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1 CCLIFOED LVLF.Y TUE3DAYMORNINQ BT s- rorcnc a g. p. Hamilton, PROPRIETORS. Office East Side of ISroad Street. Sales of LAND by Administrators, Executors or Guar uuuis, are required, by law, to be held on the first Toteday in the month, between the hours of ten in t-hc forenoon and three in the nftemoon, at the Court House in which the property is situate. Notice these sales must be given in a public Gazette SIXTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Sales of NEGROES must beat Public Auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, or Ad ministration or Guardianship, may have been grant ed, first giving SI XT Y DAYS notice thereof, in one of the public Gazettes of this State, and at the door of the House where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like maimer FORTY DAYS, previous to day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate mast be published for FORTY DAYS. Notice, that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell LAND, must be publish ed for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEG ROES, must he publish ed FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute cut be given by the Court. ~ Caw Cavite. X. K. r.\TTO>, AYTOMIY AT LA'W, ! Koine, Gil. Will practice in all the counties of the Cherokee | circuit. n23-l}. j W. P. WILKIES, AT LA W3, Rome, Ga. fU&TER TO Hon. B. F. Pouter, Charleston, S. C., or at Cave Spring. Ga. Hon. AY. IT. Underwood, Rome, Ga. Hon. William Ezzaud, Decatur, Ga. w. a. TranrsF.. JAS - R-rERKiss. TEHHf'fE A PERKWS, attorneys at law, Kame, Ga. BUSINESS entrusted to them in any of the coun ties of the Cherokee Circuit, or in the Supreme Court of this State will be promptly attended to. Thcv practice also in the counties of Cherokee and Denton in the State of Alabama. August 2,1349. ** JtAIES W. DOUGLASS, ATTORNEY AT LAW, SPRING TRACE, MURRAY COUNTY, GEO. Aug S-ts AETRVS attorney at law, Rome, Georgia. Business? entrusted to his care, will meet with prompt attention. Oct. 4.1819. 31 j IV. W. LIHPKW, attorney at law, Rome, Georgia. *p*il IS, 1849. 6 ts JFAMIES Jl. HITCIIELL, ATTORNEY AT LAW; | ncv’lS ’42 Rome, Ga. 37 ts lloinc Business Oivcctovn. Age {tv . “ eeip. Tws nlo Veep intruders, and oiff iv ecacral Inf ormation which can be obtaitu-u. r I lmve the filing of several fine PLANTATIONS ve || turber- J and situated on the Coosa River, ■ome ten roues below Rome, which can be bought j unon quit.’ favorable terms. I also have the selling . J several improved LOTS IN THE CITY OF j ROM E. well situated both for business and private residences. ... All business entrusted to my care shall meet with prompt attention. Commmunications addressed to must be post-paid, with a fee of ?. r i enclosed for tse gal- or purchase of each lot or tract of land. JOHN L. HU SON, Rome, Ga. j P. A. Lawson", Griffin, Ga.; A. 11. Kevnas, Milledgeville. Ga.; Willis u Rockwell, “ “ (Jr. W. Kish, Macon, Ga.; ,T. K. Iklt, Rome, Ga.; | Col. Wm. Jones, Lowndes county, Ga | Aug 1. n22 iiitn ! WAREHOUSE it COMMISSION BUSINESS. T ■ Tun 1 icg leave to inform their i friends an i the public generally, that they I have opened a Ware-House under the firm of PECII & IIAUDIIf, ROME, a A., •Where they -n ill be ready to receive Cotton and all oth?r Produce entrusted to their care. The, per; . sal attention of one of the partners will be given to the business. A share of the pablie pat ronage is respectfully solicited. J. M. PECK, A. T. HARDIN, nov 81949 88 v wo*ts! Xpw Goorts! T'HH subscribers arc now receiving a large as sortment of bought in the New York Market, by a gentleman o£ twenty years’ experience in business. W e therefore confidently offer our Stock to the public, pledging ourselves to seil as low as any other house in the city. Please call and examine our stock and prices. IIAUDIN A LAMKIN. Rome,Sept. 19,1560. 29 ts Cunninghams & Linton, (si. chamberlain, agent,) AT THE RAIL ROAD DEPOT, ROME, GA., HAVE established a Store House, as above, main ly for the purpose of buying Grain for their ex tensive Mill, now being erected in Augusta, on the new Canal. In connexion with tils'. Agency, they propose to keep many Staple and Useful Articles, such as Heavy Groceries, Hardware, Cotton Yarns, Osnaburgs, Shirting-, Ac., —and have made, and are making buch arrangements as will enable them to supply Merchants, as well as others, upon such terms as will compare favorably, all tilings considered, w ith the lartrer markets. We shall receive many articles direct from the manufacturers’ for sale, for their ac count, on commission. We respectfully invite all who may feel disposed to patronize such a concern, to call and decide for themselves whether we offer them such rates as above intimated. At any rate, we shall do our best to satisfy all. P. P V.'e have in store, and are daily expecting supplies of Salt Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Ragging, Rone and Twine, Iron, Steel, Nails, Castings, Gun and Blasting Powder, Shot, Lead, Yarns, Osnaburgs, Shirt;n b s, Axes, Saws, Spades, Shovels, Smitlis’ Bel lows, Anvils, Vices,, <tc. Also, Liquors, Chee.-e, To bacco, Rice, Ac., Ac. oct 25 34 ts WATCH AND The undersigned would respectfully inform his friends and the public, that he now has on and will constantly keep an assortment of Gold mid Silver Levers, and Plain Watekes which he will sell as low or lower than a similar quality can be bought elsewhere. Also, a good assortment of Ladies’ ami Gentle men’s Jewelry, together with numerous other arti cles in his line, including fine Pistols, Ac., which will be sold on the most liberal terms. Repairing always done promptly, in the best man ner, and on reasonable terms. Shop opposite Johnson, Gwynn A Cos. July* ly T. S. WOOD. / \BOXES Cotton A Woolen Cards at the whole IU tale r*kw for sale bv Jaa f? M. CHAMBERLIN, Agnt VOLUME 3. IMAGINARY EVILS. Let to morrow take care of to-morrow; Leave tilings of the future to fate, What’s the use to anticipate sorrow? Life’s troubles come never too late! If to hope overmuch be an error, ’l'is one that the wise have preferred; And how often have hearts been in terror Os evils—that never occurred! Have faith—and thy faith shall sustain thee— Permit not suspicion and care With invisible bonds to enchain thee, But bear what God gives thee to bear, By his Spirit supported and gladdened, Be ne’er by ‘forbodings’ deterred! But think how oft hearts have been saddened By fear—of what never occurred! Let to-morrow take care of to-morrow Short and dark as our life my*appear, Wo may make it still darker by sorrow— Still shorter by folly and fear ! Half our troubles are half our invention, And often from blessings conferred Have we shrunk in the wild apprehension Os evils that never occurred! Tlie.Conllict ©I Glasses. We have repeatedly asserted that there lurk ed far more danger in the social institutions of the North, from the antagonism of classes there, than at the South. Os the feeling that finds expression there, we subjoin but one specimen out of many: “A few evenings since, as wo witnessed a poor woman who had just returned from a clothing store, whither she had been to carry her bundle of pantaloons. It was Saturday evening, and she was too late to get her pay. The clerk had gone and carried away the key of the safe. There was no money. They gave her a ticket for her due, and said “ good evening!” “But lend me a dollar on this,” said she, “ I have nothing to buy bread for my children to-morrow!” “How many children have you?” asked the “boss.” “ Five, and the eldest is but nine years old, and can earn nothing. “Poor people have no business to multiply so fist,” was the heartless reply.— “ Here is half a dollar, come on Monday morn ing and pay me.” The woman departed weeping as though her very flesh would dis solve in tears, and that heartless, wealthy scoun drel turned away with a coarse laugh, and jing led his well tilled purse as though he had achieved a “capital joke!” As we wended our way after the unhappy woman, we actually for got that that same traffic besetter, vile, sel fish son of a damnably false system of com merce, was flesh and blood, and a human be ing!”—Boston Investigator. The American and Swedish Sight in gales. _ Jhe,following, from the New York Mirror, is a very good hit at the extravagancies which fiUiLe makers about Miss Liud’s singing: Ajc other Triumph,—Sho-tly after the ar rS-w:Jftqqv L’yijj* at Boston a very painfu l Occured There, which lias very seriously affected In#. It appears that in the house where apartment, wore provided f.r her there was very superior mocking bird, whose mim icry and song vr>re such that he had silenced both the feather and feline circle* there, cana ry birds and cats giving up all attempts to outmatch him in their respective notes. He was removed into the same room with Jenny who was charmed with him. After finishing one of her simple songs, “Bob” tuned his pipes and gave out a very fair imitation The admira tion of Jenny was unbounded; she tried him in a snatch from the celebrated “cavatina” in 11 Puritan!.” “Bob,” alter one or two leaps from perch to perch, spread his tail in ecstacy, filled his chest again, and run over all those beauti ful notes as accurately as if they were the mere echo of the thrilling notes of Jenny. Mr. Bar liUin, who stood by became alarmed. He knew the owner of the bird had too long a pocket to admit of a possible hope of his will ingness to part with him, or even enter into “an engagement on any terms, and here was a bird equal to Jenny. Jenny, however, -seeing the consternation of her friend, sprang to the | piano and struck off, in her best style, her cel ! ebrated “Swedish Echo Song,” Sckielmeert vax under heil vlarting Weigheugh!—ha!—weigheugh!” “Bob” listened, sprang to his water jar, and took a sip; listened again, shook his feathers, and began. For a note or two he succeeded * admirably; but when ho came to that point where the rorce of Jenny leaves the earth and turns a somerset in the clouds poor “Bob” fal tered; he was seen to strugggle hard; reeled and fell dead from his perch in a lock jaw ! mountains of the lio^n. About two years ago the scientific world was surprised by the announcement that Drs. Krapt & Rebmann had discovered a mountain or mountains within one degree of the equa toi, in Central Africa, and übout two hundred miles distant from the sea, which were covered with perpetual snow, and which, there was overy reason to believe, were no other than Ptolemy’s “ Mountains of the Moon.” Addi tional confirmation, jnst received, seeins to leave no doubt of the fact that such mountains do exist; while, from the quantity of gold found along the whole tropical coast of Africa, there is a fair ground of probability that another treasure producing country lies still undiscov ered, to which California will be but a mere “circumstance.” —Philadelphia Sun. What I have Never Known.—l have never known a poor man to receive a premium at a fair, when there was a rich man to com pete with him. I have never known a poor man respected because he was poor. I have never known a merchant to continue his conversation with a poor man, when a rich man entered his store. I have never known an office seeker to be very conversant with poor men after an elec tion. I have never known a fashion too ridiculous to be follow ed. I have never known any system of religion too absurd to find followers. I have never known a political abolitionist that would put a negro in his best bed. 1 have never known the laws of nature re versed to punish or please any man It is estimated that the revenue collect ed at San Francisco will probably equal that at any other port in the country, excejjt New York.— Charleston Sun. t&T An Agent of Mr, Barnum left Now York on Saturday, in the steam nip Ohio, for the purpose of engaging the Tacon Theatre at Havana, for a series of concerts to be given by : Jenny Lind.— lk, Declaration of principle!! by the cit izenti of Crawford County. Read and ponder. Two great opposite principles have existed in our Government from its formation. One has for its basis, the maxim that strength is the essence of all government: that this strength is only to be found in a consolidation of poiver in the general government: the oth er, that while a consolidation of power may give strength, it may at the same time destroy liberty". The advocates of the power main tained, at the formation of our government, that all legislative power, should be vested in the Congress of the United States; and that all power, not strictly appertaining to legisla tion, should be vested in the Executive. They further contended, that State Government should not be tolerated; because it would weak en the general government; that dissensions would arise and iead to war between the States. This party teak the name of Federalist. The advocates pi the l.attcrV;.,ntended that the federative government would ! more con sonant to liberty", and longer preserve it. They maintained that the benefits of general pro tection to all the States collectively, and to each individually, could be secured by a com pact or agreement between the States in their sovereign capacity. This capacity they con tended should embrace the common defence and general welfare of the Union. To give effect to it the States were willing to give up the necessary power (and no more) reserving to themselves all power not expressly” conced ed. This compact they called a Constitution. It was necessary that there should be an agent to carry that compact into execution. There fore, the States, they contended, should each send representatives to a general Assembly, which should be an agent and trustee for the whole—bound to act in strict obedience to the instructions contained in the written constitu tion or compact. They held or contemplated that if any case should arise or come be fore the agent, not provided for in the constitu tion, it should not lake jurisdiction over the case; but submit it to the States themselves for action and determination. This party held that strict equality” among the several States should, lit nil times, be observed by the agent or general government. This party received the appellation of Republicans. It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the Fed eralists were lead by Hamilton, an adopted son of New York —born on the island of Nevis— and that the Republicans were lead by Jeffer son, a Virginian. And still more remarkable that the North has ever adhered to the doctrine of Hamilton, and the South to that of Jefferson. I mean the majority in each section. But it will not appear unreasonable or unnatural, when we more closely” examine the fact. The Federalists determined to accomplish by stealth, what they failed to do openly. — They, therefore, set about uniting the interests of the country” with them. This was easily done; for once establish the principle, that a majority, in Congress had a rightto pass laws controlling a great, influence would soon be able to control Congress for their benefit. This proved true in practice. The shipping inter est —the first of importance—readily enlisted loader the dan ner of this party, find by aci of Congress levying duties on foreign tonage, compelled all other interests to patronize it.— This intciest, being at the North, and receiving evidence in dollars and cents ot the benefits to them of this principle fell in love with. The manufacturing interest, then, sprang up in the same place, and formed another w illing recip ient of this doctrine. The union of other in terests in the North, and the majority which she had in the House of Representatives, and which she was certain to maintain early inclin ed her to join the fortunes of the Federalists. Asa reward for her fealty this party by fraud passed an act for the levying of imports, w hich relieved her of nearly all the burden or taxa tion, and packed it upon the South. Not be ing content with this, it has called Fanaticism to her aid. They have promised her that when they have fully established the principle, that the majority shall rule, shall be richly reward ed by granting all her demands. And well lias this party commenced the fulfilment of her promises. Fanaticism demanded that she should have the right, publicly, to insult and abuse several sovereign States in Congress, and stigmatise their citizens as being worthy of a welcome with hospitable hands to bloody graves. This demand is granted. Again; fanaticism demands that the citizens of several of these independent States shall be excluded from common territory, in which all have equal rights; because “ the sin of slave ry is upon them.” II as this demand been granted ? All the North-west territory lias been awarded her. — All the Mexican territory acquired by com mon blood and emomon treasure, has followed. The republicans opposed all these measures as destructive of State sovereignty, and tend ing to consolidation. The South being inde pendent of the aid or protection of the Gene ral Government, so far as any of her interests are concerned, has been left free to choose the republican principle of government. She knowing that if the Federalists ever got the ascendency, she must bo the victim; felt that her interest, as well as principle, demanded a republican form of government. Hence, she lias, heretofore, ami still doth, insist upon State Rights and State Sovereignty; and restriction and limitation of the powers of the General Government, to the strict letter of the Consti tution. In view of the foregoing, we lay down the following fundamentals: Ist. That the Constitution is a solemn com pact between all the States of this Union. 2nd. That equal rights arc by the letter and spirit of said instrument, guaranteed to each of the States. 3rd. That Congress is but the agent of all the States, and is bound to provide for the common defence, and promote the general welfare of all the States; that it cannot go be yond the instructions in the Constitution con tained; that in all its actions it should act in good faith towards the citizens of all the States collectively and individually. 4th. That the Constitution guarantees to every person the free use and enjoyment of all his property. sth. That Congress should faithfully carry out the Constitution in protecting the proper ty of the citizen, wherever it lias jurisdiction. 6th. That it has neither a right to divest a citizen of bis property, limit him in its use, nor to render it less valuable. ‘7th. That it cannot do indirectly, what it cannot do directly. Bth. That the territory of the United States belongs to all the States jointly. That slaves are property under the Consti tution. From theso premises come tho following de duction* ROME, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1830. Ist. That California being a territory, be longing equally to all the Str.es, and the citi zens of all and every one o! the States, had a right to go there with their property; that no person had any authority” to form a Con stitution when it was formed, uor to organize it as a State. Therefore, there was neither a Constitution nor organization. Hence, Con gress, by admitting it as a State, did make a Constitution and organize it ;n a State, thereby creating, instead of adraittir j anew State, for which the Constitution of tire U. States give no authority. It was, there ore, a usurpation of power by Congress an;! contrary to the Constitution. * 2d. That Congress by i’ eluding the slave holder, has acted in bad faitT, and adopted the Wiltnot Proviso, and rondo:-;.! the property* of slaves less valuable in pro-yes. 3d. That Congress, by npLrfering with slave ry in the District of CohinTjU, has limited the right of the holder in The ’’’'To of his property, and set a precedent that V* urged as au thority to limit it in this interfer ence is iu bad faith, ti to the Con stitution. 4th. That the recent ytion cf Congress, manifests a fixed determination of the major ity* in Congress; to sacrifice.the rights of a large section of this Confederacy*, iu obedience to the Fanatics of the North. In view of these fact", we solemnly Re solve, Ist. That while we are ready with our lives, our fortunes, and our honor, to maintain the Union formed by* our patriotic sires of ’76, and the Constitution —tli? compact of Union —we will, to the utmost of our power, resist all innovations upon the principles of the one, or encroachments upon the other. 2. That the State of Georgia never aliened the sovereign right to trade when and where she pleases; or to offer any inducements she may think proper, to her citizens, for the pur pose of advancing their interests in point of sovereign indepenancc, or sovereign pecuniary benfits. 3. That wo will never submit to Federalism, though she may adorn herself in the borrowed ornaments of the Union, and a false crown bear ing an inscription of till 1 Constitution, 4. That while we pledge ourselves to op pose Northern Federalism, wc also pledge our selves to vote for no man as a Delegate to the Convention who is not openly opposed to sub mission and in favor xri Constitutional resist ance. From the Nashville American Slow far liiis st the Hortfi encroach ? We find in the Savannah Georgian, a brief reply to the above enquiry, which is worth a serious perusal from every lover of the South and of the Union. “It was said unto Moses, remarks the above journal, when he was allow ed to behold the lan I of promise from the mount, “ thus far shalt thou go and no farther.” How far would the Union men, as they style themselves, and their ihurnals allow the North to encroach £'■ J fcjre they made any re sistance! No pers- v ‘AT pretend to deny the intention of the Nort ril. The extinction of the institution of slavery is the inevitable object which has engaged their energies for years, and their well directed plans have not tailed to effect their desires tirs far. No scheme has been putin motion without first being guard ed by a shrouded policy which was either cal culated to decoy public suspicions or carry out its object by some false appearance. With a stealthy pace, but one which has shown its ef fect, the double dealing politicians of the North have continued their course until they have at length gained their position, from whence they can carry out their motives with boldness.— Lately they have chosen the more wise policy, and acted under cover, yet in concerted action with the great Whig party, by which they find their objects more easily secured. The most strict Union man, when asked if he thinks the South is in danger in consequence of the advantages the North has gained over her, will answer yes! Then if there is danger from the advancing evil at the present position of the country’s affairs, what must we expect in the course of a few years? W e cannot be blind to the nefarious designs of Northern po liticians. It is difficult to distinguish one in their ranks who will candidly admit that his feelings arc not against the institution of slave ry; therefore what can we expect from the ac tion when the. feelings a ethus inspired? The popular voice will impel the partisan, let the tenor of the movement be what it may. What then have we to hope for ? For political peace? The things is absurd. The enemy has gained his ground, he has cast off the mantle of dis guise, and openly shows us that his victor}* is theovertnvow of pnr institutions. Yet there are those among t. who seem to discredit the most positive evidence which threatens our de cline in the scale of political equality. With the evidence oT the past and the pres ent, and a natural presumption of the future, let us ask the friends of reconciliation and (self styled,) howfarthf trweklipg, bargaining and compromising .nwajLg-tke honest rights of the South must cxtcmUT'yforc they deem it necessary to make any ‘show of resistance ? There is a scale of coodStidns which most cer tainly we should attach Vto this sliding scale ot concessions which tint .North is conditioning from the South. The 5 ultimate object is un mistakable; and must we calmly submit to the measures of tholso factions who are eager ly seeking to consummate it ? Where is the approach or grade on the scale when we must arouse and apply the remedy to the evil ? Will the friends of reconciliation point it out to us ? Wc have diligently endeavored to ascertain the medium of their_coocessions and the ex tent of latitude whichtheir generous impulses would submit to Northern encroachments, be fore it became expedient to resist, without be ing able to come to any conclusion. Can it be that their love for the Union is so inherent in their feeling, that they would sacrifico their existence for it, like the faithful dog that watched over his master’s grave until lie starv ed himself to death? We ask then with the spirit of complacency, if the South has lost her political equality ? If she has been forced to yield every foot of her new territory to the power of Northern influence ? Is she in dan ger ? If she is, then it is the duty of every Southerner to calmly deliberate upon the rem edy. Weigh well tho circumstances pro and con, and let us apply the substantial remedy, without going into extremes, if they can be avoided. Wo now in conclusion, ask again—will tho friends of tho Union and Reconciliation define their head-lands ? Will they give us the “thus far and no farther ” line of their political re sistance ? jr_-f7“ ‘l ho number of fugitive slaves already in tho villages of Malden, Sandwich, and Wind sor, Canada, is 2,000. They have entered those points from nil portions of the West.— The Commandants of the British garrisons, at the two latter places, have given up the barracks to lodge them in. Equal Hights'aud Privilege!. The Southern States are co-equal with the Northern, and while they share common bur dens should enjoy a just and equal share of the benefits. This proposition is plain and will doubtless be readily agreed to by all. We were not a little amused, a few clays since by a remark, which fell from the lips of one of our most energetic men of business, in reply to a question, which we put to him in the course of a conversation between us, in regard to the rules and regulations which gov ern merchants in copartnership. After some remarks upon the passage of the compromise bills, having tor their object a set tlement of the question winch have been agi tating Congress and the country for the past year we as aforesaid, broached tho subject of copartnership in business, &c. We had an interesting explanation yfall matters relating to it from our mvreanlilejtivnd, and in order to learn his ideas of right and wrong, we asked him “if his partner in business should take all the profits and leave him nothing for his pains taking labor, what he would do under the circumstances ?” Our friend looked positively shocked at the question—but, after a mo ment’s hesitation, his countenance assuming an air of ferocity quitcjunusual to it, he replied. “ I’d whale him ?” “ Would that be the extent of your action, in such a case ?” modestly inquired we. “ No sir,” said our worthy merchant, “ I would break up the copartnership—l would quit the rascal at a moment's notice I” So would we, and so doubtless would all our readers in such a case. But let us look at this matter a little. Two bodies politic, some years ago, entered into a copartnership, for general purposes, under the name of Messrs. North and South. They were remarkably prosperous, and although one treated the other a little badly sometimes, still the respect and affection entertained by the injured person for his partner, led him almost entirely to overlook the wrongs and trespasses. Time went on, and prosperity stili smiled upon the firm. They made pur chase, they bought land and divided it after some fashion, Mr. North, however, always obtainig a large share of the bread and cheese. A firm, in a neighboring State become hostile to their interest, Messrs. North and South in vaded, vi et armis, their territory, and took possession, after a long straggle, of some of the goods and chattels of the opposing firm. Mr. South furnished a much larger share of the means to carry on this campaign, and shed his blood freely to conquer “ a peace.” When they came to divide, Mr. North showed an evident disposition to take all. Mr. South waxed wrothy at this fresh evidence of his partner’s injustice and positive greediness, lie insisted upon an equal share, as he had spent treasure and “ coined his blood” to obtain it. Well, Mr. North proposed a upon some plan or other. ly waited to see the bond drawn up. It was prepared accordingly, and presented to Mr. South for his acceptance. It provided so and so— smoothing matters over nicely—no mis taked “ This, part As mine,” said Mr. North, “ and as an old Mdxican law exists, providing that you cannot Have the rest, of course I’ll take it — its all in the Jinn, you know.” Mr. South objected to this with many words. He even passed solemn resolutions not to sub mit to it. But not liking to destroy tlie co partnership, lie offered to take one third on the basis of an old and long establised compro mise between them, called, in general terms, “ the Missouri.” Mr. North objected strenu ously, and ended finally by taking all—every part and parcel, and telling Mr. South to be content, that the copartnership existing be tween them was a most glorious one—persons together in that way should not quarrel—not they ! Mr. South saw something was wrong —the possesions, the firm had acquired by con quest, had been taken altogether from him— lie was not able to enjoy any portion of it, and was daily becoming poorer and poorer, while his partner was waxing flit with amazing rapid ity But this was not all. Mr. North even went so far as to threaten his partner that if he did not give up some of the goods he had already in possession, he would take sword in hand against him ! He was kicked and cuffed, after a little, but lie still determined, itseeined, to hold on to the Union with Mr. North. He lost all the goods acquired from the hostile firm above mentioned, and suffered many other losses “in the bar gain,” but his love for the blessed and righ eous copartnership kept him from any mode, and measure of redress.” He is now not only poor in purse but poor in spirit, and we doubt not, will soon give up everything for the Un ion. lie has fixed a fighting line several times —but lie backs out when Mr. North comes up to it, and retreats “ in hot haste” to another a little in the rear. What a Glorious .‘copartnership is this!— Ought Mr. North, in the words of our mercan tile friend, to be whaled or not ’ lias be.upt acted an unjust and illegal part by his partner? These are the questions which we put to our friend the merchant, and although a non-ac tion man, and for non-resistance heretofore, he acknowledged the justice of our remarks. lie agreed with us that Mr. South ought, at least, to protect himself from further wrongs. He said ho has never looked at the matter in this light before. He is going to vote the South ern Rights ticket.—Augustia Republic. Tlic Fugitive Slave Law in Wiscon. sin. A large meeting was held at Kenosha, Wis consin, jou the 18th ultimo, at which strong res olutions were adopted, denouncing the above named law as unconstitutional, as an outrage upon the rights of the people, and as a wicked and corrupt compromise, deserving contempt and resistance. It was further resolved not to submit to the act, though at the expenso of enduring its penalty, and to do all that it is possible to Jo to protect those who may he amenable to its provisions. Judge Stoddard spoke in support of tho resolutions, and in the course of his remarks, pledged himself that notwithstanding tho requirements of tho law to the contrary, ho would, if applied to, in tho case of a fugitive, grant a writ of habeas cor pus. The Deputy Marshal also made a pledge that if a writ was placed in his hands for the arrest of a fugitive, lie would not serve it. Tho meeting, after appointing a Committee of Vig ilance, adjourned. Tho lluugmstn II miff. Foote lias partly met his deserts in Missis sippi. The second place he appeared, to speak (at Canton) tho people became so indignant at his speech that they hung him in effigy, and he left the ground in trepidation. The doom NUMBER 37. which he promised llaj.e, some two or three years ago in the Senate, he has come well nigh meeting himself. He is being successfully met by Col. McWillie and other Southern champions, and has been entirely unhorsed.— The people of Mississippi are thoroughly aroused. — Georgia Telegraph. From the Southern Press. A Fov Fact! for Southern Snbmii* sionists It is a fact that the Fugitive Slave bill wa3 passed by the united Southern vote. It is al so a fact that although it was claimed by the Southorn compromisers as the consideration the South was to get for all they surrendered in the Senate but three Northern men sus tained it. It is a fact that on the final vote in the Sen ate, out of sixty,(constituting the whole num ber) it received tut twenty seven votes ! not one half. It is a fact that twelve votes were cast against it—all from the North—and that twen ty one Senators either dodged or were absent. Here is the record: Yeas—Messrs. Atchinson, Badger, Barn well, Bell, Berrien, Butler, Davis of Mississip pi, Dawson, Dodge of lowa, Downs, Fcote, Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Mangum, Ma son, Pearce, Rusk, Sebastian, Soule, Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood, Wales, Yulee 27. Nays—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Chase, Cooper, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge of Wisconsin, Greene, Smith, Upham, Walker, Winthrop—l 2 Absent or not Voting—Messrs. Benton, Borland, Bright, Clarke, Clay, Cass, Clemens, Dickinson, Douglass, Ewing, Felch, Hale, Hamlin, Miller, Morton, Norris, Phelps, Pratt, Seward, Shields, Whitcomb—2l. “A concession from tho North” indeed! three Northern votes for it, and absentees enough known to be hostile to repeal (if nec essary,) at the commencement of the next session. In the House the same game was played, though more Northern men ventured to vote for it. The fate of those from Ohio who ventured on the experiment, is thus commemorated in the Steubenville Union of that State Who are they?—Hoagland, Democrat, and Taylor, Whig, are the only members of the present Congress who voted for the slave catching law, who were put in nomination for re-election. Hoagland’s district can give 1300 Democratic majority, and yet he is beaten nearly 1000 votes. Taylor’s district contains a moderate Whig majority, and yet he has been re-elected. A large part, if not all of Mr. Taylor’s dis trict is in the Virginia military district, and settled chiefly by Y'irginians, which accounts tor his return It is a fact thatevery avowed Free-soiler has either been re elected, or replaced by ode equally, , if not more bitter in Free-uoil princi ples, while the new aAcnewtons, direct or by •■San.: raeVous. It is a fact that the Five-soil party will be more strongly represented in the next Con gress than it ever hairbeen. ! It is a fact that Seward declares himself a Union man, and considers the preservation of the Union essential to the success of his Abo lition doctries. It is also on record that he scoffs at the idea of Southern agitation imper illing the Union, for he regards it as stronger than slavery and stronger than the South. It is a fact that Benton also,claims the cred it of having raised this cry of disunion to over whelm Southern agitation on the subject of slavery; and that with Mr. Clay and Mr. \lob ster, he repudiates the idea of any more slave States. It is a fact that Benton and Houston are the real heads of the Southern Union party, to which Mississippi has furnished the feet in two of her sons orig’ >ally most noisy in their denunciations of all who opposed the Nash ville Convention. It is a J'act that “this cry of Union is a masked battery,” behind which the enemies of the South assail her. It is a fact in relation to Southern submis sion, that those who propose the tiling, are ashamed to call it by its right name—and cov er it up under “this cry of Union.” It is a fact that the sayings and the speech es of these Southern submissionists are highly approved of, by the very presses and persons most bitterly denounced and discredited by the same men as wholly false to the South, while the struggle was going on in Congress. It is a fact that Southern submission has strengthened the hands of the Free-soilers and Abolitionists —and that the only check upon them has been imposed by the “agitators.” It is a fact that Clay’s Compromise, which gave more of Texas to Free soil than Pearce’s bill, was by them defeated. It is a fact that the Fugitive bill was first propose and carried, by Mason and Butler. It is a fact that it never would otherwise have passed, and that it would have been lost in tlie Lower House but for the dread of South ern “agitators.” It is a fact that the agitation at the South has alarmed the merchants of New York and Boston into attempting a demonstration to put down the violators of the Fugitive bill. It is a fact that they believe the Southern Acquiescents to the Compromise will submit to anything—and that they are more than half right. It is a fact the peonies and not patriotism are at tho bottom of these “conservative” movements at the North—and that Southern “agitation” alone has brought them to their senses. (See the New York papers passim,) It is a fact that the New York press talks with a double tongue. The Mirror, owned by an office holder under tho Government, says: The Merchants and the Union. —The New York merchants, whose pockets arc threatened by the organization now being forced at the South, binding the planters not to trade with a city represented in the Senate by an Abolition ist, aro beginning to wake up to ihe dangers of disunion. They can discern, through the keen commercial sagacity for which they aro so re markable as a class, that an anti-intercourse league at tho South, and a determination to stop tho machinery of Government at Wash ington, is nothing less than a practical dissolu tion of the Union. Such a consummation would iustautly convert our “princes” into lieggare, and New York stocks, New York re al estate, and Now York merchants would in stantly fall like Lucifer from Heaven.” Wo have abundant evidence that our com mercial men aro beginning to foresee that this will bo tlie inevitable “condition of things,” if Seward and his Abolition minions are not cheek ed in their mad career. That i* tlie voice of the “conservative” j Mammon, one of the two controlling spirits there. Listen now to the voice of tho other, the destructive Devil, Moloch. With an eye on Southern submissionistiq thus contemptuously speaks he through the Evening Post: Ihe Journal of Commerce sees danger to the Union in this excitement. We see no dan ger to the Uriion, hut we see much danger to the law itself; it is in danger of a speedy repeal. This is the true remedy for the state of things which the Journal so pathetically deplores.—* Abolish the unjust law and you abolish all importunate complaints', you quiet the excite ment and silence the pulpits. It is a fact that one of the most influential papers at the seat of Government in New York, thus speaks of the enforcement of that law: It seems that the Luited States troops ha Vo been ordered out in Detroit to enforce the ob servance of the citizens to tho unconstitutional fugitive law. I his is a sad spectacle, and such as in the earlier days of the Republic would have arous ed tho indignation and the resistance of tho democrats of the school of Jefferson. No such invasion of the States has ever before oc curred— except when President Taylor ordered the Federal troops to put down by force, tho republican government of Rhode Island under its new Constitution. J lie law itself provides a most formidable force of irresponsible magistrates, and the un limited authority of the Courts to appoint Commissioners and Assistant Marshals, is itself dangerous to liberty-. This calling in of tho military power to carry into execution a more than doubtful law, is a still more formidable aggression upon the independence of the States and the rights of the citizens. It is a. fact that even that extreme measure did not secure the slave. To prevent blood shed his master was paid a nominal price for hirm II is a fact that as yet not a single slave has been literally “returned to service and labor” under the operation of this law; and that it has failed, except in showing the rottenness o f Northern sentiment on this “subject, and the depth of their scorn for the South. It is a fact that even the religious papers of the North preach up the violation of the com promises of the Constitution, and of the rights of the South; as a religious duty. In proof ot this, we copy below an ex tract irom the Boston Zion’s Herald, a reli gious paper of high standing in the denom ination of which it is an organ, (the Metho - dist.) “What is the duty of Christian citizens re specting such a law? We explicily say, that such a question put to us by such a c itizen would excite our surprise and our pity. Is there a God fearing man in the North who would hesitate to abjure such a law before heaven and earth, and at any penaltv! This quaker has refused to bear arms and to pay tithe, and the world differing from its opinions, reverences him as it does the consciences of good men in a case like this. We hqpe that from the very outs this enormous statute will be found a nullity—a dead letter, doubly dead and buried beneath the curses of free and Christian peo ple. So shall we treat it and we shall treat men so. “The free States cannot stand under the in famy, the strangling disgrace of this bill. We predict that the first attempt to enforce it in New England will shake, as it were, the very foundation of her hills; let any one man Mi its victi-y, any one spot of New England c ril Tie disii'x.ccd by ite inforeonent, and a'sehsV** 1 tion will bo produced which wiH shock into confusion all our present party relations.and em body henceforward the whole energy of the public mind and attempt to annihilate at any cbtß.eqvic-.-e iIA slave power of the laud. We believe that such an occurrence any where in the North will send a sensation through our population which will be irresistable by any party management.” IHs a fact that under the action of the Adjustment, the North gets every foot of the vast territory in dispute for Free-soiL The South gets not an acre—but as an equivalent a paper recognition of a right acknowledged in the Constitution; and the re affirmation of the Eighth Commandment. It is a fact that as soon as Southern a<rita- G° n subsides, Northern abolition becomes more aggressive and more insolent. It is a fact that Mr. Clay is a practical Abolitionist, and avowed Free-soiler: and that the adjustment was framed to subserve his darling objects —the exclusion of the South from all new acquisitions, thus walling in slave ry, for its final abolition—and secondly, tho title to the “most sweet voices” of the nation al North in a certa’n national election, to take place in 1852. The tithe has not yet been told; but as we imagine these, will suffice for one dose, we will reserve the remainder for a future occasion. For the verification of these facts, we refer any one who entertains doubts, to the record. Aaodier “ Compromise.” Ihe demonstations of Northern sentiment indicate unerringly that another Compromise will be forced upon the South at tho ensuing session of Congress. The Fugitive Slave Bill— the poor pittance doled out to her as an equiv alent for her ignominious ejection from the Ter ritories of the Union—is to be repealed, or so modified as to render it utterly inefficient and useless. Acquiescence and submission to tho wrongs then inflicted have served but as in centives to the perpetration of further aggres sions; and the willing subserviency of South ern submissionists is hailed as evidence that |Jie - people of the South are prepared to endure more, to suffer more, for the privilege of being “hewers of wood and drawers of water* in this glorious and glorified Union. As one of the most pregnant indications of what may be expected of the Freesoil majority ir. Congress, we annex a portion of an article from the Phil adelphia American, the leading Whig paper of Pennsylvania, in reference to a projiosed Union meeting to be held in that citvS There can be no fear of such a meeting fail ing in success, in numbers or in enthusiasm: but we should ask ourselves whether all is gain ed we seek—and whether the mischief is to be cured and the danger prevented—by the simple reassertion in public meetings of our loyalty, and the renewal of our friendship tor the people of the South. There is something more required it is manifest than this; and wise men and good citizens will be less anxious to make cheap professions of patriotism than to remove tho real cause of contention. It will not do to cry peace, when there is no peace, or to say we will save the Union, without making some actual effort to do so. To calm excitement, we must remove or modify tho cause. Considering the immediate outburst of indignation that followed it, and the wild and dangerous passions beginning to Ik* indulg ed, we cannot hope for either peace or safety until some change ha* been made in the slave law, rendering it less obnoxious to Northern ideas and prejudice. It is upon this point that a compromise is needed.— Charleston Mercury. r J he Boston Post perpetrates this : Ossinn Dodge throughout the'land, Doubtless, will be called a ninny; Still unchanged the truth will stand, That e\vrv Yack will find a b-nuv.