly i makes a most excellent forage, both for I ses and neat cattle. If our agricultural Trie will pardon us, we will make a few suggei tions and give n few hints upon the su of hay making, as the season for it is ne hand. Crabb-grass, (and indeed all grai should he cut wheri quite green. We noticed in the maturity of this grass, a deal of irregularity; whilst some stalks, i ripe, others wit) scarcely be in bloom, should always be cut, however, Me stalks become bard nnd dry; else a very 1 portion of the sugar and other kljidrf nutritious properties which, wlten green will be entire' into a tasteless nni v