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THE SOUTHERNER. TB. FOICHE, Editor. Terms.— One copy per annum in advance 9 2 00 6 r <> lO 00 Single copy if paid within the year $2 60 —after the expiration S3 00. No paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid. Rates of Advertising. For Letters of Citation. - * * For Letters of Dismission, - * • t6O Votice to Debtors and Creditors, - -3 26 Four months Notice, - “ * ‘ f99 Sale of Personal Property by Executors, 325 Administrators, or Guardians, per square,- 6 00 Land or Negroes by do, per square - 600 Other Advertisements conspicuously inserted a ONE DOLLAR per square, (12 linesiOT less) for the first insertion, and FIFTY CENIb for each subsequent continuance. Those sent without a specification of the number of insertions willl be pub lishcd till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements, One Dollar per square for each insertion. BY YESTERDAY’S MAIL We invite attention to the following extract from a letter which we have just received Iroin a most reliable source: “l am surprised to learn, that the base suh inissionists are denying, in several quarters, that it is untrue that the President has order ed troops to Huston, ’ibis is done to atlect your elections, lull are authorized to say, that no troops have been ordered to Boston, and never will. The usual orders to remove a 1 few companies North and South, were made; “ but have been countermanded in consequence of this report; and a poor fellow dismissed, in deference to abolition sentiment, form the V\ ar office, who mentioned the order; a thing I sup pose, often done. Advices from North, enable me to state this positively. will please give our friends every assurance ot the statement I make to you. Letters just received, give we warm encour agement from Mississippi, Alabama and North Carolina. For God’s sake, let Georgia strike the traitors down, who are unfaithtul to her in common with the South.” N fw York, Nov, 11, Op. m. The sale of Cotton to-day amounted to 1300 bales. Prices have advanced : Middling Upland, l -t|. Other articles are unchanged. The Massachusetts election took place to-day. From Boston, we learn that Briggs, the W big candidate for Governor, runs ahead ot his ticket in several wards. It ;s conceded that Washington Hunt, the Whig candidate, is elected Governor of this State. Elegant Extracts. “It is my object at this time to speak, upon that measure, which some gentlemen are pleas ed to call the ‘compromise bill,’ but which might be more properly entitled articles of ca pitulation on the part of the south. So far from being a compromise, the bill proposes nothing short of an abandonment of the po sition of the south, and a surrender of the just rights of her people to an equal participation in the new acquisitions of territory. The sur render was covert, but it was no less complete and absolute .” [Stephens in 1848, on the Clayton Compro mise. “It was no compromise in any sense of the word. A compromise is a mutual yielding of rights, for the purpose of adjusting and set tling differences and difficuties. But in this case, there was no such mutual concession.— * aol|yquesLjUi wa3 lo be left itviihc ‘resort to The Supreme Gourt of the United States, upon whose decision the party was ei ther to get all or lose all. And entertaining not the slightest doubt, that under it the south was to lose all I adopted the speediest and most’ effectual means of defeating it.” Stephens Ibid. ‘ Then, sir, what are we of the south to gain by this compromise? Nothing but what we would have even with the W ilinot proviso.— The poor privilege of carrying our slaves into a country where the first thing to be encounter ed is the certain prospect ot an uncertain law suit, which may cost more than any slave is worth; and in my opinion, with the absolute certainty of ultimate defeat in the end, and with no law in the meantime to protect our rights of property in any way whatever! This sir, is the substance of the compromise, even in the most favorable manner that it can be presented! And this is the security of the which I had the temerity to reject!— Would that the people of that section may ever have men on this floor of such temerity! I did reject it; and I shall continue to reject all such favors. If I can get no better compro mise, I shall certainly never take any at all.— As long as I have a seat here, I shall maintain the just and equal rights ot my section upon all other questions. I ask nothing less. All I demand is, common right and common jus tice ; these I will have in clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the North irrespective of parties. I recognize no party association or affiliation upon this sub ject.”—[Stephens Ibid.. “ Nor shall I be awed or intimidated in the discharge of this high duty, by any of the trembling alarms of the official organ, that the Union is in danger ; that unless agitation on this subject is quieted, the free soil movement in the North will sweep every thing before it, and that the government itself w ill he endan gered. Such appeals may have their effects upon the hearts of the timid. lam myself not quite so easily terrified into a surrender of rny rights and those of my constituents.” “ And h no alarms about Union , or raving of brainless scribblers and heartless demagogues, who croak and prate upon subjects on which they are profoundly ignorant shall evercaUsO mo to shrink from the opeo and feariess maintain ance of it, even though I may stand solitary and alonO.” “ I repeat lam no enemy to the Union —and lam for its preservation and its perpetuation, if it can be done upon principles of equality and justice.” “W e have heard but little from gentlemen from that section, tor eight months past, but eulogies upon the Union.” “If they expect the South to make all the sacrifices, to yield every thing, and to carrv out their sectional policy under the cry of our “glorious Union,” they will find them selves most sadly mistaken. It is time for mutual concessions.” “ And no people, in my judgment, who deserve the name of freemen, will continue their allegiance to any government which ar rays itself not only against their property, but against their social and civil organization.” 41 And whenever this government is brought in hostile array against me and mine, I am for disunion—openly, boldly and fearlessly for rcvolutionr. I speak plainly. Gentlemen may call this “ treason” if they please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The charge of “traitor” may be whispered in the ears of the timid and craveu-hearted; it is the last appeal of tyrants.” [Stephens in Congress 1850. “In other word®, we say, if )OR cannot agree to enjoy this public dominion, let us di vide it. You take a share, and let us take a share. And-I-again suhmit to an intelligent arid candid world if the proposition is not fair and just ? And whether its rejection does not account to a clear expression of your fixed de- termination to exclude us entirely from any participation in this public domain.” ** But if you deny those terms—if you con tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of justice, right and equality, which should always char acterize the deliberations of statesmen, I know of no other alternative that will be left the peo ple of the South, but sooner or later, to ac quiesce in the necessity of “holding you, as the rest of mankind, enemies in war— in peace, friends.’ ” — Stephens in Congress 1850. So much for Mr. Stephens. Mr. Toombs will please take the stand. Hark from the I’oombs, a doleful sound. Mine ear attend the cry, Ye living men, come view the ground, Where you may shortly lie.” “ I STAND upon the great principle, that the South has a right to an equal participation in the territories of the United States. I CLAIM TIIE RIGHT FOR HER TO ENTER THEM with her property, and security to enjoy it. She will divide with you, if you wish it, but the right to enter all, I SHALL NEVER SUR RENDER, and that WE WILL MAINTAIN the positions there laid down.” [Toombs, Ibid. “ This cry of Union is the masked battery from behind which the constitution and the rights of the South are to be assailed.” “ Let the South mark the man who is for the Union at every, hazard and to the last ex tremity. When the day of her peril comes he will he the imitator of the historical character, the base Judean, who for 30 pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all his tribe.” [ Toombs Ibid. “ If tub people of Georgia Understood THIB SLAVERY QUESTION AS WELL AS I DO, THEY WOULD NOT REMAIN IN THIS UNION FIVE MIN [ Toombs in conversation with a friend 1850. “ These causes have brought us to the point where we are to test the sufficiency of written constitutions to protect the rights of the minori ty against a majority of the people. Upon the determination of this question will depend and ought to depend the PERMANENCY of the GOVERNMENT.” [Toombs in Congress 1850. “ They (the territories) are the fruits of suc cessful war. We have borne our full share of the burthen—we demand an equal participa tion in its benefits. The rights of the South are consecrated by the blood of her children. The sword is the title by which the nation acquired the country. The thought is suggestive —wise men will ponder upon it:— brave men will act upon it.” —Toombs Ibid. “I SPEAK NOT FOR OTHERS, BUT FOR MYSELF. Deprive us of this right and appropriate this common property to your selves, it is then your government not mine. Then lam its enemy, and will then, if I can, UTES.” bring my children and my constituents to the altar of liberty and like Hamilcar, l would swear them to eternal hostility to your foul domination. Give us our just rights and we are ready as heretofore to stand by the Union, every part of it, and its very interests. Refuse it, and for one I WILL STRIKE FOR INDE PENDENCE.”— Toombs Ibid. “ Our security under the constitution is based solely upon good faith. There is nothing in its structure wnich makes aggres sion permanently impossible. It requires nei ther skill, nor genius nor courage, to perpetrate it; it requires only BAD FAITII. I have studied the histories of nations and the charac teristics of mankind to but little, purpose if that quality shall be found WANTING in the FUTURE ADMINISTRATION of our own affatrs." — Toombs , Ibid. ( “ I do aq>t, then hesitate to avow before _this House and countofcaaMMLtbe presencenf toe living Qodfhjjgmsy your kgioiatioiT'you seek to drive us from the territories of Cali fornia and New Mexico, purchased by the common blood and treasure of the whole peo ple; and to abolish slavery in this District, thereby attempting to fix'a national degrada tion upon half the States of this confederacy, I AM FOR DISUNION : and if my physical courage be equal to the maintainance of my convictions ofxight and duty, I will devote all I am and all on earth to its consummation.” [Toornb.i Ibid. Those in advance may fall —it is the COMMON HISTORY OF REVOLUTONS BUT THE POWER CANNOT FALL WITH THEM t NO HUMAN CAUSE WILL AVERT THE RESULT, IT WILL TRI UMPH. 1 Toombs 27 th Feb. 1850. “As to the bill for the admission of Califor nia—tor the gentleman had particularly refe - red to that —he believed it was no outrage ujjon the south : he. never Arr 7 4elieved that it was an outrage upon the south!’ ! ! Toombs, after Mr. Fillmore was President. One Hundred Clieers for Benton County! 1! It is highly gratifying to us to give place to the proceedings of such meetings as the South ern Rights meeting in Benton. The resolu tions are judicious, moderate, and eminently Southern in their tone, and conceived in the lofty and independ spirit of freemen, who scorn submission to wrong and outrage, perpetrated in utter disregard of their natural, inalienable and constitutional rights. What a contrast do they present to those meetings, which as semble to rejoice over the perpetration of these wrongs, to glory over Southern defeat and de gradation, and to shout hozannas to the glo rious Union, to which the South is indebted for her present humiliatingcondilion—a Union of Northern free-soilers and abolitionists with Southern dupes, traitors and submissionists, to build up a Frderal consolidated dynasty to ride rough shod over the Constitution of our Fa thers and detroy all its guaranties of separate State sovereignty and protection of individual rights and property ! What a jnerited rebuke have the freemen of Benton bestowed upon Alexander White, that Federalist dyed in the wool, whose iil-judged zeal in behalf of an un constitutional Union, has led him out of his own county of Talladega, (where he was twice signally r?buked by the indignant voice of her noble sons) into other counties, to preach that submission to deliberate, premeditated, long continued wrong, insult and oppression is the highest duty of patriotism! L this be pat riotism, what traitors were Washington, Jeffer son, Madison, Henry and the ho9t of spirits in Revolutionary times, who deemed tfiC paltry stamp and tea taxes oppressive, and the yoke of British tyranny, as evidenced by those tax es, too galling to be borne, and worthy of the most determined and bloody resistance 1 If the Northern abolition hive do not recede from their present position, we will he called upon by the sternest duty of self-preservation, of attection for our families, of philanthropy, of patriotism to follow the examples of our Fa thers. We arc more and more convinced al most every day, that these are the sentiments of the masses of our people. Let the North beware how she hazards the putting of the last pound on the camel’s back which breaks it— the next act of injustice and oppression may prove the last. The Southern people are be ing more and more aroused to a sense of the injuries they have received. “Caesar bad his Brutus, Charles the First his Cornwell, George the Third” his Washington—May that consoli dated essence of free-soilism, abolitionism, and federalism, King Union (Treason!) —not yet, Mr. Submissionist —May King Union “ profit by their example. If that be treason, make the most of it.*’— Democrat. When*the heart is won, tiro understanding is easily persuaded. THE SOUTHERNER. ROME, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 11, 1850. Agencies. Mr. R. J. Keeling is our authorized Agent to solicit and receipt for advertising and subscriptions in the city of Augusta and elsewhere. Mr. M. B. Crosson is our Agent for Charleston and Savannah. We hope our friends in those cities will avail them selves of the rare opportunity thus afforded them of making their respeetives businesses, <tc., known through the Southerner, which has an extensive circulation throughout Cherokee Georgia and the adjacent country. May that same JCSPREBEL which filled the hearts of Washington, Frank lin and Henry, pervade the Southern breast until our equality or Independence shall be acknowledged by our enemies. Wilson Lumpkin. Southern Rights Tickets, tor the Stale Convention. MURRAY COUNTY. GEN. JuIIN BATES, WM. GORDON. CASS COUNTY. MAJ. N. NICHOLSON, DR. B. H. C. BOMAR, J. W. B. SUNMMERS, TIIO’S G. DUNLAP. A €ALI ; Our subscribers, and advertising friends, are earnestly requested to remit the small sums due us. We need the money to meet the ex penses of the office. We hope that none will neglect to attend to this call. They should reflect that the debts due us, are small, but numerous and widely diffused; and therefore amount in the aggregate, to a considerable sum, which it will be ruinous to us to lose, or even to send around a special agent to collect. Let one and all therefoie, promptly remit their dues to this office, and they shall be promptly and thankfully acknowledged. A Card. Messrs. Calhoun & Starr return their sincere thanks to the citizens of Rome, for their prompt and efficient services in saving their property at the late fire. Tlic ittontlilies. Graham’s Magazine for December, is on our table, and is the best number of the year. * Godey’s Lady’s Book for December has been received, and as far excels the January number, as can almost be conceived. To which, to award the palm, we are incompetent to judge. The ensuing volume of either or both, would make a handsome New Year’s present. ’TTalaTdgtie oYthe La Grange ColSe giate Seminary for Young Ladies. We have not glanced over its pages further than to examine its typographical execution, and we are proud to say Jiat no? neater < work has over been executed, either North or South. A few years siftee, we would have been com pelled to send our work to the North, or proba bly had sent our daughters there to have been educated; now they can have as good advan tages in Georgia, and the catalogue can be printed as neatly here as in any State in the Union. This is one of the steps advised by Bishop Andrews, to bring the Yankees to their senses. The Army employed to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law. The military have been ordered to Boston, to aid in enforcing the law for the recovery of run-away negroes. This is a pregnant fact.— It speaks volumes as to the state of public opin ion in that city, where certain sagacious trav elers tpld us, they found public opinion all right last summer. Will those luminaries of legal learning, who have kindly descended from the bench of the Supreme court to give political opinions for the benefit of the people, tell us how long the army can enforce an unpopular law against the wishes of twelve millions of people? Do Judges Warner and Nisbet be lieve that this \i\wwill, or can be generally en forced, so as to amount to a remedial measure to the South for the wholesale larceny of south ern property? Do they believe that run-away negroes, and stolen negroes will be recovered half as fast as they are stolen and enticed from among us? Why is it, that submission writers, speakers and editor®, ‘pnccal, as fir as they can, the almost universal opposition to the law? Why are they thus treacherous to the interest of the Southern people? Do they not know that this law was passed through the two Houses of Congress by a minority? Northern Senators and Representatives neglected or refused to vote for it, but left or sat silent in their seats, and thus suffered it to go upon the Statute book by the vote of & minority. Why was this? Does it mean nothing? Twenty-seven, out of sixty two Senators voted for the bill, and twelve against it. Where were the other twenty-three Senators, and who were they? Os the 27 who voted for the bill, 24 were Southern Senators. It got but ikree Northern votes, Dickinson, of New-York, and Dodge and Jones, of Iowa; all Democrats. Where was Cassl W ill Cobb or some of his official kin tell us? Why did he not vote? Will ho oppose a repeal of the bill? These Senators dodged the responsibility of vo ting for a law they knew to be unpopular.— At the next session, they can, and wo have no doubt, will vote in obedience to the public opinion of their section, for its repeal. It was suffered to go there, we have no doubt, as a temporary expedient, to stave oil a rupture, by enabling Southern renegades to make a merit of it before the Southern people. Such was the use made of it by Howell Cobb on the Bth inst. at Kingston. This official and his co-laborers in tho trade of patriotism, seem to have inverted the order of their duties. In stead of representing and defeudiug tho inter est* of Georgia, in Congress, they are earnestly engaged iu representing Congress before the people of Georgia. They are doing more to defend the Government, against the indigna tion of a people whose equality and interests it has permit**! to be trampled upon, than they ever did to secure that equality & defend those interests. There is every reason to believe that a coalition of officials has been formed; and that the parties to it, are now laboring in con cert to transfer the people of Georgia to the central power. They who were antipodes in all their principles, even upon the subject of the territories six months ago, are now check by jowl iu the noble work of abusing all those who can not swallow the California fraud and other enormities of the late session. “My friend says Mr. Speaker Cobb! Let the people look to it. Cobb and company, upon the one part, and Toombs and Stephens—the Saimese twins of politics upon the other, make up an extraordinary and ominous conjunction. Cobb stickles for what he calls non-intervention. Toombs says that France, Russia, Ate., owe us non-intervention. Our own government owes us more, —protection. Yet they are working together. If they do not agree in their principles* there must be something in which they do aJrSe. What is it? Let the people considefi4 v ‘ Mr. lijfowell Cobb. This official, and well fed, with his pockets full of of treasury pap, comes among us with the cry of persecution. There was once a celebrated demagogue in Athens, (we mean the ancient city,) who exhibited to the dear people, seTf'-inflicted wounds, to enable him by inoviug their sympathies, to win their favor that he might betray their liberties through their own instrumentality. That dem agogue succeeded, and so may Mr. Howell Cobb. Time will determine. Mr. Cobb step ped, as it were, out of College into Congress, from the floor of Congress, where the pay is $8 per day, into the Speaker’s Chair where it is sl6, and is looking still higher at this time, if we are to believe his organs. He looks to be about 35 years of age, and having been in | Congress, we believe about ten years, where | his pay and mileage have probably not fallen j short of S2OOO per annum, until this year, when j it has probably reached six or eight thousand, we think his persecutions have not been intol erable. Judging from his apparently healthy condition, we should say that his sufferings have not been very severe, even mentally, oth erwise they would re-act upon his physical con dition. He would grow lean. Besides, there is a ready way to escape these persecutions whenever they do really become intolerable. Retire from office. We do not think Mr. Cobb very likely to adopt this remedy, if he can help it. But what are these persecutions, and whence do they come ? They consist in the denunciation of his course in Congress, by a portion of the independent freemen, and public press of Georgia. Ami who and what is How ell Cobb, that his acts 1 are not to be called in question ? He has bden in Congress, as we have said, about -notwithstand ing the ceaseless Jent assaults which have been made durioft all that time, upon the character and interest of the people of Geor gia, we have yet to 1 arn that he has ever opened his mouth in ftreir vindication or de fence. When did he do it ? Where are his speeches? We challenge their production.— But while he has been ‘.bus recreant to his du ty, to us, he has conciliated the favor of the majority, or office-giving section, by refusing to | append his name to a Southern Address, and j voting for the Oregoi. bill, with the Wilmot I Proviso or inhibition of slavery incorporated into it. Mr. Cobb knows that these acts of omission and commission made him Speaker. His appointment of the most rabid abdition | ists and free-soilers upon the Committees of the i House, while it disgusted many of his South ern constituents, won for him the applause of moderation from abolitionists themselves.— They boasted that he l)ad done better for them than their own Speaker Winthrop. Shall we not begin to inquire into his conduct “ when the wicked praise ” hin ? Mr. Cobb tried to be very severe on ediiors, but succeeded only in being vulgularly abusive. ’ For ourselves, we hold his praise or censure in equal scorn. As independent journalists we owe a duty to the public. We mean to discharge it. That duly requires us to point out the course of of ficials to our readers. We are as free to approve or condemn that course as other citizens.— The motives of the attack are obvious enough. He would discredit those who testify against him, and so avert }*iblic attention from his acts. It is the trick qf the cuttle fish, which muddies the water to Iflude pursuit. He said nev<Y was a time from the foundation of the Government when the South had less cause of cobfyiaint than now ! Among these items of Southern triumph, one was that the Wilmot Proviso, )or anti-slavery restriction, was virtually remos-Yd from Northern Texas, where, if we.mistake not, it went by his vote. So far as Mr. Cobb is concerned then, his vic tory is in part the undoing of his own work. — Speaking of Mr. Cobb’s great measures, the London Times says, “ slavery may, inconse quence of these measures, be considered as doom ed in the United States.” The New York Sun says, that Mr. Cobb’s victory fixes “ the doom of slavery in the United States. Its fi nal suppression is near at hand.” The Portland (Me.) Inquirer, speaking of Cobb’s victory, says, “slavery is also about to be driven from the District, and the whole sys tem is shaken to its foundation.” “It is already circumscribed, exposed, condemn ed, and must fall.” The Albany Atlas, the Van Bttren organ, says, “ slavery is cut off from the Pacific.” “It is a great triumph.” The New York Tribune says, “if tho North acquiesces in the adjustment just effected, it is WITH THE CLEAR UNDERSTANDING THAT SLAVE- RY 18 NOT TO SPREAD OVER ONE INCH OF OUR ACQUISITIONS FROM MEXICO, BEYOND TIIK NKW settled limits OF Ti: nas. Let slavery advance one foot, atul all will be in commotion again.” Yet, Mr. Cobb says, that all this is a Southern victory, and that slavery may ad vance, not onlv beyond the “new settled” boundary of Texas hut beyond 36 30 to the 42d degree of North latitude ! He is contra- dieted at all points, tie claims the victory for the South. It is claimed at the North as a victory by the abolitionists and free-soilers.— Which is to be believed ? The free-soilers and abolitionists are sustained in their claims bv neutral and impartial prints, such as the New York Sun, and London Times. But that is not all. Mr. Duer, one of the Fillmore party, as we now consider Mr. Speaker Cobb, addressing his constituents, said, that slavery “is PRO HIBITED BY LAWS NOW IN FORCE, AND WHICH CONGRESS HAS LEFT UN REPEALED.” Mr. Cobb kuows that such is the opinion every where at the North. He knows that such was the avowed opinion of Clay, the author of these measures. That it is, or was the opinion of Toombs and Stephens, who have now coa lesced with him to make anew party in Geor gia for purposes best known to themselves. — Oh ! but you do not believe they are of force, says the quibbler. Admit that we do believe that the Constitution of the United States faithfully carried out by the judiciary , would sweep away Mexican laws, Mr. Cobb knows, that the chances would be against us before the federal Court as now constituted, especially considering that infirmity of judges and poli ticians which inclines them to lean to the power that dispenses patronage. He, knows that the doubt will exclude us as effectually as the Wil mot Proviso. His new coadjutors, Toombs and Stephens believed it; and for that reason defeated the Clayton Compromise, which gave us what be calls non-intervention for the whole Mexican Territory , California included. We have been defrauded out of California, the only part of the territory where slavery was certain to go, and now Messrs. Cobb and Company have the effroutery to attempt a justification of their betrayal of Southern interests by saying we acted on your opinions, not upon our own convictions! How dare they act upon any man’s convictions of duty but their own ? Seeing that the rights of their constituents were disputed ; knowing as they did, or ought to have known, aud as Mr. Chase declared in the Senate, that it was there said “ on every SIDE OF THE CHAMBER, THAT EVERY FOOT OF THE SOIL WHICH THE UNITED STATES ACQUIRED from Mexico would be free soil,” how dared they acquiesce in any system of meas ures, which, in their own opinion, not ours, left those rights in doubt ? Mr. Toombs, a mem ber of this new coalition, said in February, “ we demand an equal participation in the whole country acquired, or a division of it, between the North and the South.” Have we got eith er ? There is not a member of this coalition who will have the effrontery to say so, and they combine as much of that quality as any equal number cf men, within the whole range of our acquaintance. Where then is the victory ‘ — We have recovered the principle lost in 1820, and again and again by Mr. Cobb’s vote in the Oregon territorial bill, and the bill applying the Missouri line to Texas ! California is gone. Oregon is gone. We have lost the only terri tory where slavery was likely to go,— but we Invc free soilers have got the whole Pacific coast, all its magnificent harbors, all the vast prospects of Asiatic commerce, all the golden placers of California; they have thus “circumscribed, exposed,ane condemned” slavery,and “ bilk ed its march to the West; ” and we are invi ted to raise a shout of triumph, because Pro tocol, Ilowell, and Hamilcar have recovered the principle! The abolitionists claim the victory because they have got the land. Cobb and coadjutors, Toombs and Stephens, claim it because they have got the principle ! But we may jo into Utah North of the Missouri line! Slavery may grope its way towards the North pole, along the snowy ridges of the Rocky mountains in company w ith grizzly bears, and savage Indians ! So it is pretended we may even get some land, as well ns the principle.— We have already shown that this is disputed. But even if it were not, Davy Wilmot and Joshua R. Giddings themselves, might well trust to the Mountains, the deserts of sand, the Salt Lakes, the roaming hordes of savages and surrounding free soil territory to exclude us from this isolated and worthless region, hang more than a thousand miles from the shores of the Pacific, and thousands from those of the Atlantic ocean. Who but Howell Cobb, aud those Siamese twins of politics, Toombs and Stephens, could boast of such a victory ■ The North demanded the Wilmot Proviso, says Mr. Cobb. The squatters put it into the California Constitution for them, and were therefore admitted, says Mr. Toombs. See his speech of February, and his address to his constituents. Yet, this official boasted that the Wilmot Proviso was relinquished by the North! He may be ignorant of the history of the California fraud. He may not know that Thomas Butler King, told the President of Riley’s contention, that the object in forming a State constitution was to avoid further legisla tion in Congress, and urged him for “God's sake to leave none of the territory to dispute about in Congress.” He may be ignorant of all the facts and circumstances which demon strate that this whole California proceeding fom beginning to end, was a deliberate and premeditated fraud upon the Southern people. If so, he is unfit to represent a Southern con stituency. If he knows all about it, but keeps the facts back from the people, as he did at Kingston, what are we to think of that pre tention to candor, fairness and truth, which ho sat up in the beginning of his speech? lie ridiculed the objection to the admission of Cal ifornia founded upon the immense extent of ter ritory embraced, and stated, we believe, that the admission had been pronounced unconsti tutional on that ground. Tlismay be aspec imenof his candor, fairness and truth, but we must say he is the first, last and only man we ever heard express the idea that any constitu tional objection had been predicated upon the extent of the territory. Mr. Cobb knows or ought to know, that Southern Rights men point to the extent of the territory as one of the badges of fraud which so abundantly char acterize this California proceeding. He knows, or ought to know, that the object was “to block the march of slavery to the west” -that it was to secure the whole Pacific coast to free-soil, — that abolition organa have already disclosed that object, by declaring “it will necessarily be divided, and the chidren, like the parent will be free.” In one part of his speech, Mr. Speaker said that the South denies the'power of Congress to legislate upon the subject of slavery. Per haps this explains why be touched so lightly upon the bill abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia. This bill conflicts with his own principle. It was a direct act of leg islation upon the subject of slavery. It was an act of “ legislative hostility ,” and therefore, according to Hamilcar, was “ the proper point for Southern resistance'’ Feeling that the fu gitive slave bill is a dead letter, he bad but little to say upon this part of the measures of victory. He let it out however, in an accidental fit of candour, that the bill was the work of one of that class of politicians, called Southern Ultras. How came you Mr. Cobb to admit that an ultra could do any thing good ? And when you were boasting of this measure, why did you Dot tell the whole truth ? You knew that this bill got but 27 votes in the Senate, which consists of 62 members, and therefore that there is, in all human probability, at this time, a majority there ready to repeal it in obedience to the demands of the North. Why did you not warn the people of the danger upon this point ? Where were your fairness, candour, truth, —where was your fidelity to the trust reposed in you by the people of Georgia, as the guardian of their rights ? In your own House, the bill was also passed by a minority of its members, and you knew it, but kept the ominous truth concealed from the people. — And while exhorting the people to cleave to their Northern friends, why did you not point out those friends ? Who are they Mr. Cobb ? We would not be ungrateful. Why did you not name the Northern friends who voted for the Fugitive Slave bill! Was Cass one of i them ? These concealments may be in con ! formity with Mr. Cobb's ideas of fairness, can ! dour and truth. They are upon a par with j that amount of those qualities, which permits i him to say that slave-holders may go with their i property into New Mexico. Mr. Cobb knows j that the House, of which he was the presiding j officer, refused to recognize the equal rights of I his constituents, by voting down Mr. Seddon’s amendment, which provided that all property of every kind should be under the protection of American laws, while those countries are in a territorial condition. The refusal to pass such an amendment is a demonstration that the North relies upon the Mexican laws to ex clude Southern men. To leave Mexican abo lition laws thus in force, or even a suspicion that they may be in force, will secure those territories to abolitionists and free-soilers, and Mr. Cobb, we have no doubt, knows it. But it is put down in the bills that they may be ad mitted as slave States ! What an impudent mockery ! No wonder this Oily Gammon of Georgia politicians touched lightly upon these branches of Clay’s omnibus. He got along over these two important measures very much v walking over hot steps were vvioe*apart nght~^|f His defence against the charge of treason to j the South, which he said has been alleged j against him, was a master piece of logic. Mr. Cobb’s parents, and we believe, some of his childreu, are, it seems, buried in Georgia, and he expects to be buried here himself. There fore he can never prove false to her. We have no doubt that many a tory, and perhaps, even I Benedict Arnold himself could have been de” i fended by logic equally conclusive. We will ! conclude for the present with the remark that j Mr. Cobb, in our opinion, utterly failed to vin ! dicate his course, or justify his desertion of ‘his j party aud Lis country. The Delivered. It is too touch the Custom of political writers to underrate the exhibitions of strength given iby those opposed to them. Thus we have | heard the mass meeting of the friends of Soutli ; ern Rights at Kingston, estimated at 500, ; by men who put down their own gathering ;on the Bth inst., at 2,000 or 2500. Such self delusion is pitiable. These are thegentrv too, who brag so largely about how terribly we shall be beateD, and pretend to be very eager to bet. Well, we saw both meetings. We endeavored to look at them with an impartial eye as to numbers,and we put the meeting down at about 1,000 and would have been willing to hazzard every thing we were worth that there were not 1500 of all ages, sexes and creeds in politics and religion. There was a large infu sion of the best State Rights material, whose zeal and hopes for their country and her cause, were evidently invigorated by the meager ex hibition, the feeble speeches, and faint applause with which they were received. The applause was frequently confined to the gentlemen who occupied the stand. —the seekers, —and found i no response in the crowd, We were not a litile amused to see an en- \ gine dash up to Cartersville, our own village, on the never to-be-forgotten morning of the Bth of Nov’r., 1850, with two cars, —a box and a platform attached. Wo could not see into the box, but alas ! the platform was irmst deplorably empty. It is certain it did not con tain a baker’s dozzen. The £TC Union Can didate of our district, got on here, and so did a number of our Southern Rights friends. A friend told us that he saw a man and a wo man in the box car, and the man seeing his friend, tile Candidate, in a forlorn condition among the outsiders, poked his head out of the box and invited him into it, saying— “ room here Thu box then, was full of on p tiness. This, be it remembered was the extra train , with its part of the 20,000, forty-eight miles above Atlanta, its starting point, and only 12 below Kingston its destination! Wo wou’t say the meeting was a failure, because there was a small meeting, small indeed con sidering the long, loud, lusty and reiterated calls by placards and editorial appeals, scatter ed far and wide through the land. But if the meeting was not a failure, we expect Mr. Mitch ell made a failure with that extra train, and we will U t that his extras on the Bth, did not prove so profitable as they did when he ran them tor Southern Rights. Now here’s a chance for some of those bragging, betting geutry to back their judgement. The extra from below, left Atlanta with six and had alio sixteen when it left Ac-worth. Such is our in formation from those that know. It is our decided opinion that the meeting was a eigna failure in its objects. It fell far short of tbt ti was intended to surpass, in jLumUws, in en thusiasm, and in the power and eloquence of the speakers. We heard but one.of tl*- speak ers, —Mr. Speaker Cobh. It, was the first time we ever heard him. Towards his oppo nents he evinced a malignant,spirit of vitupnra tion and he gave evidence neither of goerd taste as to the manner, nor superior sagacity an to the matter of Lis remarks. The man who can harbor in his bosom the vindictive feelings whfch lie .manifested towards his brethren of the South, and yet exhort us to fraternity with Northern robbers, at a time like this, may be a patriot: but is of that inverted and extraordin ary kind, whose patriotism ratheri'warms and strengthens as it recedes from his home. Theres are obvious reasons why an all wise Creator has so constituted most men, that their attach ments to friends and country, strengthen an they draw near home. Philosophers tell that the explanation of this gentrdjTtGnsliiu tion of men, is that our feelings and sentiments may not be wasted upon those out of the reach of our good offices, but concentrated and intensified in proportion as their objects come nearer and nearer borne, and therefore more and more within the sphere of our beneficence. Mr. Cobb openly ridiculed those, whose feel ings are not as expansive as his own, but seem to be in harmony with the ordinary ai:d gen eral constitution of human nature. Remem ber now that these northern friends, whom he loves so well, and whom lie exhorted us to lovo, are the dispensers of patronage —that their voice is potential in making speakers and Vico Presidents, and perhaps we shall find a key which will enable us to unravel this new phi losophy of expansive patriotism. This is new, and, just now an interesting subject of investigation. Let the people consider it. November 2, 1850. Dr. Dean— Sir: At a meeting of the South ern rights party, held in Rome on the 10th October, yourself, with Col. Joseph Watters, was nominated a candidate for the ensuing ; Convention, to be held in Milledgevillo, on the ! 10th of December next. Believing that you are opposed to Northern aggression upon. Southern rights, we have thus made free to use your name as above mentioned. An early reply.to this note on your part, is respectfully requested by the Committee. JAMES M. STULLOCK, WILLIAM WATTERS, JAMES M. LISTER, Committee. Floyd County, Ga. Nor. lith, 1850. Gentlemen: Yours of the 2d inst., is before me, and contents carefully noticed. Being aware that the party you belong to is branded with disunion; and being no disunionist myself; I hare examined your resoi u*i * ms. and various • i ‘"■l'jjjmk* j Uri&n Southern Rights meetings throughout 1 the State, and can find nothing to justify- such [ a charge, but on the contrary, find such doc -1 trines as every true patriot can and ought to subscribe to. As regards the action of our last Congress in the adjustment of the measures ! known as the Compromise, we have beer, un ! justly dealt with, but as I have observed be- I fore, I am not for disunion for what has been ! done, but I am one that believes that wo sh uki | use every constitutional means for the pre-.-rva j lion of our rights. lam in favor of the Cc-ii ! veution called, that it should bo lit-ld. and the ‘ honor nud dignity of the State presorted by | fair and moderate means. And against f-.tur*.. ! encroachments we should be a united \ . : ic, ! and take a manly and decided >tiind against , farther aggression, fori am firmly of th opin ion that tame submission will lead to se-::ssion, | I am therefore for a firm and determined re sistance to any future aggression, and b<-!h ve i that the Convention should pass resolutions to that effect, erect their platform and n;s :.:.sir j it. With much respect, Gentlemen I an. Your ob’t. serv’t. ALVEN DEAN J AS. M. Spullock, , Wm. Watters, v Com. i JaS. Lister. ) TOR THE SOnHER.Vth Mr. Editor: I thought you knew me better I can not consent to notice such an aniuisi n- Warren Akin. I fly my kite at higher game, and will not loose its jesses to police, open k Skunk. Is TERM .* AiK. TOR TUB SOUTHS! SER. To the Editor — Sir: ljhavc lately seen over the signal’.: a of “James Milner,” an article in answer t • some remarks of mine, contained \n y-r paper of the 24th. In these remarks of tii.r.c, alluding to Mr. Milner, I said, if rightly, under*’., j he took the position, that a majoriu ,v. Congress, by their act of passing a law, dc; ermine the law they pass to be constitution.d. :i:.u that •gaiust a law passed by Columns, v.hum, in our opinion, violates our rights, wo haw no other remedy than the ballot box. Mr. Mi.uc-r now corrects me, by representing that he their mentioned the judicial tribunals :v> a ream dy in addition to the remedy of ti . bail, t >\. — This thing of the judicial tnb . - ■ ’ate remedy against congressioii usurpations,- is obviously uo remedy at all: it does not belong to the class of State remedies, any more that*.* does the remedy of the ballot box. Neither of these are State remedies as distinguished from the remedies belonging to individuals.'— But supposing them, iu certain cases, to be remedies; and supposing Mr. Milner to add the one to the other, it is char that so lar as their remedial efficacy relates to the minor .y states, he would only add nothing o and still leaving the states severally without a roin dey, his position would be cx.ic.iy as I have represented it. The ballot box ; s wholly un available to us who arc not permitted to vote against the individuals constituting the North ern majority iu Congress, and is, therefore, to us, nothing as a remedy. The judicial tribu nals are also nothing to us, as a remedy, and this would probably have appeared to Mr. Mil ner if he had thought of tho rejection of Uiv