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Americans Shall Rale America.” PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY DWINBLL A FINLEY, EDITORS VOLUME 10. 555 ■ . - —r- ,jm i -/J, t- TERM8-*-$2 00 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. ROME, GA., TUESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 1855. NUMBER 45. ^ * j LETTER FftOI BOS. JERK CLEIEHS. (EtlC Home (Sontttt! »«*■»■* W» PodUM on me imrlcaii 9 Question. PCBUtHBD ITUT TDESOAY MORNIXO. BY DWINELL & FINLEY. i of Suboorlpttoa: b uriircit m itm, Paid vnani six uoxras,....... Paid at m ud or teat. .... $2 00 $2 SO $3 00 of Advertising: AdrattKanU will be Inserted UM. Miscellaneous Adrertise- Meats ok $1 foe snare of 12 Unes or leas, for the first and 50 cents for each subsequent insertion. Vs.ll WONDERFUL AND EXTRAORDINARY CURSOR RHEUMATISM OF TWENTY YEARS’ STANDING. Never in a»y Bfc harol had so much pleas ure, in doing any thin* ns in giving this cer tificate to the world, awl. I hope it may ho the «nms of thensaudi of my feliow-creatures be ing relieved from that dreadiW disease, rheo- mitiiin My wife has been aflicted with it for twenty yean, moot of the time suffering exern- . oinfin* pains in every part of her body. D»t- ing tio appetite whatever, she was reduced to ataeotaakeletoa. So violent were the puns that ahe seldom oould sleep without taking large doees of opioas. Every joint was swelled very much, and her knees, hands, and neck, covered with large lumps. She could do no kind of work, the sinews and muscles being so hard and contracted that her Umbo fere drawn together. so that she eras obliged to be in bed eeSantiT In this condition she had been for twenty jean, without ever getting any relief Aa> ..mi thin* she used, until she commen ced the us* of EG. FARRELL’S ARABIAN UNDfENT,the first bottle of which produced ■ n great change. She has now used five bottles, «~i the swellings have nearly all gone down; pa*n has entirely left her; she sleeps well and •eandly; is asote fleshy than ever she was in her fife; has an excellent appetite, and spins and sew* ail day. By the use of a few bottles mere she mart he as well as ever she was. If any one doubts this wonderful cure, he has only te call at my residence near Peoria, and learn thecferoamstanocs from my wife’s own Ups, or he can farther inquire of any of my neighbors. SAMUEL ELS ON. H. a FARkELL’S ARABIAN LINIMENT is also no excellent remedy for palsy, sprains, ; hrwises, cramps, chilblains, bums, pains, tooth ache, sere eyes, ete^ and in horses or cattle is tike best remedy in the world where an exter nal application is required. Lomkomt for Comnterfeit* ! The public ure cautioned against anothe counterfeit, which has lately made its wppearr asee. called W. & Farrell’s Arabian Liniment, the meet dangerous of all the counterfeits, be- cause his having the name -of Ferrell, many wffl buy. it ia gNii' faith, without the knowl edge that a counterfeit exists, and they will per hapo oaly diseover their error when the spun oas ■»■«*—* has wrought its evil effects. The genuine Mudfe » u»iv»fttXrtl only by H. O- Farrell, sole inventor and proprietor, and wholesale druggist, No-17 Main street, Peoria, UBaoia, to whom all applicatioms for Agencies asast hu addressed. Be sure you get it with the letters H. G. before Farrell's. thus—H- G. FARRELL’S—and his signature on the wrap per, all others are counterfeits. Sold by Kendrick A Pledger, Melville G.B.F. Mattox, Mt. Hickory C. Brown. Coosa P. O. Brunner A Moyers, Summerville Robert Battey,Wholesale Agent. Rome . had by re rniarty authorised agents througfaont HShPriee 25 and 50 eeuts, and $1 per bottle. AGENT8 WANTED in every town, village and hamlet in the United States, in which one . it nut already established- Address H. G. Far rell as above, accompanied with good reference na to ^wgagtor.rcspoaafhiHty, Ac. CASKET SHOP And Blind and Sash Factory ! t STABDISB ft BLAKEMAN iceossors of Jas. M. Snmter, contin- luo to manufacture all kinds of FUR MXTURB and SASH and BLINDS on the moot reasonable terms, at the old aland on Broad Street. Marehl7.—ly ATLANTA MACHINE WORKS. (lavs Atlanta won focndrt.) T HIS new Company isnow preparfB»££j» ed to do work on abort notice, of heavy and light Castings from the latest Improved patterns oflron, Brass or Composition, allot which will be warran ted. Tanking, Borings and Drilling done to order. Also, screw catting of 10 feet or un der of any size and thread required. Heavy and light forging of wronght Iron or 8teel done to superior style. # PARTICULAR ATTENTION Is called to tbetr patterns for Mill Gearing, for Merchant and Custom Flooring, and Saw Mills, Gio Gearingofall the usual sizes, and Bark Mills always kept on band. We are also prepared to build stationary Engines upon the latest improvements. All of which will be sold low for cash. Copper and Brass take n in exchange for work at cash prices ^^AMBS L DUNNING, john McDonough, WILLIAM RUSHTON. P. 8. All ofthe above company are prac Meal Mechanics, and give their indivldna attention to the business. fan. 9, '65 R. RIPLEY, ATLANTA, GA. TYEALEB in China, Crockery, and Glass JL/ ware*; Lamps of all kinds ; Oils, Cam* , and Alcohol by the bbb Terms Jas 9,1855 ly T. phiae, Fluid, Cubfasdn J. M. TOMLINSON, ._ ' \i ■ j • T)LAIN, House Sign, Coach, Passenger Cars I Fresco, Ornamental and Decorative Painter Also manufacturer of Gilt Glass Door Plates Wjndow Signs, Numbers for Public Houses Churches and Street Numbers. Opposite Jacob Haas A Co. White Hall Street Atlanta, Ga. Jan 9.1855 ly. F. M. EDDLEM AN & BRO. Atlanta, Georgia. -Keep constantly on hand and for sale on the lowest cash prices, a large assortment of BOOTS, SHOES, LEATHER, LASTS, PEGS, CALF LINING and BINDING SKINS SHOE-MAKER'S TOOLS, Ac. Ac. Jan '«1855, ly T* S. WOOD & CO. HOME, GA Dealetv jn watch**, Clocks, Jewelry, ' Silver Ware, Cutlery, Plated and Brittannia Ware, China, Musical Instrument*, Walking' Canes, Fancy* Articles, Ac., Ac., Ac. REPAIRING NEATLY EXECUTED, ; g>y 1 •. RICHARD A. JONES Stan is BABBLE, DEPOT, Madison, Ga. AND HEADSTONES ARTHE way* on Hand* Hcntsyille, July 12,1855. Dean Stn .—I have not before had time to answer your letter in relation to the new order of Know Nothings, nor have I now at hand all tha statistics which are necessary to a tell elu cidation or the aufajeet. Very possible, iu the opinioui lam about to advance, I shall find, my- aelf in antagonism to yourself and some of those old Mends to whom you allude. At all events, there Is no impropriety in asking you to read oaretelly, not for the purpose of contradicting or finding fault, oor yet for the purpose of im plicitly believing, but to reason, to consider, to reflect. If there is truth in what I write, let no previous pnjudiee dim its brightness—if there Is error, lot no personal partiality prevent iu detection and exposure. The vio'enee which has heretofore character ised the discussions on this subject, is unbe coming at all times, and particularly so upon a question involving so muoh about which men may reasonably differ. I know not why I should think lees of any one for differing with me upon Know Nothingism than upon Democ racy. He has the right to the maintenance of his opinions, and if he is honest no just man will denounce. It is proper for me to say that I ’never was in a Know Nothing Lodge but once—that I do not know a single sign or pass word, and could not to-day obtain admission to any Council in the State, unless it was through the interven tion of a friend; but I endorse their platform, and propose to defend! their principles. They are the principles of.Washington and Jefferson, and what is of even more importance, they are the principles of the Constitution. When one of the seven wise men of Greece visited the Court of Periander, of Corinth, ho was asked, “What is the most perfect popular government V’ He answered, “that in which the law has no superior.” This answer, which contains a whole volume' of truth and beauty in a single line, is the foundation of the Know Nothing creed. They made it in the begin ning the basis of their platform—not designed ly, for very probably the answer of the Sage has not been remembered, but reason, reflection, and am earnest patriotism led them to the same resale Accordingly we find that every mem ber is imperatively required to acknowledge the laws as established by the Constitution, to be supreme. Obedience to its mandates is in culcated as the highest duty, and disobedience is certain to bo followed by expulsion. Thns ter, I am sure the most violent will agree with me, that there is something to applaud. The remaining portions of the platform may be disposed of satisfactorily, I .hink, if not as briefly as the first. Americans shall rule Ame rica—in other words—for I mean to deal in no equivocation—no elusion—to cover up nothing, dodge nothings deny nothing. In other words then, that native born Americans shall fill all offices of political importance under the govern meat. I do not mean mere money offices such as President of a Bank-—aiiroud, or other corporation, bnt every office which gives to its holder dny influence on the legislation of the country. These are the offices from which we are pledged to exclude Foreignes, and this is the position I am prepared to maintain. It is not denied that we have enough, and more than enough competent Americans to fill every office we have to bestow, but it is urged that such a distinction is odious and unjust to'our foreign population. How is it uqjust ? He has been deprived of nothing but his emigration here. Tn his own land he did not even have the right of suffrage. His property was never for an hour secure. His personal liberty was constant ly in danger. He could not write'or Speak bis sentimeuts with impnnity. He was ground down with taxes. A press gang might at any time tear him from-tbe busutu of bis family, or an oppressive landlord turn that family hotue- less upon the world. Ail this is changed. We have given him the right to vote. We have given him peace. We have given him security. We have given him independence, and now be cause we will not give him the right to make the laws by which we are to be governed, he forgets In his arrogant ingratitude the hundred blessings we have showered upon him, and re pays the safety of the Altar by malignant as persions of the Ministers to whom he owes his protection. It is a delusion to talk about the rights of foreigners. Privileges is the proper word. We were not bound to extend to them the right of suffrages. We were not bound to give them protection, liberty, peace, independ • enee. All these were voluntary gifts. Ii was philanthropy in its broadest sense. Nor is there one of the millions who flood the country who would not have exchanged his own land for ours even if the Constitution had denied him the privilege of voting. The other advantages he obtains would have been sufficient to have made him anxions for a shelter beneath the wings of the Eagle. Where then is the injus tice ? He has all he asked, more, much more than he would have been willing to take. But it is argueo that exclusion from office fixes an odious brand upon him. Without stopping to remark upon the absurdity of sneh a position, it is sufficient to lay that the brand is already fix ed by the Constitution. It is npon him now, and will remain upon him until that instru ment is torn out from the archives of the na tion. The second Section of the first Article prescribes that no one shall be a Representa tive in Congress who has not “been seven years a citizen of the United States.” He may have been twenty or more years a resident of the country before bis naturalization papers were taken out, and yet be must remain seven years longer before he can occupy the post of a Re presentative. Here is a distinction and a broad one. It is idle to talk about degrees of infamy. If exclusion for life renders a man infamous, exclusion for a term of years must have the sume effect Both alike presuppose a differ ence between the native, and the foreigner.— Both have the same operation, and both, wheth er justly or unjustly, give a preference to na tive born citizens. The third section of the same article pre scribes that no person shall be a Senator who has not “boon nine years a citizen of the Uni ted States,” There the distinction is broader. As the office rises in importance—as the danger arising from ignorance, or preconceived opin ions becomes greater the more careful the fra mers of the Constitution were to secure the ser vices of Native citizens, until at last in the highest of ail officers Foreigners are excluded entirely. In the first section of the second ar ticle the Constitution declares that “no person except a Natural bora citizen” shall be “eligi ble to the office of President,” and the twelfth amendment declares that no foreigner shall be eligible to the office of Vice President. It thns appears that foreigners are obsotutely prohibi ted by the Conetitution from filling the only two offices which emanate directly from the whole people, whose incumbent are elected by the whole people, and who jyro in an especial man • nertbe guardians of the rights of the people. What stronger distinction is it possible to make between the Native, and the foreign born citi zen? In comparison, with that, hour poor and how weak is the mere resolution of a political party that they will not vote for foreigners ? If the declaration of such a purpose by those who are called Know Nothings is odious, unjust, in- famous and tyrannical, what will you do with that Constitution we all profess to revere 1 From that green and living root they extracted the essence of their creed. Whatever of wisdom— whatever of patriotism—whatever of sincere devotion to liberty and the, country may encir cle them, is drawn from the same healthful source. Strike them down, and you aim a blow at the supreme law of the land. Strike them down and you prepare the way for amendments to the Constitution which wilL soon bare your vassal* in fact, if not vassals in name, to those who grow by your hospi tality, and fattened up on your charity. I am not unaware that it is customary to ridicule the idea of danger from foriegn influence. Wo are excitingly pointed. i Natives. These figure* are not accurate, we will take them as they are given us. It must be remembered that of this three millions of for eigners, a very large proportion are voters. It is the unvarying law of emigration that muoh the greater numbor of every body of emigrants are males. This was the ease even in Caiifor. nia when the emigration was only from one por tion of our territory to another. All of us can call to mind oases in which the head of the fam ily alone is a foreigner, while the wife and chil dren are natives. Those go to swell the num* bor of Natives on tho census books, while the voter—the efficient and controlling power, is set down ns one foreigner. Lot us look at the other side: Of the twenty millions of Americans, shout one-half are fe males. This disposes of ten millions. Of the remainder, at least two-thirds are children and boys too young to vote. That disposes of near seven millions more, and brings the number of voters down muoh nearer to an equality than is at all agreeable, or than our opponents are wil ling to admit. These facts have not been un known to, or unmarked by Politicians. There is not an aspiring Demagogue in all the land who has not, time and again, made himself con spicuous as tho advocate of Foreigners. Wil liam H. Seward, with his -cold, calculating, heartless selfishness, is the leader in this race of adulation to whatever is of foreign extraction; and many bettor men who ought not to be nam ed in the same breath are hastening in his foot steps. Even the veteran soldier whoso lira had been passed among bullets—whose nerves bad never been shaken in the deadliest conflict, when ho was a candidate, quailed before tho vast influence those strangers hadacquirdd, and the “foreign accent” became asmusioto his ear. Two public acts in the recent history of tho country exhibits still more strongly the dan gers of the foreigo influence, and admonish us to check it while we have yet the power. In the autumn of 1849 Father Matthew, an Irish Priest, who had acquired great celebrity as a Temperance lecturer, paid a visit to the United States. He came to Washington and a resolutio was at onoe introduced to allow him the privilege of the floor of the Senate. This was opposed by Mr. Calhoun on the gronnd that it was lowerin. the dignity of the Senate, and cheapening its honors. By myself and others upon the further ground that he had while in Ireland indulged in denunciations of slavery and taken part with the abolitionists against the South, which I considered an unwarrantable in termeddling with matters that in no way con, corned him. Notwithstanding these objections the resolution passed by a decided majority, and Father Mathew took his seat upou the floor of the Senate. Not long afterward Gen. Pillow, who bore upon his person the marks of honora ble wounds recently received in the service of the Republic, visited Washington, and found, to his mortification no doubt, that the place which bad been occupied by a Catholic Priest was in accessible to him, a native born American, and late a Major General in the wars of his Country. Nor was he alone a sufferer. Every officer who served in the Mexican war, not a member of Congress, or an existing Stale Legislature, was in a tike manner excluded, with perhaps the single exception of Gen. Scott, who had receiv ed a special vote of thanks during the war of 1812. which of itself entitled hiin to admission. It will not do tell tue that respect for the cause of temperance produced this astonishing result The Congress of tha U. S. are not remarkable os disciples of temperance, and that very day there were perhaps not si -c Members of the Sen ate who did not drink wine at dinner, or brandy before. The Irish vote was the controlling cause—tho desire to conciliate that large body of natura lized citizens, who looked ud to Father Matthew as a superior being. It was this which gave to the Foreigner and the Catholic an importance above and beyond that of tho soldiery whose biood had been poured out like water ou the plains of Mexoco. It was this which induced the Senate to forget what it bad been —to throw aside the sever dignity which has so elevated them in tho minds of me, and to exchange the character of Roman sages for that of servile sycophants. There was a time when that high body was composed of sterner stuff. There was a time when such aproposition would have been treated with the scorn it deserved. But that was before the Irish Exodus. Now if we ven ture to question foreign merit it mast be done with bated “breath.” If we venture to deny any foreign demand, however imperious, we are threatened with political annihilation, and yet I am told we are in no danger from foreign in fluence. When the Senate of the United States has bent before the stn in where are we to look for that public virtue whicb.is sturdy enough to resist it ? The other case to which I allude was still more ontrageous. L. Kossuth had been active ly engaged in exciting a revolution in Hungary, bat when the hoar of trial came be shrunk from the danger be bad evoked and flying across the frontier took refuge beneath the Crescent of the Turk. An immense amount of sympathy was at once manufactured for him, and our Govern ment, not to be behind tfae public expectation, dispatched a vessel of war to bring him to our shores. Of course this was done under the spe cious name of sympathy for struggling freedom. But if there had been no German votes in the United States I am very much inclined to the opinion that sympathy would have expended itself in some less costly manner. But not satisfied with bringing him here both branches of Congress passed a resolution inviting him to Washington. He eome in all the pomp which surrounds the Monarcasof the old world-arm cd Guards paraded before his door to keep off the vulgar populace. And we who would not have tolerated such conduct for one hour in the President of the Republic, bat only sammitted to it on the part of this Foreign mendicant, but actually invited him within the bar of the Sen ate. He entered with all his guard about him. The clank of Foreign sabres awaked the echoes in the vestibnie of the Senate, and an eager crowd of Republican* looked *n with wandering admiration at the pageant If the Dead are permitted to witness events npon Earth what mast have been the feelings of the stern Fath ers of the Republio when they saw the velvot uniforms of a Foreign body guard Within the sacred precincts of the Senate! Let as sup pose them gathered about Zhe immortal Wash ington, as they were wont to gather in the days that tried men’s souls, gazing in sorrow and silence upon the disgraceful spectacle. There is Warren, Green, Sumpter, Marion, Lee, Shel by, Williams. Wayne and a hundred others of tbe mighty dead. They remember that it was Girman cannon that thinned tneir ranks at Mud Fort and Red Bank. They remember that German shouts ran* over tbe field of Brandy wine. They remember that German bayonets were dimmed with patriot blood at Monmouth. They remember Chadsford, and Chew’s house, and many another field where they met the hired mercenaries that England’s gold had brought across tbe Atlantic to fasten manacles up on a people who had never injured them, and re membering this they turn to each other with the mournful inquiry, “are these oar sons? are the traditions of the revolution already forgotten ?” Ah! shades of departed Patriots, there is an engine of power in our land of which In vonr day you did not dream. There are a few hun dred thousand German votes among us, and every Demagogue who aspires to the Presiden cy, And oil the Sattelites that glimmer about bim are viewing with each other in base conces sions to German pride and German feeling.— But the picture is a sickening one aud I turn from it. God knows it was bitter enough at the time, and I have no wish to dwell upon it anew. Not satisfied with the honors heaped upon Kossuth, Congress determined to extend tobim more “materia* aid.” . Mr. Seward discovered that he was the nation’s guest, and Introduced a BUI assuming bis expenses as a national debt. The account turned ont to be somewhat extrav- gant. This plain republican martyr to liberty only lived at the raw of $60q per day. Consu ming in tbe twenty-four hours Champagne and Borgandy which cost more than it would take there were bills upon the Calendar ofthe Honse for tho relief of destitute widows and orphans, whose husbands had died in defence ofthe coon- try, which Congress bos not had time to attend to even to this day. Not so with Kossuth—be drank his wine—eat his pores defoi* grae, and Cougres instantly footed the Bill. Do you nsk the reason? I answer widows and children have no votes. The foreigners who wore to bo conciliated by adulation of Kossuth, had many. Others will say that it was not Kossuth bat bis oause— thst he had boon battling for freedom and they wished to mark their appreciation of his efforts. As a tribute to tbe spirit of Liberty it might have been well enough if we bad not beon so lamentably deficient in paying that trib ute to our own citizens. When General Jack- sou had driven the British army from New Or leans, and resoued tbe eountry from one of the most terrible dangers with which it was ever threatened, he was arrested in the very hour of his triumph and heavily fined for the rigorous discharge of his duty ; and yet Congress per mitted more than a quarter of a century to roll away without acknowledging the wrong or at tempting to repair it. He was a Native Amer ican—there was no foreign sympathy in his be half—no foreign voters to conciliate. When Gen. Honston returned to the United States with the laurels of San Jacinto fresh upon his brow, bringing an empire in bis hands to lay at our feet, no'Congressional invitations celebra ted hisarrival. No bills were passed to pay his expenses. He was a native American and noth* ing was to be gained by laudations of bis chiv alry or his patriotism. When Gen. Scott had oonelnded one of the most wonderful campaigns ever recorded in history, he was called almost in disgrace, and his army which be had found untrained militia and converted into veteran he roee, was transferred to oneof his subordinates. Yet Congress offered no word of sympathy, ap plied no balm to the wounded feelings of the maebless soldier. He was a native American and tbe voice of condolence was mate. Had General Shields received similar treatment a howl wonld have been raised from one end of tbe continent to the other, and half tho tongues in Congress would have grown weary lamenting their wrongs. With these foots before me, and all know them to be foots, I must be pardoned for maintaining that there is danger from foreign influence, and the sooner it ia boldly met the better. It is gravely urged as an injunction to the or der of Know Nothings that it originated at the North, and ought therefore to be regarded with suspicion oy tbe South, and this reuson I have seen advanced by such men asToorabsand Ste phens of Georgia, and Preston of Kentucky— gentlemen whom I know personally, and for whose talents, attainments and moral worth I have very gre«t respect. To my mind it is an evidence of the weakness of my cause whon men of fair abilities resort to sneh flamsy means to support it. I do not know how the fact is, but I shall concede that it originated in New York, and then I shall proceed to show that there is no spot upon the Continent where the people have suffered more from foreign emigration or where they have more imperious reasons for ar raying themselves against it By reference to tbe annual report of the Governors of the Alms House, during the.year 1853, 2197 inmates—of these only 536 were natives, and 1883 foreign ers, supported at the expense ofthe City. And now I propose to use on oar side the argument of our opponents that there are only 3,000,000 Foreigners in 20,000,006 Natives. According to that ratio there ought to be about 7 Natives to one Foreigner in the Alms House. Whereas we find more than 3 Foreigners to one Native. No wonder that a people who rre taxed to sup port such a body of paupers should be the first te set about devising means to get rid of them. Let us pursue the record—the" Bellevue Hospi tal, in the same city, there was 702 Americans —4134 Foreigners: now the proportion rises to nearly six to one. There out door poor—that is persons who had some place to sleep, hut noth ing to eat and nothing to make a fire—957 Na tive Adulte, 1044 Children—3131 Foreign Ad ults, 5229 Foreign Children, or children born of foreign parents. This number were relieved during the year with money. Of those relieved with fuel, there were 1248 Adnlt Americans and and IS0I children. 10,355 Adult Foreigners and 17,857 children. Bat the record is not yet com plete let us turn to the statistics of crime. In the city prisons there were during the year 6,- 102 Americans—22,229 Foreigners-. I p;iss on to an abode even more gloomy than that of pris on call, and call your attention to those whom God in his wisdom has seen fit to deprive of the light of reason. In the Lunatic Asylum there were admitted from the year 1847 to 1853, 779 Americans—2381 Foreigners. For the year 1853 there were 94 Americans, 393 Foreigners. These tables might be made more complete by adding Organ Grinders, -Strolling Mendicants and Professional Beggars, bnt of these I have no reliable data, and therefore pass them with the single remark that I have never seen a na tive American who belonged to either class.— These figures are far more conclusive than any language could be to prove the necessity of ar resting the tide of emigration. Let every Amer ican impress them deeply upon his memory.— 42,369 Foreign paupers and invalids, 2381 Lu natics, and 22,229 criminals taxing the industry, and blighting the prosperity of a single City.— In that list of crimes is embraced murder, rape, arson, robbery, perjury, every thing which is damning to the character of the individual and which is dangerous to society. In our section we see bnt little of the evils of emigration— comparatively few come among us, and those are generally of the best classes of their coun trymen. It is not as a State that we suffer most but as an integral part of the Repnblie. The crime, vice, disease, destitution and beggery which flows in with every tide of emigration af flicts ns but little ? it is through their political action; in their capacity ot voters that the curse extends itselftons. When thousand upon thous ands are carried to the polls and made to vote in fovor of any man or any party for a shilling, corrupting the ballot box, and rendering liber ty insecure, then we suffer—then the law of self- preservation gives as a right, and makes it a duty to interpose. With such dangers thicken. Ing around us tho memorable order of Gen. Washington should be upon every man’s lips: “Put none but Americans on guard to night,” In time of peace your public offieers are your sentinels. Put hono ou guard whose bosoms do not swell with exulting pride at tho mention of Bunker Hill, of Monmouth, of Saratoga, or of York Town. Put noneon guard whose national traditions are not confined to our own common wealth. Putnone on guard who oan dwell by the hour upon the eloquence of Daniel O’Con nell, but have never heard the namo of Patrick Henry. Putnone on guard who turn with cold indifference from the Niagara or Now Orleans, to boast of Marengo, or Leipsio, or Waterloo.— They do not love your land as you do—they will not watch over it with the same absorbing in terest. Oppression, not choice has brought him here, and though he may foel a certain amount of gratitude for tbe shelter he has found, he Still looks book to the green fields of his ohildhood —ho remembers every stone upon the highways —he reads the history of bis native land,,and E artnkos in tbe pride of its great evonta—in his eart of hearts be feels that thore is his home, and those, his holiostaffeotions are garnered up. Fear, necessity, Common sense, may keep him hefe, but he loves not tho land of the stranger —cares nothing for its formor glories—sheds no tear over its former disasters. With what reverence can the German regard the name of Washington when he remembers that his pathway to freedom was strewn with the bodies of German mercenaries? What exultation oan the Briton feel in the fame of Jackson when he remomburs that it was won by trampling tbe lion banner in the dust? It is not in human natnre that they should feel as ws do, and we are false to ourselves when we put them in power, or givo them the direetion of the law. Perhaps no party in this country has ever been the subject of so muoh inveotlve as the Amorioan Party. All the depths of the lan guage have been sounded to flash up degrading to the-foot that there are but three millions of' to food a respectable foraily in North Alabama, - . , „ foreigners, while there are twepty millions of fora twelve month. At that very moment | epithote.to be applied to men whose sins oon- preparation of this letter; but it is sufli- ing oonflhuod with indroi stits in loving thnir own blood something bet ter than that of the stranger. Praotices whioh are in daily use by other parties suddenly be- ootne heinous sins when resorted to by tbe Americans, and editors in tho excess of their seal not unfrequently run into tbe most ridicu lous ineonsistenoies. I have seen one column of a newspaper filled with denunciations of the secret feature of tbe order, while tbe next not only purported to give the principles of the party, but even the v ry forms of initiation. One thing is eertain, either those forms were forgeries, or all the indignant denunciations of secrecy with which we hare been favored were hypocritical pretences in no way credita ble to those who employed thorn. All parties obsorve more or less socrecj in relation to cer tain portions of their tactics. Tho secrets of a Democratic canons are as profound as those of a Know Nothing Council, and the will of every member is more completely subjocted’to the control of the majority. A Know Nothing, after his party had made a nomination, may abandon tbe order, and then rid himself of ail obligation to support it. but a Democrat who has once taken part in a caucus is held in hon or bound to abide the decision of that Caucus, no matter how distasteful it may be. If the term “ Dark Lantern Party” was applied to the moon-light plottings of those who manufacture in Caucuses and Conventions Candidates with out consulting the will of tho people it would be much more appropriate. The State and the National Councils having both removed the in junction of seerecy, that reproach is disposed of: in point of fact it never existed. Their principles were known from the beginning, and be mast have been ignorant indeed who bad any doubt of tbe aims and purposes of the order. But it is alleged that it is a Whig trick gotten up to injure the Democracy. Sneh ar guments are the usual resorts of weak men, who, when reason fails, attempt to enlist preju dice in their behalf. The head of the Order is an old fashioned Jackson Democrat. Wherev er they have nominated eondidates they have taken the larger number from the Democratic ranks. Judge Cone, of Georgia, who reported the Platform adopted at Philadelphia is nn old line Democrat. He was a member of the Balti more Convention in 1844, that nominated Mr. Polk, and reported the resolntions adopted by that body as the principles of the Democratic party. How stands the case on the other side ? Mr. Wise confessedly owes his election to the Whigs. Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, Whig leaders in Georgia, are at the head of the anti- American party, and so with Mr. Preston, in Kentucky. Everywhere you find Whig leaders among the bitterest opponents of American principles and if it is a Whig trick, they hare been a long time finding it out. There is another branch of the qnestion which Iapproach with more reluctance than will en able me to consider it dispassionately. With out belonging to any Church, I grew up in tbe Methodist persuasion. It was the faith in which my Mother lived and died and I conld not change it If I would. Among the earliest books which fell into my hands, I found acconts of Catholic persecutions of the early Protes* tauts. Of men, women and children thrown into dungeons, stretched npon the rack, tortu red with thumb screws, and finally burned at the stake, for the erime of worshipping God as reason and conscience dictated. Then came the “order of Jesus” with tbe inquisition in its train. For centuries every page of history is blackened by tbe iniquities of the Church whose Pontiff arrogantly claims to be the im mediate representative of tbe .Almighty, and who has not hesitated at all times to exercise powers in accordance with that claim. Sub jects released from obedience to their legal ru lers—murder peij ary, incest—every crime made venial if it tended to the advancement of the church. I know it is said that these powers are not now exercised or claimed. Where has it over been abandoned when they had power to enforce it. What is the nse of the confessional, if the Priesthood do not still claim the power of forgiveness for sins committed, or to be com mitted? I have searched in vain for any an thentie document which shows that they have ever abated one jot or tittle of the pretensions which characterized them in other years, and characterize them now in other lands. I have visited two countries in which the Catholic religion is established by law, and I found in both the same intolerance, the same bigotry, the same hatred of the Protestant as of yore, Even tho dead bodies of Protestants are denied the right of burial in a Catholic grave-yard. Tbe masses are tnught to believe that the rot ting corpses of tho faithful would be polluted by the neighborhood of a brother who had in life a different creed. In Spain an assemblage of more than fifteen Protestants for the pur pose of religious worship is declared an unlaw ful assembly, and all the remonstances of Eng land have failed to ameliorate this detestable tyranny. What we see existing elsewhere, wbat we know has always existed wherever Catholics had the power, we may surely dread for ourselves, without being liable to the charge of excessive timidity, particnlarly when we see the rapid strides they are making to power and influence among us. From 1840 to 1850 the number of Catholics in the United States doubled, and now they exceed two millions of souls. At that rate it will not take them long to acquire all the pow er they want, and when acquired they will not fail to exercise it- In the very nature of things the Catholic must be a persecutor. When be believes that every Protestant is on the highway to hell—when he believes that it is charity to torture, an-t piety to murder those whom he looks npon as enemies to his God, it Would be absurd to expect mercy, or look for toleration. Another great danger we have to dread is the prevalence of the mischievous dogma that the Pope is superior to the Constitution, and can absolve his flock from oaths to support it I know how bitterly this is denied ,* but if Amer ican Catholics do not acknowledge it, they are widely different from their brethern elsewhere. History is^L ll of instances of kingdoms laid un der interdict, monarchs excommunicated, and a whole people doomed to purgatory for some real or imaginary fault of thoir rulers. Wo all re member that a King of France was Assassinated by a Priest at the bidding of his superiors — We all remember that a King of England was compelled to walk barefooted, in sackcloth and ashes, to tho tomb of Thomas A. Bocket, and that tho great Bruce wandered for years as an ontlaw, hunted by assassins and bloodhounds, for daring to punish a traitor to his country within the precincts of a Catholic Church. The best way of judging a tree is by its fruits, and these fruits are fomilar to us alb It is objected,- however, that the Constitution secures to every man the right of worshipping God as he pleas, and that in proscibing Catho lics wo are guilty of a violation of that instru ment. Not at all. The same constitution which gives them the rights of cons cience, socUros to me also the right of voting as I think best. It does not compel mo to vote for a Catholic, any more than it oompcls mo to vote for an Abolitionist. One may be just as sinoore in his belief as the other, and both be equally dangerous to the country. Of that each voter must judge for himself. There is no proroetion to change tbe Constitution, none to pass a law inconsistent with it. Tho Amorioan party Undertake to show, precisely as the Whig and Democratic parties under take to show for themsotves, that it is safer for the Union, safer for religion to ptaeo none but American Protestants in offioo, and tboy leave it to their countrymen to docido upou reason and argument bow far they are Wrong. We do not propose to dostitrb their public worship' —wedo not propose to declnr nn assSflnbiage of Catholics unlawful, but wo elatin'the pri vilege of voting to suit ourselves. £4&n see no difference in the evil tendeney ofthe higher law of Mr. Seward, higher law of Archbishop Hughes. J_do not chrJbse to vote for eithor, and he who mo'io, is guilty of tbe very proscription be oohJenfs.^ I wish I could have devoted more time to oient to give a tolerably correct idea of tbe pos ition I occupy upon tho question to whioh you have called my attention. I am very truly and respectfully yours, Ac. Jbhe. Clkxoxs J. E. Perblbs, Guntersvillo, Ala. jFrom tbe Louisville Journal of Ang. 15.] The Biots la Louisville. (Continued from latt week'* ittue ) Caroline Wall, wife of John Wall, on oath says: She is an Irishwoman ; her hnsband an Irishman, and a Roman Catholic. On the evening of the 6cb inst, about 6 o’clock, I was going home from the grocery of Mr. Brown, on Tenth and Market streets, Louisville, passing down Eleventh street to Main ; when I reach ed Main street, at Eleventh, I heard the report of fire-armr, and looked up Main where it came from, and'saw a man fall near Chapel street, and a great many shots wore fired in quick succes sion from the north side of Main street, direct towards Chapel. The man who was shot and fell I learned had just come ont of O'Connell’s grocery, on tbe corner of Main and Chapel, in company with a man named Dougherty; Rhodes died in a few moments, as I learned thore. There was no crowd sbont at the time, and bnt very few people, and no disturbance, save that caused by the shooting 1 . Rhodes was not disturbing any one when shot, that I know of. I saw tho shots fired from the windows of Quinn’s row. I think Rhodes bad a carpet-bag in his hand when shot. I did not know Kim, bnt was informed on inquiry that bis name was Rhodes. Dougherty was also shot a moment or two after. There were a great many Irishmen in Quinn’s row, some of whom were relations of my hu;. t band, and they were very often together. For some weeks previous to the election of the 6th of August, 1855, they (not my hnsband) were preparing for a fight, and proenred and had many arms, pistols, and guns; and, on Satur day night before the election I saw many of them with arms, and they had resolved, Iheard them eay to, to attack the procession, bnt it turned out as they afterwards told my hnsband, to be too numerous, and so they let it pass. They had been led to believe the procession would be small by those who opposed the Know Nothings; this I heard them say. I saw many of them with arms six or eight days before tbe last elec tion, and they said they were ready for it. I have not seen my husband since Monday last, nor heard of him. I fear he was finally in duced to join them in Quinn’s row. They had begged him t> receive arms in his house, bathe declined. We did not live in Qninn’s row. her Caroline x Wall. mark Jefferson County. Set. Subscribed and sworn to before me, August 10,18*5. J. L Dozier, Examiner Basil Rhodes, on oath, says: I am the tether of Theodore Rhodes, who was killed on Mon day evening. Angust 6th, inst, at Main and Chapel streets, Louisville. I reside at the cor ner of Main and Eleventh streets. Chapel is between Tenth and Eleventh streets. About 5 o’clock, P.M., of that day, I was sitting at my door, when I heard the report of fire-arms, and, on looking np Main, I saw my son Theodore fall at Main and Chapel. In an instant, I heard 20 or 30 shots fired in rapid succession, so quick as to seem to be a volley.— The shots were fired from the north side of Main, afy son was on the south side of Main when befell. I could see him distinctly; he raised bis head and was ia a reclining position, when I saw a man run from the north side of Main to within 10 or 12 feet of my son and de liberately shoot at my son three times with a re* ▼olver, when my son fell back and did not move again. The man ran at once back to Qninn’s row whence he came. This eli occurred in moment. I had at the moment I saw my son fall started towards him, bnt the firing from Quinn’s row was very rapid and I did not for a moment or two approach my son’s body* I saw he was dead, for he did not move after the man fired his pistol at him. At this time there was no crowd in the street *nd no disturbance but the firing above-named. I saw no crowd until some time after. I removed the body of my son, and while so doing, I heard other reports of fire-arms, and looking aronnd, saw young Graham fall. He died in a few minnts. My son had]a family. He was shot in the neck and in the forehead. Graham seemed to be coming towards me when he fell. My son was very tall man and wore a broad brim white hat, and was easily recognized at the distance I was from him. While declining he seemed to baekan with nis hand te somo one for hete. He was rober, and a sober man in his habits. He was very quiet, peoceable, and inoffedsive, as I think. Up to this time there had been no disturbance on Main in that part Ofthe city. B. RHODES. Jefferson Co., Ecr. Subscribed and sworn to before me Ang. 10, 1855. J. I. Dozier, Examiner. Lester Parker, on oath, says that, on the 6th of August inst., the election day, about 4 or 5 o’clock, he was going down Main, between Fourth and Fifth streets, Lonisvilje, and saw Theodore Rhodes just behind him. They walked on as far as Pickett’s Warehouse, cor ner of Eighth and Main, when affiant stopped and Rhodes went on down Main toward Chap el. Rhodes had in his hand a carpet-sack. I have known him for fourteen or fifteen years Well, and know he was then sober and had al ways been a very sober, hard-working, indus' trious man. He was also a man remarkable for his peaceable and quiet disposition, I never knew or heard of his quarrelling or fighting in my life. He was a man of family, A few moments after Rhodes left me, and not more than ten or fifteen, I heard the report of firearms, and, looking d>wn, I saw that the firing proceeded from the honse of McDonald, nn Irish grocer, on the north side of Main, op posite Chapel street, from tbe alley above his house, also from the house belonging to Mr. Qainn. on the corner of Eleventh and Main, oc cupied by Dennis Riordan. The firing was very brisk and rapid; at least some thirty shots were fired in n minute or so; the flashes from the wiDdows of McDonald s house assumed the appearance of a sheet of flame. At the time there was no crowd of persons in the street; a few persons were passing along the street; and very few. There was no disturbance there at the time, and no considerable assemblage for twenty or thirty minutes afterwards. A few shots were fired at McDonald’s house in fiteen-or twenty minttteS after the first firing from McDonald’s. I live at Portland, below Louisvillo. During the fire, affiant was assist ing to save tbe property, when an old Irish wo man came out of one of Quinn’s houses, And said to him (affiant)—“oh sir, if it had not been for Burns, none of this trouble Would have happened; he was tbe cause of all this shoot ing." t. L. Parker, Subscribed and sworn to August 9, 1855, be fore roe. 0. H. Strattan, n. p. About 5 o'clock, P. M-, of Monday last I was standing on the nOrthWost corner of Market and Eleventh streets, when the affiant heard the noise of fire-arms on Main Street. After a few fifesj affiant ran down to Main Street, and when bo got to the corner of Main and Ete- vonth he stopped, because there was a rapid increase of the firing; in fact, thore seemed to be no intermission between the sounds or oraeking of the fire-arms. -One Long occupied tho house of Quinn, at the northeast corner of Main and Eleventh streets, and Quinn had ton or twelvo two-stdry tenements above the one occupied by Long. He '(Qainn) occupied roams ah 've, in tho first, house east of Long’s. When witnoss got to Main street, be placed himself in suoh a position ns would enable, him, to see where the shooting came from. He saw plainly that there were two men at every win dow in Quinn’s houses except one, which was the house direc ly west of the honse occupied by McDonald. He saw that each of the men had two double-barreled guns or mnskets or pistols, and he saw thorn shooting out of the windows rather up Main Street. The shaot- for fiteen minutes after he got there. H» watched tbe whole proceedings with Intense anxiety, and he saw that one of the meu in one of tbe win dows of Long’s boose bad noticed bim, for* after thrusting tbe muszle of bis gnn out of the window in tbe usual east direction, be tamed it toward where affiant waa standing, affiant stepped quickly back so as to be ont of harm’s way, when the gun was changed to Its first di* rootion. He saw Rhodes lying dead directly opposite McDonald’s, and he saw Graham ly ing 10 or 12 feet from Rhodes; and Graham, as he thought; was dying when be first saw him. He did die io a few minntes. He can have no doubt but that they bad been shot by perso out cf the windows of Qoinn’s bouse* thon; be didn’t see it done. He has been for three * four years market-master of Balls' City market- bonse in the neighborhood ,of Qninn'e bonces and he knew some of the persons whom be saw shooting out of the windows. All be kew were Irishmen. Ja*- J. White. Jefferson County, Set Subscribed and sworn to before me Angnst9. 1855. J. L Dozier, Exam’r, John M. Teagarden, on oath/ says: That on the 6th Aogust, election day, I was passing down Cbapel from Market to Main street, Louisville, when I heard report of fire arms, and saw per sons running; at tbe same time I saw a- fall on the oorner of Cbapel and Main, who tur ned ont to be Theodore Rhodes. He fell on the sidewalk near O'Connell’s grocery. The shots came from McDonald's groceiy, across tbe way. McDonald is an Irishmar. In a momenta man came from MeDonald’sand presented at Rhodes, who was endeavoring toget np, and at the dis tance of ten or twelve feet from R. deliberately shot at him several times, and tamed to.McD'sj and soon after, and as I believe, after Rhodes was dead, another Irishman shot him with a enn. The father of Rhodes then came and I went tm to Rhodes's body and aided his father toremova nu dead wben we * ot body!—- Rhodes had no arms and was not that! know of dieturbingany one when shot. A moment n after Rhodes fell I beard * gnn fire and lookine aronnd I saw young Graham foil and die almort immediately. He was' coming towards Rhodes when he fell. He was shot in the chest and near the heart. J. M. Teagarnen. Subscribed and sworn to, August, 8, 1855. _ „ _. , O. H. Strattan, N. P. George M. Kirk states, that, on the day of the election, between 5 and 6 o’clock in the evenim? he was going down Market street to tho Eighth ward polls, and was stopped on his way near the upper end of the lower market house- In afew minutes he saw several shots fired out ofthaup per windows of a house at the lower side of Chapelstreet on Market Affiiant believes that the shots were discharged from muskets or afrnt- gons upon some eight or ten passers-by, who seemed to be going alcng the street without any exhibition of hostility or even of consciousneu of the violence contemplated upon Two or 1 three Americans were wounded. One was reported to be killed. The wounded retreated. They had no annsand called for arms. In a few minntes, several now volleys were fired up- on_a small crowd passing-down to see what was going on. Affiant was unable to see the slight est provocation at tbe place aforesaid for either ofthe volleys of firing. He did not see anv ar med person outside of the bonse from which the shots were fired. .At or about the same time several Americans were shot on Main street, as he was Informed, from Qninn’s row. This affi ant went immediately aronnd to XTatw street and a dead American was being hauled aWhv by Mr. Cocke in a wagon. He had beea ahot through the heart. Geo roe M. Sworn to j nd subscribed before C. W. Logan notary public for Jefferson co., this 10th of An- gust, 1855. C. W. Logan, Notary Pnb. Joseph Hacker, on oath, stys be resided on the 6th August, In one ofQuinn's honseSrin what is called Qninn’s Row, on the north side of Main street; between Tenth and Eleventh, Louisvfflv He resided there about seven months. On that day. he heard, while in his honse, a report fit firearms, and on looking ont of the window h • saw a man lying on the sidewalk, near O'Con nell's grocery, on the comer of Main mid Chap el streets, and in a few moments saw an-Irish man pass over from McDonald’s grocery, sittn- ted opposite O’Connell’s, and on the north *Li - of Main, having in one hand a revolver, and i.t the other a gun. He got within tenor twelve feet of the man tying on the side walk, and.de liberatety shot bim in the forehead. I saw tL . blood come from the wound and also from' (i wound in the breast; the man never moved af forwards, I think. At this time there was i.«V crowd there, and no one on the street that ! saw, except the dead man and the one whosL 4 him; but in a few moments some persons cam r and removed the dead body. A man, an Amcr ican, then told me I had better close the sh..< tors of my windows, or I might be ipjored; an • I did so at once. He offered me no unary, h borrowed my gun to fight the Irish with, w < * were firing from McDonald’s honse and othe Irish houses along the row. He took the g it away andl.didnot get it till to-day. 6 The Irish all along the row were well arm<*l, most of them having two pistols each, and al « a gun. There Were about ?b or i00 Irishme '• living in that tow, I think, and they had inn. ‘ visitors of their countrymen. I saw many .»' them often with pistols and guns daring »!• • two or three Weeks preceding the August e! - tion of 1855, and one of them, who had sevr> - pistols, told a man in my hearing on Satur-! ; '' before the election, that he was ready. Two •' three weeks ago I saw Mr. Qainn cany a doui- led-barfelled shot gun into his honse at tv > different times. On the night of tfae riot th- *• wasakegof powderin the alley opposite Qoin • - houses, which I covered up with bed clothe- prevent explosion. Mr. Qnlnn had called -■> me and insisted npon my voting, notwithstan • - ing I bad told him that I was not naturalised. No violence was offered to me or my fiuni yl The Americans aided me and my family ,«*'• move out of my bouse whioh was horned, i* <1 told me to leave there or the Irish might sli- * me. I am a German by birth and a Catlu»>v in religion. Joseph Huchzr. Jefferson County, set Subscribed and sworn to before me Au^u t 9,1855. J.I.Doxibr, Rxamin r Thomas W. Flavell states on oath: That 1 a nurse at the Louisville alms-honse; tha > - was in a house (to see some women of hi- qaaintanco) opposite Quinn's row, on A • street, between Chapel and Eleventh streets, - tween the hoars of 10 and 3 o’eloek on Moud >- Ang. 5th inst. Ha observed in Qninn’s fa -tv-.-.-: numerous men armed with pistols and t 4 knives; that he saw Irishmen passing In, ont all the time and armed with pistols; < [■ these men saw him and seemed unwilling tc ■ low him to leave the house, and acted as if» thought he was a spy. He states that hr eaped from the house whilst some drays - * on the street and when the men were not > clng him. He doos not think he would 1. been allowed to leave the houso, had the i notieed him going away. The women he » ted at said house told him that qn the prece night (Sunday) they slept in their cloths, to be able to loave'on the shortest notice. 1 an Englishman. Tho. W. Fla>'> Subscribed and sworn to.before, me, A. 1855. O. H. Strattan, N...t The undersigned is keeper alms house, and says I of .Tho. W. Flavell can,1 Df the Loul i the state'!- I upon as tin Gailbbeat J. F. Bickham being sworn, says he kcej grocery store on the north side of Market sr- near Eleventh; Louisville. About half ;• o’clock A. M., on Monday, Aug. Gth i»i was walking up Eleventh street toward street; at that time I lived on EI.-’- ‘uth s>t\ As I passad tho cellar-door of l. -ngV ii fronting on Eleventh street, I heard si-rm- L men talking, and looked down oh the «ej| r saw an Irishman have a pair of bullet, u;- in his hands capable of moulding five of bullets at one time; they were about six t- long; and I noticed the necks of nnmero:- <, u lets lying on the ground, and am oonfidev, were engaged in mopping bullets. The.r. c j