Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE) ROME COURIER PUBLISHED »V*RY THURSDAY MORNIG air a. *. ErauHAi, ADVKITtS«MSNT9 Win bo insMtcd With sntion to tbo requirement of the law, at &fec., ..." * WOO ■TfiBBnL . .. olLaki p« »nn»t* ll fklfl in adtanct i two Dollars And Fifty C«nU if paid within six month! {. ot Three Doihttt at the end of the year. Itfctti •« A«verslelnr- Lxosl Advx*ti»*«i*nts will bo insetted with ■trie* nttentii ‘— vxvkss .. the follow! NmlcomDcbtor.nn-d Creditor., - 3 35 Sale oi.Por.onnl Property, by Exeou-» 3 as . lot»,Admlnl»Ua«ots,5ee. 5 Sale, of Land or Negroes, 50 day*,) s uo per square, '' 5 Loiter, of citation, . • • 2 75 Noti.e for Letters ofDlimlsslon, ■ • 4 50 Candidate* nunounelnjr their nnmes, will be ehurred A5 00, which will be renal red in ndyahoo. Husband. ndYettUlng their wives, will be charged #5 OO, which tans’ always be paid in advance. All other a'lvertl*omenti will be intoned at One Dollar per square, of twelve line, or lest, for .the flr.t, and fifty Cent., for eaoh subsequent inter ,l0 Ll’bet«l deductions will be mad# In flavor of those Whoadtjcrti^iU^J^W^ ,11. >V. BOSS, dentist Rome, Georgia..<i.. Office over N. J. Omberg's Clothing Store, t January 16,1651 FRANCIS X. ALLEN, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL Dealer in Staple and Fancy DRY GOODS AND GROCDIUES. 09» Receive* now goods every week. *®i) Rome, fie,, January 9, 1851. " I.1N & BUANTLY. WARE-HOTJSE, COMMISSION ft PRODUCE MERCHANTS, Atlanta, Ga. (jr^-Liberal advances 'made on any article In Store. Nov. 38,1850. Iy A. D. KINO St CO. COTTO VGIN MANUFACTURERS Rome, Qeorgia. May 3. 1650. ALEXANDER ic TRAM III BIX, ATTORNEYS at law, ROME, OA. Nov. 38. 1850. ly. ■•mas H.iotMan. > t onAar.Es r. Hamilton, HAMILTON fc HARDEMAN, Factors & Ooimnissioa Merclmits, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA Oct. X 1830, 1 12ra •HAatae r. mamilton. > i thouas hardrm.n 1 HARDEMAN A HAMILTON, Warehouse & Commission Merchants, MACON, GEORGIA, Oet. ?, IS50. 1 12m. ” PATTON * PATTON, ATTORNE18 at law, Rome, Georgia, VILL Practice in alt the Counties of the Choro s Circuit : 48 Sept. 0, 1850. |1. E. fATtOE. J T. rATTOH. W,P. WILKINI. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Rome, Georgia. fntc Hon, n y. fortcr, oiUn.-.ssTost, s. c.,or AT CAW sritINO, oil, Hon Wi H. UNDERWOOD, ROME.. OA. Hnu. WILLIAM EEZAIIII, DCCATUtt, OA. July 15, .1850 , 41 l W. REA I. I., DRAPER AND TAILOR Broad Street Rome, Ga. October 10, 1850, DRUGGISTr • ICKBIENON, -ROME, GEORGIA. Friendship's Offering To tht mtmory of the highly a timed Mr. Joita W. Beeniit, who departed thie life on the fret of Au- gust, fn Rome, addrelted to hit Mother, by Mre. F. L.B. Dear Sister- How are our hopes and lambent visions fled s How disappointment wrecks our grief torn hearts j Thy darling son, thy own dear John, Is dead. Thus end all oarthly joys, thus dear connexions part. But truly we Too fondly hoped, (how vain that hope appears,) Thy plaua boy would llvo (or yeara to come— With flliel love would Booth thy length'hlng yeara, And twine a living wreath to grace thy humble tomb. But now we're tangbt Tho vanity of ev’ry sublunary joy, On'swiftest pinions each strong pleosuro flics— Hope's opening bud, despair could blast, destroy, And pleasure only blooms to wound oa when it dies. For oh, 'tit but few dsya, Yea, bri.f, brief indeed has been the space, Since thou, dear John, with u, was one, 'Twos pleasant to us to see thy face, But yet we ery, God’s will be done, God's will be done. For ofl.we see The early toso unfold its beateous form, . And spread its leaves >o catch the momlng ray, It fails, alas I beneath tho evening storm, Its leaves are scatter’d wide and all its charms decay. Thus O, sins! Beauty, youth and innocence are vain, Can harmless smile delay the parting breath— Can youth enkindle life’s sweet blu.-h again, Or lambent, beauteous bloom arrest releutless death. Ah, no, alas i O no, dear John,could innocence nvail, Pule Death had never snatched thy tender breath, Or beauty thy fair cheek had ne'er grown pale With withering hectie and the dulling damps of death. Ah, no,alas! But I philosophy too is vain, And vain Is reason’s all persuasive power. To sooth our souls or the sad tears restrain That fall upon Ihy grave, dour John, In an o’erflotv- ing shower. But tel ns cease to mourn, For through tho gloom that hovers round our heads, Bright cordial rays of Heavenly light we see; And Jesita* Love like copious dew Is shed, To sooth the grief-torn hearts that mourn, dear friend, (or thee. For well we know The God that lent thee, (thou wnst not our own,) In wisdom claims the boon His goodness gave. He rsloed thee from thy labors to a home. To reign with Him triumphant o’er the gloomy grave. Cease then my soul to mourn. For when ear pilgrimage, of life l, o'er. And death commands onr exiled spirits home, We’ll meot ourchrittain friends to part no more— Where death shall ne’er divide nor withering sickness come. Mourn no mors, sister-— Cease too my soul to heave tho rising sigh, Nor longer chant (he melancholy lay, But an Faith’s pinions soar to Christ no high, Where Elijah's chsrriot has long slnee shown the wuy. Mr. Cobb having concluded his examina tion of etch of the bills embraced in the Com promise, next r eve wed (he Georgia plant- form and declared himself satisfied with it— that he felt no “degrandalion" in acquiescing —that he heartily approved the action of the Convention, and was willing to stand or fall upou the principles therein set forth. He next argued the doctrine of Secssipn, and here permit me to say, that ia this part of the Slate, we are fortunate in having forc ed the Disunionists to throw off the veil un der which they have been covering their pol itical sins, and iniquities, and to come out and avow the abstract principle, for the main tenance and establishment of which they have formed themselves into a party. It is this, “that a State has the right to secede from the Union with or without just cause at her own mere will and pleasure,” I speak by the “bugleIt is the last blast which Mr. Rhetl’8 bugleman in Georgia has blown,-— The sound proceeds from near the heights ofKInnesaw. Mr. Cobb,s examination of this abstract doctrine of Governmental policy as it is called, it seems to me would make e«en Governor McDonald “honorably acqui esce” in the “degradation” (if such n thing were possible) of tbo bugleman who blows such a blast. This has been a proud day for tho friends of the Union and one of dismay to its enemies. I know the effort has been made .to impress the public with the belief that the people of Cherokee were not sound upon the questions involved ia this constest, I assure you that they are sound, that Cobb wilt cress the Chattahoochie with at least five thousand majourity ,and that the“Aas(rfan Equestrian” will be so far distanced, that not even an “abstract principle,” will ever allow itself to be rode by hint again. Lest some may not understand the “zeal without knowledge” of a few of the sons of chivalry, who in their wanderings to and fro upon the face of the earth siuce they left the Palmetto Stn'o, have found their why into this section oi Georgia, I must offer an apology for them. You know that in that Slate n.convention man has not the right to vote for Governor, that privilege is confined to a favored fow, who are in office, and it ought not to be a matter of surprise when one' ofthe chivalry gets over into Geor gia where he can exercise a privilege com mon to oil our people, but heretofore denied to him, that he should almost go beside him self. They ought to be excused, they will get orer it when they got a little more used to it. Coosa . 4|HOLESAl,E AND RETAIL DEALER IN < ''DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE j STUFFS, PERFUMERY, Ac. • October io, 1860 . Broad Street COULTER to COLLIER. ATTORNEYS AT LAW, Rome, Georgia. r«b. )XjLAND house, , ATLANTA, GEORGIA. “4HIS Largs anil New Brick Hotel, near the Rat Rood Depot, l« sow opened. It tvillbe'kept in a style thht vis Itors wilt not forgot to stop og.Uti- on the cars wilt bays moio than ample Hite of tho good meals always In read!- arrival of each train. Persons visiting the utd stopping nt the Holland House, can get in. ion and assistance in business j and pass off sisurc boars In amusements conneoted with the Tne Post Office, Bank Agency, Brokers and tett*n* offices Will he in the Holland House, nee—Any one who has or may step one time. . A. r R. KELLAM, Proprietor. i; H. UNDERWOOD & I. W. II. UNDERWOOD. will practice uvi F alt the Counties of the Cherokee Circuit, (ex . cent Dade). They will both personally attend all e Court* J. W. H. UNDERWOOD will attend n# of Jackson and Habersham counties ofthe t Circuit. Both will attend lb 0 Sessions of the J COURT at Caasvllle and Gainesville.— s entrusted to them will be promptly-and r attended to. CE next dpor to Hooper be Mitchell, “Buena me,” Romo.Ga,, al which plaepflneorboth ays bp found,etrept absent on professional 1861 ;w COTTON GINS AT ttOHE, GA. WITHSTANDING our Shop has boon des toyed twice within the test two years, once by ■ad once by fire, -we are again manufacturing riot Cotton Gin#, and have prepared ourselre lonnt of orient with which we may be > are not melting Frcmlnpi Gins, or Wu- (, nor do we claim nil tlie experience that dried tnlhe'srt Of Gin making, but we t boasting, say that we qre willing .to s side by side with nny. made in the Unt- the same price; hn'dfcom'psre quality and 1 per day day Wth them. A. D. KING A- CO., From the Chronlole be Sentinel. Hr Dobbin Floyd. Rome, Aug. 27 1851. Mr. Editor .-—This being the day appoin ted by Mr. Cobb Io address the people of this county, about six hundred persons assembled to hear him. His fame ns a publ’c speaker and statesman, had prepared I no minds of the people to expect something more than com mon. In this they were not disappointed.— For two hours and a half he riretted the at tention ot his audience, by a masterly vindi cation of his course in Congress upon the Com promise measures, and taking them up one by one demonstrated to the'satisfoction as I doubt not of every unprejudiced voter who heard him, that the action of Congress upon the territorial question, arising out of the fruits ofthe Mexican war, was in perfect accordance with the position assumed by the Whig and Democratic parties of the State prior to the time of the settlement. He proved that the bills establishing Territorlial Governments for Utah and New Mexico, were based upon the doctrine of non-intervention, that this was the doctrine contended for, advocated and resolved, in every Convention, Whig or Democratic, which had assembled in the State of Georgia, that it was the unvtersal voice ofthe people, That these bills not only indirectly admitted that the people of the Ter ritories had the right to determine the ques tion of slavery for themselves, but directly and distinctly recognized the right,and declar ed that Congress should admit them as States, into the Union, upon application, whether they settled the question one way or the oth er. He asked the Disunionists to nnwer the question, whether in the passage of these bills the North triumphed in the principles ofthe Wilmot Proviso, or whether the South triumphed in the establishment ofthe princi ples of the good old Republican doctrine of non-intervention. The admission of California, although in some respects objectionable, he showed no* to be inconsistent, but rather in accordance with the doctrine of non-intervention—the right to determine whether slavery should or should not form of their social system, was in the pe^PRney had exercised that right, and Oongress had no power under the Constitution to say they had wisely or unwisely settled the question. It would not be proper to follow him through all his argumentupon IhesoqueMions. Suffice it to say, that his arguments were un answerable, and such aa would convince be yond a reasonable doubt -nine-tenths of the people of Georgia, if they could but‘hear him i that instead of the South having occa- 8ioti to complain of, and resist the action of the General Government, there is much in that action to approve and to rejoice their hearts, and that in the langunge of the Geor- Convention they could “ honorable acqui- wce,” Fritn the Milledgevtlle Recorder. To the Union men ol Georgia, The presumptuous iuterference of the peo ple of South Carolina in our election for Governor, calls upon you to arouse every where and to vindicate.your rights. If we are the slaves of that State, let ner dictate to us, who shall be Governor—but if we are free, let us assert our rights and maintain them at every hazard. The up country of Georgia is filled with political pedlars from Carolina, retailing their influence for Mc Donald. The press of that State is argu ing for him—and a combined movement is making between the Georgia firo-eaters and those of Carolina to drive the people into his support by avowing that if we do not elect him, that State as n punishment to us, will dissolve the Union. They avow that they will rule the people of Georgia, or they will ruin them. The fire-eating press of our Stole are parading letter after letter from Carolina, menacing us with disunion, civil war and bloodshed, if we do not yield to their wishes. The Savannah Georgian has recently pub lished a letter from one oi the rich nabobs of Carolina, to a gentleman in that city, in which he says, “I have faith yet in Georgia, when 1 hear that McDonald is likely to be elected. It Cobb is elected over hitn, I shall then go in for secession and for drawing the lines os was done in the revolution.” This impudent threat is designed to drive us to the support of McDonald—wo are to he bullied into his support, it we will not Mr. COBB’S LETTER. We have great pleasure ir. presenting to our readers the following able patriotic review of Mr. Cobb’s letter. It is copied from the Washington Union, edited by Andrew Jack- son Donelson, the foster son and heir of OLD HICKORY himself. This article has addi tional weight from the fatt (hat Major Don elson, the writer, was the private Secretary of Gen. Jackson at the time he wrote his cel ebrated Proclamation, and is therefore en tirely familiar with the views of the old hero and the democratic party of that day, upon the subject of secession. We beg every bo dy to,read this article and then say,‘ if they can, whether Mr. Cobb’s views do not cor respond with those of Jefferson, Madison and the genuine old school republicans of the country,— Union Banner. n tho Washington Union of August 23. gentleman haa written a very able letter to sl committee of the citizens of Ma con, discussing the doctrino of secession and the general merits oi the Compromise. It is published in our columns to-day. The can vass in which he is engaged aa a candidate for the office of governor is calculated to elicit all that can be mnterinl to enable the people of Georgia to pronounce a safe verdict upon Ihe'momentous interests involve! in the is sues created by the fanaticism of a portion of our northern population. Che southern rights party affirms the constitutional right of a ; State to secede at its pleasure from the Un ion, and denounces as dangerous and tyranical, the idea that the remainder of the people and tho States can interpose any legal action against such secession. If we are capable of understanding the subject, or can appreciate the force of argument, Mr. Cobb has arrayed most happily and conclusively, and m a tem per and tone that cannot be objected to by his opponents all tlie uuusidatat’ane'whlah fortify his 6wn position, and which refute the grounds pn which it has been contended that the right of secession cannot be abandoned without impairing the reserved rights of the Stales ofour Union. He has referred to the views ot Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, and nil the pntriots whose service brought them in contact with the difficulties growing out of this delicate feature of our complex system of government, and under whose counsels the collisions between our federal and State authorities which have yet taken place, or been seriously threatened, have been remedied by those peaceful resorts which are provided by the constitution. He hns shown that the dodlrine of secession has oh nil such occasions been treated as suicidal and anti-republican; nor has he omitted to give the fullest assent to the right of resis tance and revolution, which is the natural re sort of all people when oppression and tyran ny leave them no other alternative. But be tween this right of revolution for anknowl edged and palpable causes, and the claim of a small fraction of a society or of Slates bound together in one common government to destroy at pleasure that government, there is all the difference that there can be between order and disorder; and this difference ap pears witli its full weight in the argument presented by Mr. Cobb. The reasoning on which the southern rights party of the South places the right of peace able secessiou, if followed to its legitimate results, would defeat all government,and par- ticulaily one like ours, w hich derives its au thority from the consent of the people ; for the pejple, whether considered as composing a State or Iengue of States, whether as citi zens of one State or of many Stater united according to this logic, mny subdivide at plea sure, ana form as many governments ns there may be disaffected or discontented parts or portions. The doctrine’of sovereignty in tho people being true, ns we all admit it to be, the secessionists add that the government ol' that sovereignty is nothing more than a com pact of these people with each other—each individual binding himself to submit to that government only as long as he pleases, be cause his sovereignty would he destroyed if the privilege of seceding were not among his reserved rights. To such absurd results yield otherwise—“the lines are to be drawn -- - - , , Blol . ns in the revolution!" Those who oppose would we be brought by the theory of State disunion and civil war are to be hung, and nghtsnow proclaimed in many UmhMflor perty turned over to the govern- our Union, and in some quartern by indmdg- H J b - als who profess to venernte the names of VVashington, Jefferson and Jackson. But it is not our iutention to in intenso upon a subject which Mr. Cobb has discussed with consummate ability. We could not publish his remarks.without calling the attention of our leaders to them, and without expressing the hope that some of our fellow citizens who may have been led into the, belief that tne doctrine of secession may be made a practi cal one without breaking up our entire sys tem of government, will read those remarks carefully, and pause before they take a step in sad a direction. We do not see, even, why those who entertain opinions adverse to the admonitions of Washington and his distin guished successors in the chief magistracy of the Union, may not find in the explanations Mr. Cobb gives of the Compromise, reasons sufficient to accept it as a fortunate remedy for evils which were undermining all the foundations of peace and good order in our whole land. Whatever be the views enter tained of the abstract right of secession, all must admit that it ought not to be exercised unless there bo extreme oppression and ty rnnny in the government.; and it cannot bi pretended that there is in the Compromise such wrongs. It is admitted that some of the provisions of that measure were unkind to the South—that some of them, indeed, were unjust, sotor os the Wilmot proviso was op erative in delaying territorial governments for tho country acquired from Mexico ; but all candid minds must say that it is gross mis conception ot exaggeration to denounce such wrongs as insufferable oppression, end to hold thent*Mp to public indignation as calling fora resort to that ultima ratio bv which » brave people stake their all in withdrawing their al legiance from an established government, end sotting up a new one in its place. That our readers may see the perfect a- greement between the conclusions arrived at by Mr, Cobb on the subject of secession and the propositions maintained by Mr Jefferson «nd General Jacksqn on the same subject, we their property turned over to the gov ■pent! and their wives and children left des titute. A more deliberate and wilful insult was never offered to any free people. Is it not a high handed measure indeed, that free men os we are to be insulted^, and brow beat, and made to submit to the dictation of Caro ling, or else the halter shall be our fate ? Carolina has always presumed to dictate to Georgia. Seventy years . ago, she asked Georgia'to put herself under ner protection. Gov. Gwinnett resented the insult with tho spirit of a man. Twenty-five yeara ago, she attempted to control our politics, and serious difficulties grew out of it—now she attempts again, and the fire-eaters, lost to all honor, all stale pride, are meanly bowing to her dic tation. To you then, Union men, devolves the task of sustaining the honor of Geor gia. The proudest right which a sovereign State can boast—the brightest jewel in the casket of State Rights—is the right of a people to choose their rulers. To you there is assign ed the noble task of defending and protect ing this noble jewel. From the friends of Mr. McDonald, we can hope for nothing but ruin to the country and submission to Caro, lina. Wake up, Union men !—the battle you fight is for the supremacy of Georgia on her own soil. Shall Carolina rule you or shall you rule yoursolves ? Can one of you falter, or hesitate, or relax one energy of your souls to save your State from degradation ? No— never—awake—nrouse—put fourth every en ergy of your souls, and redeem your homes and fire-sides from disgrace. And if Caro lina seeks to punish you for the exercise of yous rights, let her ao it, at her peril. . A NATIVE GEORGIAN. $®r,An honest Irishman, fresh from Hiber nia, caught a bumble-bee in his hand, suppo sing it to be a humming bird. “Och,” he exclaimed, “devil burn mo! how hot his littie fut is i” close these observations with two extracts from the messages of these statesmen and patriots. In his first inaugural address, Mr. Jefferson sets down, as among the vital principles ol our system, “ the preservation of the gen eral government, in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care ofthe right of election by the people ; a mild and safe collective of abuses which areioppedoff by the sword of revolution, where penceablo remedies ore unprovided ; absolute acquies cence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principles of republics, from which is no appeal but its force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism.” General Jackson in equally emphatic lan- inge, opposed the project of secession ar.d illification in 1632, and stated the principle involved as follows: The right of a people of a single State to absolve themselves at will from, and without the consent of the other'States, from their most solemn obligations, nnd hnzzard the lib erties and happiness of tho millions compos ing this Union, cannot be acknowledged.— Such authority is believed to be ulteily re pugnant both to the'principles upon v.hich the general government » constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain. “ Against all acts which may be allcdged to transcend the constitutional power of the government, or which may be inconvenient or oppressive in their operation, the-consti- lion itself has prescribed the modes of redress. It is the acknowledged attribute of free insti tutions that, under them, tho empire of rea son and law is substituted for the power of the sword. To no other source can appeals forsuppoted wrongs be maje consistently with .the onlisntisnsvr "uutli Curullmr, to uu xitljcr can such appeals he made with safety at nny l ime; nnd to their decisions, when constitu tionally pronounced, it becomes the duty no less of the public authorities than of the pe >- pie, in every cose, to yield n patriotic sub mission. “ That a State, or any other great portion of the people; suffering under long ana intol erable oppression, and having tried all consti tutional remedies'wilhout the hope of redress may have a natural right, when their hap piness can be no otherwise secured, nnd when they do so without greater injury to others, to absolve themselves from their ob ligations to the government and appeal to the last resort, need not, on the present occasion ho denied. “ The existence of this right, however must depend upon the causes which may justify its exercise. It is the ultima ratio, which presupposes that the proper appeals to all other meuns of redress have been made in good faith, and which can never be right fully resorted to unless it be unavoidable. It is not the right of the State, but of the indf viduais, and of all the individuals in the State It is the right of mankind, generally, to Se cure, by all means in their power, the bless ings ot liberty and happiness; but when, for these purposes, nny body of men have volun tartly associated themsolves under a partial Inr form of government, no portion of them can dissolve the association w ithout acknowl edging the correlative right in the remainder to decide whether that dissolution can be permitted consistently with the general hap piness. In this view it is n right dependent upon the power to enforce it.” r The National Intelligencer is honored with regular perusal by. no small number of gentle men of Democratic politics. For their grsti ficalion—for such we know it will be to them—we transfer to our columns the fol lowing cogent article from the Central De mocratic organ in this city.—Nat. In. From the Washington’’Union” ol Yesterday, Tile Disunion!,ti ot (tin Notllli. Many conscientious membersof the Demo cratic party are in the habit ot Ireatipg those of their party in the South who perceive no difference between the secession doctrine of the Nashville Convention and .disunion, os alarmists, or not orthodox, oh the subject of State rights, os understood, and defined by Jefferson and Madison. Such men say that he is not a disunionist Who insists on the conditions contained in (he Constitution, by which the powers of the Federal Govern ment are limited, and all the powers that are not delegated are reserved to the people or the States respectively; and inasmuch as secession is only claimed as a right when the Constitution has been clearly violated, the secessionist is not a disunionist. Thie is the logic of many in Georgia and Mississippi who acquiesco in the Compromise, but still think it their duty to uphold those who de nounce that measure, because the abstract right of secession is, they know not how, connected with their position. Let those who aro thus about to be misled by the artif- 'fices of the disciples of Messrs. Rhett nnd Cheves read the article which we subjoin from the Southern Sentinel, published at Co lumbus Georgia, dated August 21. This pa per is the zealous advocate of Governor Mc Donald, who was president ofthe Nashville Convention, and gave his endorsement to the principle that a State with or without cause, has a right to secede at' her pleasure from the Union, and that her co-Stnlcs are bound to protect that right, if there should be any attempt to interpose against its exercise the constitutional authority of the General Gov ernment. Thut something more was intend ed by a resolution of the fthpve import than the abstract right of secession founded on a case of intolerable oppression, like that described in the Virginia and Kentucky re solution's of 1798 and 1799, pud admitted by General Jackson when he was asking Con gress for authority to overcome the obstruc tion threatened by South'Carolina in 1832, was well known to .the country, and consti tuted an urgent reason for the adoption of that measure must be treated as such fraction of the Constiution as to justify revo lution, and that the General Government should be obliged to retrace its steps, and jive some satisfactory indemnity to this South 'or the wrongs inflicted, and some security, not now provided by the Consiitutieo, tor tho future. In other words, the project of a Southern Confederacy then existed; and the mode of accomplishing it was to foster the spirit of discontent in South Carolina, deceiving her people with the idea that they were the victims of palpable and intolerable oppression, from .which they could only • es cape by such an act of secession a» that which was realized by our fathers when they acquired independence. The great, pqint was not to establish the abstract right of se cession, but to make an experiment of seces sion, and to rely upon the sympathy which the Southern people feel for each other to laralyze the just powers of the Federal Jovermnent, nnd overthrow forever the system of Union which had been cemented 1 by the blood oi our fathers. That such is not a misrepresentation of th» leading object of that party in the South, which united with Mr. Cheves in his de claration that the Constitution was a dead carcass, and that there was no hope but in » Southern Confederacy, bocomes every day more and more apparent, and can scarcely now be contradicted by any one who ha* had access to the ordinary sources of'public information. Hence there is no effort ' to; mask tho object, and we accordingly see it proclaimed in all such organs as the South ern Sentinel. That organ, speaking oftboso - in South Carolina who are postponing seces sion until a co-operating pnrty can bo formed out of the State, says : “ They profess a de- "sirefor a Southern Conjederaev. but,they "wtsn to trait until other Stales are ready to “form it with them, Suppose no oilier States, “will mote, will she continue to submit 1 Ws “hope not.” But it is useless to analyze any ofthe particular expressions in the article which we subjoin. There is not a paragraph, or sentence in it which does nut show that the decree has gone forth against lhe|>rMer- vation of the Constitution and the Union.— There is not a sentiment in it whiuh does not authorize the assertion that South Carolina Secession means separation from the Union —instant, practical secession ; and that her citizens are encouraged to take this, mon strous step undei such expectations ae. - Lopez cherished when he attempted to re volutionize Cuba. “Let the people of Cuba “ begin and they will have plenty of help. So “say we now of South Carolina : let her be- “gin, and she will soon have plenty of help.” Can any Democrat in the South or North read these declarations and not feel a blush on ilia cheek that they are- made by me* who ###k In render them printable hy declar ing that they are consistent with State rights, as practised and understood by Jefferson and Jackson ? Can any intelligent citizm, what ever may be the pnrty to which he belongs, believe that these declarations nre the result of nny wish to maintain the abstract right of - a State to withdraw from the Union wheat the oppression of the Federal Government is intolerable ? We think not; and hence we expose them, as the offspring alone of th* party which is determined to. break up thie Union, and which will claim for the authors ofthe first practical movement toward that object tho same merit that will be accorded to the revolutionists in Cuba, if. they succeed: . in overthrowing the Spanish authority in that island. We sympathize with the Cubans because we acknowledge the right of all peo ple fo conquer ’heir lreedpm; but we ar» revolted at the delusion which would over* THROW FREEDOM AFTER IT HAS BEEN FIXED, ON A SOLID AND CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS AU OURS IS. From llto Southern 8ontlnel. The Co-operation Forty in Sooth Caroline* It appears to us that those who propose to wait for co-operation are pursuing a stiange- ly fatal aqd suicidal policy, if they are sin cere in their professions of a desire to. act at - all. “ Put yous shoulders to the wheel,and then call on Hercules,” is an old adage, and one full of meaning nnd sense. ■ They pro fess a desire for a Southern Confederacy, but they wish to wait until other States: are rea* dy to form.it with them; Suppose no other State will move, will she continue to submit? We hope not. The only way in which there c»n ba co operation is for somebody to begin. We re ceived in our revolutionary struggle no aid from France until we had put our shoulders, to the wheel. Suppose 'Massachusetts hod postponed her resisience until she could hive, got the other colonies to declare their inde pendence, wo should have been dependen cies of the British Government perhaps to this day. When Lopez, some months since, attempted to revolutionize Cuba,.every body said it was a great piece of folly. “ Let the people of Cuba,” said they, “ begin them selves, and'they will have plenty of help So say we now to South Carolina ; let her begin, and she will soon have plenty of help. If the North should have the wisdom la let her alone, quietly to manage her own affairs, why, theSoulh would go with her, as a mat ter of course, and so will the West. But if, - in thoir arrogance nnd folly, they should at tempt to moko war upon her, the wViol.% South will rise up in her defence- The great evil that will result from the co- operat'iowat? of Sooth Carolina is, that they render their friends in other States power less—they destroy tiie chance of co-opera tion, As States, Georgia, Alabama and Mis sissippi, cannot co-operate without a major ity to give them the control of the Govern ment- Hence, ult'.ioiugh the Southern right* party in Georgia may be in the minority by only one hundred, they can do nothing to bring about co-oporation while South Caro lina waits far it, Let South Cnr«im» moves and she will not only have tho Sonthern- rights party of Georgia, Alabama and Mia*M- sippi to co-operate with her, but ah* wiR soon have the whole of all the other St*‘ There is not a candidate for office in C tiie Compromise. The secessjohists'hpd der There, ... , . cided, when that pribqiple, was. adopted by gia naw who dares to say that the NosKville Convention, that there should Vito acquiescence m the Compromise, that m favor of W- If the Non agaiqst