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PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY COBURN & DWINELL EDITORS. “Americans Shall Rule Anerioa." TERMS—$2 00 PEB ANNUM* PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. VOLUME 10. ROME, GA., TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 29, 1855. NUMBER 81. €()e Home Courier rnusuB imr Tuesday nuns. [i. Bwnrn. BY COBURN & DWINELL. i of 8nbscriptioa Ii mixci, rn mm, Pad wurni six mouths, Paid At twrejtd or mi, ... . . . $2 00 ... $2 SO . . . $2 00 of Advertising: Advertisements will bo inserted llho will PbirMBiDBiwwi AdniOw- monte at $1 per omen of 12 Knee erleoa, for the Hist and SO cents for each sebsequent Insertion. H. e. FARRELL’S ARABIAN LINIMENT Isa most extraordinary medicine, tbo truth of trkfafc is phorf hayond doeht by tbo vast aaloa of the article and tbo many cares being daily peeftnssd by R* which pmioul; bad resisted all other medicines and tbo ekill of the beet in the world. It is composed of , extracts and gams peculiar to Arabia sing, in a concentrated form, aI their stimulating, anodyne, penetrating, unctuous and revulsive properties, and the same which, ages ago, ware used by Ac “Rons of tbo Des ert/* with such miraculous success in earing tbo dissases of botii man and boast [For the Courier.) REPLY TO TIE LETTER OF TIE HOI. A. H. STEPHENS. TO THE CITIZBK8 OF GEORGIA. Fpon^tbe call of Thomas W. Thomas. Esq., Mr. A. H. Stephens has broni the public with bis “view* of Know Nothinglsm,* premising what bo bos to say upon tbo suh|eot by tbo ex traordinary admission that he "really knows nothing about tbs principle*, a ism, or oh/rate of the perty he is about to speak of l” Ordina ry men, when they know aotking upon any to admit it, demand the moot serious attention and the gravest deliberation of all who lore their conn- try, and would save Its constitution from infrac tion, its Union from convulsion and disruption. The some vast tnAuion of foreign elements, G rvades the whole non-Slavc !hoiding region. some portions of the new States of the N. West, Wisconsin, for instance, it exceeded «w third of the entire population live years ago. It is known to the whole country that the for eign population has been increasing at the rate of about half a million per annum sinoe that time, so that the aggregate at this time subject and have the candor generally modest aad discreet enough to bold their peace. Genius, however lb subject to no seen vulgar restrictions. It may talk most vulgar restrictions. It may learnedly aad dogmatically upon subjects, about which it fascist nothing, and its opinions shall yet bo received by its habitual mrtiiWi as the infallible oracles of inspiration. If any one were iaclinod to give him credit for more knowledge than ho professes, ho has only to read his letter totee how profoundly ignorant ho really is of the subject about which he has written nearly five mortal columns. His first sophism consists In comparing a great party, of which be knows nothing, which pervades a in the country does not probably fall short of tbo enormous number of Jit* milliont, or about one-fifth of the entire population of the Repub lic. Five yean ago, according to the census report, from wbicb I have taken ail the forego* ing data, there were in the 12 slave holding States, from tho Potomac to tho Rio Grande, excluding Maryland and Missouri, two border States, only 178,934 persons of foreign birth, but little more than in the single State of Mas sachusetts ; that is, there are nearly as many upon 7,800 square miles of abolition territory, as upon about 800,000, or over one hundred timee more slave holding territory! Why is this? How is it to be accounted for? Will some adept in the philosophy of politics explain V4 W1IIVU UD auvwa nvmmr r UICU pervade 9 a * ®vuir adept — r _ , „ m , p ». w - vast Republic of eenerateimd Sovereicn State*. ' these undeniable and astounding facts? In only settle upon your lands; but, armed with several of which iMhmr than tho whole | round numbers, there wero.fi vo years ago, when , the ballot, may determine by tbeir votes, — - - -- - - - I the census was taken, two millions of popuia- { whether yon, who have contributed of your j tion of foreign birth in the so-called free States, j means to purchase, and of your blood to defend | while there were 300,000 only in the slave hold- - those territories, may or may not settle with your ing States or about &th of the whole. Sup- j property upon yonr own lands! Ifthisbenot“the pose these people, upon their advent to our and battlo resolutely for our constitutional rights. Proudly oonscious of its truth and loy alty, it pities its calumniators and despises their unworthy suspicions and feeble rage. But we arc told that this resolution “bears to wards Kansas and Nebraska,*’ “the secret-blade of of Joab,’ ' ‘concealed under a garb.” IIow so ? Because the resolution confine* the right of voting in the territories to “native and natu- rnlieed CrrtxR xs/ excluding those who have oxlt “declarer msm intention.” Becauso wo would confine the right of voting to Citizens, naturalised and native, we are charged with making an “insidious attack upon tho princi ples ofthe Kansas and Nebraska bill!” The people of Georgia will see Ihlil in looking for the seoret blade of Josh in tia resolution ofthe American party, he has revealed it in this boas ted Kansas and Nebraska bill, “concealed un der a garb.” Ho informs us that the right of voting in those territories, tea* given to all who had filed a declaration of intention to become citizen*.” That these bills in a word, recognize and establish the doctrine and practice of squat ter sovereignty. That foreigner, not six weeks in the country, who never contributed a cent towards the purchase of tho publio domain knowing nothing of onr institutions—many of them ignorant even of onr language, may not Mead tie feUewiey remarkable cure, which H. G. FARRELL’S'ARABIAN LINIMENT fmrbtyead tmy eimibtr remedy. Mr. H. G. Farrell—Dear Sir: Aetaatod by a sense of gratefulness, I submit the following as sa instance of the ntOityof your great medi cine. My child, three years old, was suddenly attacked with a terrible disease, which In lesa than six hours prostrated it to total helpless ness. The limbs herams so rigid that not a jointeould be bent; the flesh turned blade and cali end entirely deprived at feeling; the eyes fixed, peitiaRy cl—cd and altogether blind, fol- this was deafbess to all sounds; the eeetraetod aad sa curved that France, with the Jacobin Club of Paris and its afilliatod clubs. If the American people were ns excitable aad ill-prepared for aelf-gc all conceu when lying on its bade foe head and heels only a Jendtod Indeed, the child presented every nppaaraaee of bring dead. Immediately on oda i sediately ras called in, to rectore it to _ i it was blister- i aad various rubefacient Lini A consultation of physicians , hut to no purpose, the ease was brooght before tire Medical Society, bat nothing could hs suggested which had not al ready been done, and the doctor then told me he could do nothing more. Wo then commen ced applying your Liniment freely over the entire length of the spine, and you may ima gine a parents joy, when, after a few applica tions, returning animation was apparent, and it rapidly recovered with the exception of the sight, which did not become perfect for near a month. Theehild is now healthy androbnet as can be. Pm ether eases of the same kind occurred previously in my neighborhood, an of which died, when there Is no doubt if your liniment had been used they would have, re- HENRY 6. CLELAND. let, 1851. Look out for Counterfeits ! ps cautioned against an othe , which has lately made its appearr ware, called W. B. Farrell’s Arabian Liniment, the meat dangerous of aB the counterfeits, be cause his having the name of Farrell, many will buy it in good faith, without the knowl edge that a counterfeit exfats, aad they will per bape oaly discover their error when the spuri ows mixture has wrought its evil effects. The genuine article Is manufactured only by XL G. Farrell, sole inventor and proprietor, ami wholesale druggist, No. 17 Main street, Peoria, UKaois, to whom all applications for Agencies ant he addressed. Be sure you get it with the fatten H- G. before FanriTs, thus—EL G. FARRELL’S—and his signature on the wrap per, all ethers are counterfeits. Sold by Kendrick A Pledger, HelvOfe G. B. F. Mattox, Ml Hickory C, Brown, Coosa P. O. Brunner A Moyers, Summerville Robert Battey, Wholesale Agent, Rome /gp-Price 25 and 50 cents, and $1 per bottle. AGENTS WANTED in every town, village aad hamlet in the United 8tates, in which one u not already established. Address H. G. Far ted as above, accompanied with good reference ns to character, responsibility, Ac. CABINET SHOP And Blind and Sash Factory!! STANDISH fa BLAKEMAN Successors of Jas. M. Sumter, contin- Kae to manufacture all klndsof FUR NITURE and SASH aad BUNDS on the meet reasonable terms, at the old stand on Broad Street. March27.—ly ATLANTA XACHINE WORKS. T (un ATLANTA IRON POUNDS Y.) HIS new Company is now prensr-um^Sh ed to do work oo short not ice, of LJT1 heavy and light Castings from fW thelatest Improved patterns of Iron, Brass or Composition, aB or which will be warran ted. Turning, Borings and Drilling done to order. Also, screw catting of 10 feet or an- der of sny rise and thread required. Heavy and light forging of wrought Iron or 8teel d °PARTICUJ,AR ATTENTION Is called to their patterns for Mill Gearing, (or Merchant and Custom Flooring, and Saw Mills, Gin Gearing of all the usual sizes, and Bark Mills always kept on band. We are also prepared to boild stationary Engines upon the latest Improvements. All of which will be sold low for cash. Copper and Brass taken in exchange for work at cash prices ^^IAME8 L. DUNNING, john McDonough, WILLIAM RU8HTON. P. 8. All ofthe above company are prac Gcal Mechanics, and give tbeir indlvidna attention to the business. jas. 9, ’66 d e “; T. B. RIPLEY, ATLANTA, GA. UR in China, Crockery, and Glass Lamps of all kinds; Oils, Cam* j and Alcohol by the bbL Terms in advance. Jan 9,1855 ly J. M. TOMLINSON, P LAIN, House Sign, Coach, Passenger Cars Fresco, Ornamental and Decorative Painter Also manufacturer of Gilt Glass Door Plates Window Signs, Numbers for Public Houses Churches and Street Numbers. Opposite Jacob Haas A Co. White Hall Street Atlanta, Ga. Jan 9,1856 ly. TTW. EDDLEMAN & BRO. Atlanta, Georgia. Keep constantly on hand and for sale, at e lowest cash prices, a large assortment of BOOTS, SHOES, LEATHER, LASTS, 2GS, CALF LDUHGAiid BINDING SKINS SnOE-MAKER’S TOOLS, Ac. Ac. Jan 1855, ly A BLASTER WANTED! IE services of a man who is experienced in blasting rocks beneath the surface ofthe er are desired. A competent person can se- 3 a remunerative employment by applying iis office. ap24 tf. for self-govern ment—if they were aO concentrated upon 1-20 part the space they ooenpy, consolidated into a tingle State, with the head and heart of all po litical power oonoentratod inone turbulent capi tal, like Paris, eething with revolution, boiling and bubbling with mob.*,*sedition^anarchy, fana ticism, and atheism, then there might be some show of reason for the comparison he has Yen toted to make. All sensible writers have a greed, aad all sensible men know, that analogy is, at beat, bat an extremely unsafe and falla cious ground of reasoning. There may be fifty points of similitude nponjjwhich to rest a conclu sion, and yet a single point of difference may unbinge the whole. Two compounds may be identical la their constituent elements, and yet the smallest particle of a new element in one may render it totally dissimilar from the other; nay tho elements may be the same and yet a alight variation in the proportions in which they are combined shall render the substances totally different. What, then, Is this Sophism of Mr. Stephens worth? It scarcely has a single point of resemblance upon which to rest, while the points of difference are numerous and most striking. It does little credit to his skill as a reason er, aad marks not only his ignorance of the subject of which ho treats, but indicates a low opinion of the American people. After indulging his fancy in tracing, or rather hinting at, this supposed analogy between the Jacobins and their clubs in revolutionary, an archical, infidel and atheistical France, and the American party in tbis Republic, be warns us in the language ofthe Bible—“Let him that think- eth he standeth take heed lest he falL” Surely there never was a man more confident that "he standeth" than Mr. Stephens himself; and there fore none to whom this warning may more ap propriately be commended. Bat he inquires “where did these secret Coun cils come from t" and answers his own question thus—“Not from France, it is true—but from that land of tnu where the people would have gone into anarchy long agO, If it had not been far the conservative influence of the more sta ble minded men ofthe South.” So, then, we are to condemn principles and measures, and especially an' organisation be cause of the place of their origin. We may not inquire where a man had his origin, or found any objection to his entering promptly upon all the rights of citizenship because he had his origin in a foreign land, but we are to condemn an or ganisation for reforming abuses because it ori ginated in a certain section of our own country, which he calls the land of um. Verily, the gentleman is becoming very teetionaL His patriotism, from having been as expansive as the wide bounds of the Republic, seems at length to be concentrating upon a section. Some of ns may remember how be and many of his amiable eo^djnton once grossly abused nearly 40,000 of the people of Georgia for being sectional a few short years back. Where is this land of "isouT and what ha* made it eueht " Felix qui potuii rerum cognoecere caueae." Happy the man who hath been able to trace effects back to their causes. What ha* -made a portion of our country the land of inn l Let facts answer this important question. The land of ieme is precisely the land where the foreign flood of immigration has stagnated into a pu trid pool—effervescing with Catholic supersti tion, German transcendentalism, and French communism, and Fourierism. Ofthe two and a half millions of foreigners who were in the country in 1850—the Eastern States—Maine, NewTiampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Con necticut and Rhode Island, with an area leu than tiie single State of Virginia by fonr or five thousand square miles, had over 305,000, while Virginia bad leu than 23,000, or 1ms than one for every 13. Yet the population of Virginia is not so dense as that of N. England, while her climate and soil are far superior to those of that region. All these advantages have not been able'to entice them away from the land of isms.’ The single little 8tate of Massachusetts with an extent of leu than 8,000 square miles bad in 1850 a foreign population of 163,598, while Georgia, nearly eight times as large, had only 8402! or one for every 27. More than half of the entire population of foreign birth in New England are concentrated upon the soil of tbis little State, and this little State is the heart and son! of all the Isms, and especially of free- soilism and abolitionism. Yet we are told that tbis foreign population is sound and conserva tive upon the slavery question ! and act with that other sonnd and conservative party (the Democratic) in defence of Sontbern constitu tional rights. What have they done in Massa chusetts, singly or in concert, to demonstrate tbeir fidelity to the constitution and (he Union ? The foreigners alone, 183,598, wonld make a respectable party for numbers. Combined with the Democracy, as they are *aid to be, they ought to have set Massachnsettsrigbt long ago. Bat have they done it ? The most wreckltss demagogue will not dare to assert it So far from it it is well known that this is the most thoroughly abolitionized State in the Union.— With its concentrated foreign population, it is the focal point ofthe isms, end especially of free soilism and- abolitionism. Reconcile these flute with the assertion that the foreigners and Democrats of the North are sonnd and conser vative on the subject of Slavery. Nearly Jth of the population of tbis State in 1850 was of for eign birth. In New York at the same time more than one-fifth of the population was of foreign birth, being 855,224 out of 3,048,325 1 With an area }d 1ms than thatof Virginia, New York contained a foreign population nearly thirty times as great Wby is New York also one of the hot beds of 'he "Um*," and especi ally of free-soilism and abolitionism ? Why have not these conservative foreigners noited with a powerful conservative Democratic par ty and hnried Seward from power ? Will it be pretended that their numbers are not sufficient, when they approached to { of a million five yean ago, *nd probably amount to a million at this timo ? Reconcile these facts with the as sertion that the foreigners are conservative up on the Slavery question, and aet with the con servative democracy. Ohio is another focal point of abolitionism, and bere too, strange coincidence, were 218,099 people of foreign ve yean ago I Wbat nave these eonser. i and tbeir democratic allies been doing? ow are we to explain the facts that Massa chusetts, New York, and Ohio, with more than a million of those conservatives and a strong democratic phalanx also laid to be sonnd, arc yet so deeply tinctured with that most fatal of all the isms, abolitionism ? How does it come to pass that, as a general rale, where this conser vative dementis most abundant and powerful there, this fatal ism, which has already shaken the pillars of foe Union, is roost prevalentand li^naut ? These are ^rave^nestions. They shores, are directed to free-soil States by some considerations other than a dislike of onr in stitutions, and that they are totally indifferent to them. Locating where they do, there to im bibe their first ideas of onr government and its institutions, will any reasonable man affect to doubt what foe resalt will be as it regards the South and her peculiar institutions ? Are not foe abolitionists artful, zealous and energetic in propagating their doctrines, and do they not find in foreigners from the land of O’Connell father Matthew, and other European anti-slave ry saints, willing listeners and ready converts, especially as|in tho land of their choice they nev. er see hot one side of the question—never hear any thing bat fierce denunciation of slavery and all its concomitants and supporters. Is there any thing in Mr. Stephens’ philoso phy to account for foe fact, that these foreign ers go in such vast disproportion to tho non- slaveholding States,even to those foe most dense ly populated? If it is not because they feel a repugnance to Southern institutions,»chat ie iff There must be a cause for it? If it is not be cause they are free-soilers and abolitionists already, may it not be because they regard slave labour as superseding theirs? And if they regard slave labour as excluding, or su perseding theirs in the regions over which if spreads, will they not oppose its extension ? Will they not become free-soilers and even abolitionists; especially under the zealous teach ings of these traitorous fanatics? Let these things be calmly considered by the Southern people. Let them learn the facts, and ponder upon them dispassionately. Let them throw off tho despotism of party, anfLparty leaders, and looking these dangers resolutely in foe face prepare to meet them. Itisbnta short time since these leaden told you that all was well. That peaee and harmony had, by tbeir efforts, been restored to a distracted country. Already yon know they deceived yon. Discard them and aet for yonraelves. There is another and most important view of thtaqnestion, especially for the South. Dividing this tide of foreigners between foe North and South in foe proportion established by foe facts already stated, and making a just allowance for foe influx of foe last five years, it may be as sume j as an established fact, that there are at least 4} millions now in the Union. Of this num ber 4 millions dwell in free soil and abolition 8tates, half a million in foe Slave-holding States. What is the effect of this influx, and this une qual division npon foe political power of the North and foe South ? (It hns gone and is going rapidly forward to the complete political subju gation of onr section) Already it has been foe material ont of which free-soil has erected new State after new State, and risen to supremacy over ns in both branches of foe Federal gov ernment They have given to the North superiority in the Senate, in foe Electoral College and in the House of Representatives.— They have gained by it not less than fifty rep* resen tat ives over what yon bare gained in tho lower branch’of Congress, many of them now in, and others to follow immediately after the next census shall have been taken. Tbeir power in foe Presidential election is already a controling element. It is openly courted by demagogues. To propitiate those already here and have oth ers to come by thousands, onr public domain has been held np as the bait * The conserva tive Cass, has proclaimed in Tamany Hall, dur ing a Presidential Canvass, the agrarian doctrine of "land to the landle**." Seward,'to propitiate and win them to his support, denounces tho Amerioan party; and there can be little doubt that he wilt be their candidate for the Presi dency in 1856. Tho abolition, free soil and foreign elements are those npon which he re lies. In this connexion, let me call yonr at tention to foe splenetio attack of Mr. Stephens npon the resolution adopted by tbo American party at Macon. He thinks it very cool tame and submissive. He seems to be getting very warm, and is in danger of becoming n fire-eater at last» A judicious reader of his letter will ho at no loss to account for his warmth. JPhe new reform party in his district, he has dMbovered, can do without him. He most probably was not consulted as to its organization. Short as foe resolution is, he has garbled it, giving only that portion of it, which declares that Congress has no constitutional power to refuse a State ad mission into the Union because its constitution recognizes slavery. It is remarkable thatthopart he auotes is not foe part he attack* That, he keeps in foe dark, darkness beingin this instance favor able to his purpose. Here is a total want of fair, ness and candor. I shall give foe whole resolu tion, italicising important parts which ho kept back to show that foe tameness and submissive- ness which he attributes to it, is utterly ground less. The truth, the whole truth, and nothing 5«lfoe truth, ough t to appear, and ihaU—no mat ter who attempts to suppress it or any part of “Resolved, That ilavery and elave inetitu- tion* are protected by the Comtitution of the United Stntee, and the obligation to maintain them is not, tectional bnt national; thnt the right to establish them in the organization of State Governments belongs to tho native and naturalized Citizens ; and that Congress has no constitutional power to interfere, by exclu ding a new State applying for admission into the Union, npon the ground, that the constitu tion of such State recognizes slavery.” Is it nothing to assert unanimously And em phatically that our institutions are protected by the Comtitution of the United State* T Does not this meet foe abolitionists directly in tho teeth, affirming what they deny t Again, tho res • olution asserts that the obligation to maintain onr rights upon the great question is not tectional bnt National. Here again foe abolitionists and free-soilers are directly confronted in one of their cardinal doctrines. More then five years ago, Massachusetts passed Unanimously, notwith standing tho comervative foreign and democrat ic party there, a resolution declaring that tbo whole power and influence of the Federal Gov ernment should bewrithdrawn as far as possible from.tho snpport and protection of slavery.— That onr institutions should be put without tbo { tale of protection by onr own government, and eft to the assaults of foreign abolitionists, wbetbor made by lndivldtlfits or Governments. And who doubts now, that this band of aboli tion traitors and disunionists would out-law ns, and gladly abandon ns to foe tender mer cies and humano practices of the Allies f That they would, right gladly aid them in their scheme of abolitionizlng and Africanizing, firit Cuba, and then our country ? Tho American par ty of Georgia, planting itsolf upon tho Consti tution, meets them upon the threshold. There it will stand “in the imminent deadly breach/’ S ' . o of Joab,” concealed under a garb,” —what is it ? To say that this is “in compliance with the usual practice of the government,” is no exense; it is not even a palliation of its man ifest injnstieo. Custom can not sanctify iniqui ty. Remember that that illastrions statesman, and incorruptible patriot. J C. Calhoun, faithful to you and vigilant in defence of your rights and interest, long ago denounced this “practice of the government,” which he first called squat ter sovereignty as sn “insidious attack” upon yonr rights; “the etcret blade of J oab” concealed under foe garb of an affected and exoessive re- S ird for tho dearpeople. He saw its gross injns- ce and that its manifest tendency and probable design was to make all Europe—foe whole vast tide of immigration, swollen to yet greater vol nine by this very policy subsidiary to the purpo ses of abolition and free-soil—the politicel sub jugation of the Sooth and the final overthrow of hor institutions. People of Georgia, awake, though late to the patriotic warnings of the sa- gacious, vigilant, faithful and incorruptible sen- . tinel, who served you long and well, nnawed by frowns unseduced by tho blandish- meats of power! In view Cf the foregoing facts, who will un. dertako to say that it is not an important ob ject to take measures for foe safety of onr re. public, by imposing some check upon tbis vast and promiscuous influx of foreigners ? Is it “pro«cripf«W’of foreigners to deny their right to rule America, or oven to participate in the rule while yet steeped in ignorance of our insti- tions? Is it “proicription" of foreigners to claim tbo right to rule our native land? Is it “pro scription of foreigners to guard the purity of onr institutions from tho corrupting influence of those, a vast majority of whom are ignorant of them and many even of onr language. Are tho people of Europe ripe for self-government, and the proper depositories of the solemn trpst of maintaining our free institutions in their orig inal purity ? The American party is not pro- scriptive, but conservative. It would exclude absolutely, paupers and criminals, because it is too patriotic to tolerate the idea of our country’s becoming the world’s Botany Bay. The stream of foe people should not be polluted by the influx of a tributary so turbid and corrupting. It will oppose no barrier to the ingress of others, bnt will take care that they shall become Amer icanized in heart, and thoroughly instructed in the principles of American republicanism, be fore being admitted to participate in the polit ical privileges of our citizens—foe power to rule our country. To do so is comervative, not proscriptive- The aggregate of privileges civil and reli gions which we would still accord to them— would be such as no other government ever ex tended to so vast a number of foreigners. In stead of being, as Mr. Stephens asserts, "a de graded caste" in society, a species of serfs with out the just franchise of a freeman or the need ful protection of a slave" they wonld still be elevated to a position far above that they oc cupied in their native land, with a near prospect of raising themselves to one of perfect equality after going through a preparatory term, while their children would be born to such an inheri tance of constitutional liberty ns was beyond their hopes in their father-lnnd. This class, elevated above what they had been, or could even have hoped to be at home, Mr. Stephens imagines would be dangerous; and he indulges in another comparison founded upon purjey im<. aginary resemblance. He says " such was, to a great extent, tho condition of the Helots in Greece—men of tho same race placed in an inferior position, and forming within themselves a degraded class.” Neither tho American par ty, nor the American people will be terrified into any cowardly concessions throngh fear of this danger, even if it were real. But such was not the condition of the Helots. They were con fined to one of the small States of Greece (Lace daemon) not much larger than some ofthe larger counties of Georgia, and were in the condition of the most abject slavery. They were all Greeks of the same race (the Dorian) As their masters. They spoke one language. They were the only agricultural, and the only mechAn- ical class, citizens being forbidden all mechani cal trades. Their number was five times that of their masters, and foe country so small that it could be traversed from ono extremity to an other in a single day. To plan a revolt and act in concert was therefore easy. Tho whole population of Lacedaemon is set down at 270,000, little more than one-fonrth that of Georgia. Of that number 5 ont of 6 or 225,000 were abject slaves with bnt 45,000 “ severe masters!" Upon the occurrence of an earthquake which loft “only five houses, standing in Spar ta, that wretched multitude excluded from all participation in the prosperity of their country began to fnnnd hopes on its distress: a proposal, obscurely made, was rapidly communicated and the Helots assembled from various parts with one purpose of putting their severe masters to death, and making tho country their own. Tho Lacedaemonians singularly roady in the use of nrms, were singularly helpless in almost every other business. Deprived o/thkiR SLAVES thoy wore nearly deprived of the means of sub sistence; agriculture stopped." The render can not fail to observe the glaring contrast between the condition of the Helots, and that of the foreigners in our country. Tho foreigners here are diffused over a conti nent. They are not of one race, they speak various languages, they n-o not tho only agri cultural ana mechanical class. Thoir pursuits are of their own cboioo and of evory variety. Instead of boing five to ono they are less than one in five of tho whole population, and lastly and above alt thoy are free and not stares. In view of alt these striking points of differ ence, there is not tho slightest ground for our taking nlarm at the revolt of tho llolots, which after all was not successful. Thero is no anal ogy in tho condition of the Helots of Lncedro mon and that of foreigners here, to warrant a draft upon their history for our instruction. The truth is. and it hns struck tho gront heart of our Republic, this question of immigration has assumed an importance from its vast amount nnd changed character, which was Hover Anticipated by the founders of onr gov. ernmont. A state of things tho most extraor dinary has ar son, for which they mudo no pro vision, nnd which challenges tho attention of tho philosopher, the statesman and patriot. They come no longer as formerly in pursuit of eivil and religious liberty, nnd prepared to en counter difficulties, hardships nnd dangers for its attainment. There is no longer the satno pressure of tyranny goading them from dangers staring them in foe face. It has be come,*as Mr/Stephens says, simply an “Exodas of the excess of population from the Old to foe New World.” It ean be compared to nothing in history but the movement of the North ern hordes upon Southern Europe in foe first oenturies of tho Christian era, in pursuit of a more genial clime better lands and more abundant food. An excessive population, it brings us for that very reason hoards of paupers, thousands of criminals, and, as a general rule, foe lower grades of every various race and nation on the earth. It is making our land a Babel of many tongues, without unity of character, or a peon- liar and distinctive literature, ora well defined, vigorous and genuine Amerioan Policy. The Exodns, instead of being checked, is encoura ged by'demagogues of national reputation, nnd ambitious rather to rule than serve their country. It is unsottiing foe just and natural ratio be* twoen the amount of labour and capital. The labouring nnd mechanical classes of onr citizens at the North have felt this, and are beginning to understand this consequence of foe Exodns. Hence they have been, as Mr. Stephens admits, among the earliest, if not the very first to move in this great practical question. It is to this Exodas they are indebted for the depress- ion of wages, the enhanced price of food, strikes, mobs and many of the isms of foe very worst character. We an* told by Mr. Stephens that to extend the period from five to twenty-one years before citizenship should be granted, wonld not stop immigration. The Exodns wonld still go on. He does not say that it wonld not be cheeked to some extent. There is cantion in this way of stating bis ease. If, as he says, it would still go on, so rapidly that “at the end of the first twenty-one years,” “we should have seve ral millions” of them in onr midst, we may conclude that the Exodus is not one In pursuit of liberty as Mr. Stephens defines it—or that they have much dread of becoming what he calls “ a degraded caste in society, a species of serfs without the just franchise of a freeman or the needful protection due to a slave. In a word it is not an Exodus in pursuit of Liberty, or to avoid degradation and slavery ! We want no snch Exodas to poar ont its tides, npon onr shores, without making provision for the parity of onr institutions. The franchise of an Ameri can freeman shonld not be precipitately and. rashly extended to those who have not horror enough for degradation and slavery to be even diverted from onr shores to some other portion of this vast and sparsely peopled continent, where there is ample room and verge enough for indefinite expansion. As to the opening of a sort of white stave trade at foe North, which Mr. Stephens seems to think wonld arise from the measures propo. sed by the American Party, it is enough to say that it is a mere conceit,—a fancy, a dream of a disturbed and feverish imagination, “ as base less as the fabric of a vision.” Capitalists are more likely to want voting than “votingless” employees, for the simple reason that capitalists have political objects which voting employees can aid them to accomplish. Northern Capi talists. we all know, have been clamorous for protective tariffs, and they have generally got the votes of their employees, who were persna* ded that by protecting foe Capitalists, their wages would be increased. Besides, it is not foe Capitalists that are moving in tbis matter, bnt the “labourers and employees." Tbis is strange, if “a votingless population to do their work” be, as asserted, " wbat foe would-be- Lords of.that section have been wanting for a long time.’" The attack npon the secrecy of foe Order occupies a pretty conspicuous place in foe cat alogue of Mr. Stephens' objeetions. After pro fessing "most truly” that he “really knows nothing about the principles aims or objects of the party be is about to speak of” he should have confined himself to this single ground of objection. He has not done so, bat has spoken at great length of principles objects and aims imputed to them whether truly or not he does not profess to know. As it regards secrecy it is well known that both the old parties have long been controlled most despotically, by a few lea ders, who admitted very few of the rank and file into a knowledge of their secret objects and aims. Constituting themselves a sort of po litical priesthood, they have dwelt apart in foe inner temple, from which they have scrupulous ly excluded the vulgar herd. Sitting thus be hind the veil, their chief care has been to in* culcate npon their respective followers the duty of implicit faith in the doctrines they delivered, a ready c< mpliance with all (Aetr requirements, nnd a prompt obedience to all their commands, all made, delivered and given in the name, ana for the sake of Party—that is of themselves. They have been Baal and bowed to so long, that it will doubtless go hard with them to reverse their position and bow to Baal! Each set, next to obedience nnd service to themselves, inculca ted upon its followers hatred and opposition to tho other. These political Jesuits who have thus been secretly lording it over the people and keeping them dirided npon all questions, even those affecting their most vital interests, are the especial enemies of all secret orders! Of all but their own they doubtless are. And thongh they never agreed in any thing else,' not even in defence of their own section—they will combine now to encounter, and if possible to crash an organization, one of whose cardinal objects is to reform foe abuses they have estab* lished, and unite a people they have alienated and divided into waring factions—not parties. If the now organization in its infancy, while yet in the gristle, had developed itself fully to their view who does not see that they wonld have crashed it out of existence, for foe obvious reason that the reforms aimed at wonld be fatal to their power? Bat what is the extent of this horrible secrecy? How does Mr. Stephens, or any other as ignorant as he admits himself to be npon the subject, know but that within this new reform party the humblest of its members is admitted to a foil knowledge of all its coun sel, and to participate freely npon terms of perfect equality in all its deliberations and ac tion ? How does he or any man know but that in this respect it presents a perfect contrast to the old secret, log-rolling, intriguing, wire working and corrupt organizations, with their Regencies, cliques and leaders? Holding pow er in the old organizations, they want no chango, and least of all snch change as we wonld bring them. From the day when the hypocritical Pharisee and pampered priests of Judea, sneeringly asked—“can any good thing come out of Nazareth” down tothishouf, Wheta Mr. Stephens tauntin'’ly inquires whence comes this new organization, the beneficiaries of all old and corrupt organizations political and re ligions, have everywhere been the bitterest enemies of ail reformation. Tho “thousands of good and true men in Georgia” and else* whero, who have gone, and the “thousands more” who will yet co into this new reforttt organization, expected and are prepared to en counter foe florco opposition of those enemies and tbeir folowers. Bnt the people are pre pared, nay, they pant for emancipation from the despotism of lenders. They aro tired of their imperious rulo and insolent dictation. But tho American party doos not conceal Its principles, its aims, or its objeots. Long ago, and in various places they havo proclaimed them. In Virginia and N- York tbeir platforms have been published and widely diffused. Thoso of the party evory whcrei will bo found to harmonlzo with them upon all leading points. They are for a strict construction of the consti tution and a rigid observance of its limitations of power. They regard tho faithful execution of tho laws passed for giving effect to its pro visions, as essential to the ponce harmony nnd perpetuity of the Union, They are for serti pulousiy respecting tho sovereignty nnd reserv ed rights of tho States. Mr. Stephens’ seal against abolitionism seems to be wnxing warm. Perhaps be, Cobb nnd Senator Toombs will head tho fire-eating column, and "hi the Mis sourians in subjugating Kansas and Nebraska and driving out Piorce’s free-soil Governor, nnd his abolition immigrants. When they be gin to work to aet, somo of us may be induced talk of sotne of them upon It former occasion Thera ie another class caid to be proscribed by the Amerioan Party. That class is foe Catholics. Mr. Stephens il opposed to unifying religion into politics or politics into religion. So is fo» American parte) and it carries its opposi tion to Catholic* no farther than to decline to vote for them or appoint them to office. It grounds Exodus of j this upon foe conviction that Catholicism is of ' dangerous political proclivities and tendency. It proposes no legal test to incapacitate foe Catboiiea for holding office. It will discounten ance and oppose aU interferences with tbeir freedom of religion and worship—all attempts to molest or disturb them in foe free exercise ot their religions forms and ceremonies and ekfcf* cises. It does not propose to compel them to circulate the Bible among their lay-members, or interfere with them, even in the education of their children, thongh that is a matter of pub lic concern, in which foe whole country, and all good men do feel a deep interest. Men are to be judged, says Mr. Stephens, by their "acts," and not by their "creed." If melt are sincere and honest in their creeds, foe ereeds are the very rules of their ttetiom. Knowing the creeds we may calculate what their acta will be under them. There can be no donbt that Mr. Stephens himself, has habitually acted for or against men of whose individual acta he knew bot little, because of tbeir creed. Does any man believe Mr. Stephens has brer failed to oppose a demrerat, no matter what his acts may have been. Has It not been bis general rale, for many years to vote for men holding foe whig, and against those holding foe dem ocratic creed in politics? About foe time of the late Presidential election, it Wax very gen erally admitted that General Pierce’s acts as a politician were as'sound especially upon foe slavery question as those of any man north of Mason Jk Dixon's line. Bnt his creed was dem ocratic ‘and Mr. Stephens is generally believed to have Voted against bim. Even now while foe Democracy are landing Pierce for his fidel ity to foe Sontb Mr. Stephens approves (as I do) the condnet of foe people of Kansss'in driving from the connfry " the Free-soil Governor (Reeder) whom Mr. Pierce sent out there TO PREVENT” THE INTROtotTCTION OP SLAVERY To avoid all misconception I will insert foe whole of the sentence in which Mr. Stephens makes this grave charge against onr sound, national democratic President, whom all foe world was for. except some reTy rieid and “ gallant old whigs” when he Was elected, and nearly all foe world against now, except sortie equally rigid and gallant old democrats.— “ Kansas in two elections under this law” (tbo Kansas and Nebraska Bill) has shown that an overwhelming majority of her people are in favor of slavery, notwithstanding all the EXECtmNE INPLUENCE OP THE PREE-SOIL GOV ERNOR (Reeder) whom Mr. Pierce sent out there to prevent it; bnt whom foe people have lately driven, as they ought to have done, from foe country.” They prevented it notwithstanding some thing else besides this free-soil Governor. They did it in spite of the squatter sovereignty prature of the Knnsn* and Nebraska hill, the “ secret blade of Joab” revealed by Mr. Ste phens. It was not the work of yonr PRFSH- LY imported foreigners who had only de clared thetr intention, and yet were empowered to vote there, upon a question affecting foe rights of foe whole Sonfo, thongh they never voted before any where, and conld vote even then nowhere else! That was the work of foe gallant people of Missouri, determined to settle there to defeat foe enterprises of foefree-soil* ers and abolitionists, aad all their eoadjntore who Were moving heaven and earth to effect a lodgement npon her Sontbern borders, and es tablish there an advanced position in their great free-soil immigration movement over this continent. The party which Mr. Stephens has assailed, and which other leaders of foe old organiza tions,doubtless will assail has principles objects, and aims eminently worthy of a great and pa triotic party. It will, in its own good time, and in its own way, proclaim them to the North, foe South, the East and foe West. Entrench ing itself npon the firm ground of the const!* tution strictly construed, and foe sovereignty and reserved, rights of the States sacredly re spected, it will contend earnestly to overthrow the debasing despotism of party, emancipate foe country from the habitual misrule it has established, and foe corrupt and demoralizing practices it has introduced. It will labor with THE BEAM 09 DEVOTION* hr GEORGS P. MOtisii. t never conld find a good reason Why Sorrow unbidden shonld stay; And all foe bright joys of life's seasoil Be driven unheeded aWay. Onr cares wonld wake no more emotiofi) Were we to onr lot but resigned, Than pebbles fitttig itato foe ocean, That leaVe sc&ftie A ripple behind; The world has a spirit of beauty, Which looks upon all for foe best- And while it discharges its duty, To Providence lenVes all foe ret > rest 1 That spirit's foe beam of devotion. Which lights us through life to its dost; And sots, like the sun In the ocean> More beautiful far than it rose; Spice Islands, PASSED IN THE SEA Of tiaADINd; From the Christian Examiner Discontent produces much of our discomfort; and all of our Improvement, tf Plato had de fined man as a grumbling biped, he might hate defied Diogenes and bis rooster. Whoever ob jected to the definition, Would hare proved ltd truth. Men’s happiness springs nurinty from mode rate troubles, which afford the mind a healthful stinlnids, and are followed by A re-action Which produces a cheerful flow of spirits. Never permit your energies to slumber, but be always active In whatever field you chooSO to labor. To lag, to stop, to turn youT head in fear, mnf eventually prore disastrous to your best Intef* ests. . Instructive conversation; suggestive sEetiOO these are the characteristics of good society; How ignoble most men's lives would appeaf to themselves if described as foe lives of Oth ers t To improve foe condition of mankind essen* tialty, a way most be contrived for putting old heads on young shotildera. The incapacity ot itieil to Understand .each other ts otte of foe principal causes of their ill* temper to each other. Obscurity of style usually indicates that the Writer is clumsy, or careless, or Crude, or instil* cere» or ashamed of himself. “What is whispered in foe ear shall be spO* ken npon foe bouse tops.” Men’s relations of ten change from friendly to hostile, and'then tbeir mutual confidences are disclosed forotigtl a speaking-trtimpet. m ■ ■■ . The greatest breadth of foe Crimea is ofiO hundred and fifty four miles, foe length from east to west one hundred and seventy.. The Tartar population of foe Crimea is auctjfrotiO thousand. ■ a '*• untiring energy and uncalcnlating devotion, to purify foe politics of onr conn tty, and unite A Young Husband.—On making a Call fofi other day, Ot foe house of foe American mis sionary in Jerusalem, t saw a little boy. in the Turkish costume, sitting on foe sofa. My first thought was, “what an enormous turban that hoy has on,” and itiy second, "how very small he is. Judge of my surprise, when I found he was a husband; he being little more than ten yean old, and his wife Dot quite nine! Truly foie is beginning life yoUng. And this reminds me that a friend of ours an Americad. lady in Alexandria, who, thongh bnt twenty- •** years of age, was a grand mother! This goes quite beyond early marriage in foe United States.—Mrs. Earned Travel* in Egypt. Tha gentleman who Intended to kick up A moss has given tip foe job in toto [toe foe.) Foot Race.—Motion, May 15.—A tCfi mild foot race came off to-day, between Grindell, of New York, and Stetson, of Boston, and WaS decided in favor of Grindell. Time, 57 nr. 22s. TheSe are-foe fall fashions,, said foe dunked toper, When he tumbled into foe gdttef. Ibc FaSter than StbaW.—In foe last halloed ascension of M. GodarD, from New Orleans; he traveled 3i0 miles in stit hours, tti SO mlicS an houV. A 4 The pass&ge of foe Maine law by the legisla ture of this State is regarded as a sty rap at the spirits. «- good men everywhere, in to a great conservative reform party, prepared, by according to every section of our country foe foil measure of its constitutional rights, to restore harmony to foe republic—revive among the people of all sec tions a’spitit of cordial amity, andfraternal, cos • stitutional Union. . Such was the tXnionto which foe father of If the doetpr gets his living by DUi-agS; wbat does foelaWjrer get his by. By badefoeefe bis country so earnestly recommended us to cberisb a cordial and. habitual attachment, as foe palladium of oar liberties. “Mefoinks t see in my mind a noble -and pniss&nt nation, rais ing herself like a strong man after sleep,, and shaking her invincible locks:—mefoinks I see boras an eagle mewing hermigbtyyonfo.and kindling her undented eyes at the fell mid-day beam; purging and unsealing herlongabnsed sight atthefonntain itself of heavenly radiance.” Americans! Let ns moVe onward—right on ward—in onr noble enterprise. We have a country to redeem, and elevate. We must, we will, if we are true men, carry her forward to the fulfillment of her high destiny—foe ac complishment of her sublime mission. 8. FOUCHE' Rome, May 25,1855. GOOD ADVICE* Give thy thoughts no tongne Nor any unproportion’d thought his aet. Be thou familiar, but by no means vnlgar. The friends thon hast, and their adoption tried, Grapple them to thy sonl with hooks of steel; Bnt do not dull thy palm with entertainment Of eOch new hatch’d, nnfledg’d comrade. Be ware Of entraneo to a quarrel; bnt, being in, Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee. Give every tnrn thine ear, butfew thy voice : Take each man’s censure, but reserve foy Costly thy habit as thy parse Can bay, Bnt not express’d in fancy; rich, nor gaudy; For the apparel oft proclaims the man; And they in France, of the best rank and sta tion, Are most select and gSberotiS, chief in that; Neither a borrower, nor lender be : For loan oft loses both itself and friend } And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry. This above all,—To thine Own Self be true j And it must follow as the night the day, Thon canst not then be false to any man. ShaktspMrti Great Upheaving ofthe Masses In Jachson. We are informed by A -gentleman Who sat in full view of the court house in Jefferson the day ofthe gfont detuenstratidn, of which oar read ers may have hcdi-d something. Being anxious to witnoss the proceedings of the meeting, he assures us thnt he watched diligently foi hoars, and could not see a sufficient number of people going into the court bouse to create even a sus picion that n meeting was on band! About the time he had given up all hopes 0f seeing “tho show” be observed several gontlemen Coming out of the door together, and thinking it might bo “the meeting,” be counted them and fotand the number to be precisely one dozen—among whom bo recognized two orthree old-time whigs nnd he does not know how many of the orowd may have been know nothings. Upon inquiry among them, he learned they had been holding the so-called “Democratic meeting,” wbicb, by the time it reaches the seaboard, will nodoubtbe magnified into a “greatmass meeting!” Onr in formant’s character for truth aocT veracity is as good as that of any gentleman in Jackson coun ty; and if any one wishes to oall inquostiop the Trifles, lighter than strawZ, are levers 111 building np character. to bo sDre i Sally, how do yon like yonr new place? ti it a religions family? Well, I rathe* gttess it !s—they always hatO beans on Snnctay. «- The inventor of foe steam-engine was ear* taraly a man of great engine uity. Watts hU name? An old fanner Whose son had died, was vit- ' * “ ‘ with ited by a neighbor, who began to eondole wii_ him. on his loss. "My loss?” No such thing) it’s his own lobs-foe was of age." Strict GoS'gfRircfidN.—fi Parisian robbei* who was seized in foe aet of stealing in the shop of atohacconist, said, by way of excusing himself, that he had never heard of a law which forbade anion io takesnujf. “Biddy, has that fallow oieared off the sno# from the pavement?*’ “Yes, sir” "Did he clear it off with alacrity, Biddy?” “No sir, with a shovel.” It is stated by the memphis Eagle, that foerS are more Know-Nothings in Mississippi, in pro portion to the nnmber of voted, than in anff other State in the Union. In soffie of the conn; ties, four fifths of foe VdldfZ belong to tho order: The tiopfoern Shield, published at Helena, (Ark.) raises foe Amerioan .flag, and nominateX Millard Fillmore, of New York, for President, nnd Albert Bike, of Arkansas, for Vice Presfa dent. Don’t you remember Old Towsor, dear Eat Don't you remember .... Old Towser, so shaggy and kind; how he to lay, day and night,, by foe gate, and to lay. day an d night,, by foe gate, and seize the interlop.ors behind. [Here the ntaohinO broke down.] -t—*- “Sambo if do devil was to loose.him..tati, whnr would he go to get onoder one ?”—“ Whjr, to de Grocery, ob course—dat’s de. .only ptaod what I knoWs On whar dey re-tail bad sperr* rets!" Eqnistrian.—“Here, boy j come and hojdmjt horse.” Boy,—“Does he Jrick ?” .Eqnistnan.f= “Kick! No!” Roy.—“Does ho bite ?” Eqpiz- trian—“Rite! No! Catch hold of, hini.”— Boy.—“Dpes it take two to hold him ?” Eqnis- Boy.—“Dpes it take tWp to hold him V* Eqnis trian.—“No.” Boy.—’“Thon hold hi.myoarsolf.” Exit Boy, performing. Fop goes the Weasel.” A Duni, .nr the Dark.—A Into California paper mentions a duel which was fought between a Yankee and an Englishman in a dark room. The Yankee pot wishing to have blood on his hands, fired.his pistol np the chimney, and to his horror, down eande the Englishman. ? “Peter, whiit lire you doing to that hoy?** said a schoolmaster. ’He wants to know if yon take ton from seventeen, how -many will ro il, so I took ton of his apples to show him, noW he wants I should give ’em back.— •hind, nor foe aame hardships, bazzards and 1 to forget that we were deceived by the fierce ty; and it any one wisnes to oall inquostionthe j and now Be wants I should give ’em back.— facts substantially given above, they oah ftafqi ’Well, why don't von do it ?.* ’Cos, sir. he wonld ‘ bis name,—Southern Watchman* | forget how many is left.'* ~ . life .... ■ — —-—- i — - —* - * — ———