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comparative view of our commercial regulations with other countries, arid urges us to retaliation. The great contrail there endeavoured to be established, is between the systems of France and Great-Britain ; he should proceed, he said, to lay be fore the committee ao accurate flate ment of certain fafts with which that report being compared, it would be seen whether there is solid ground for the inferences endeavoured to be eftabiifhed in it. To view the fubjeft plainly it will be necessary to advert to the situation of affairs before the revolution of France, the commercial regulations of that country lince that period has been produced by momentary interells, they are not therefore Inch fads as the legislature should proceed upon. He produced a table made, he said, by a gentleman of commercial know ledge, comprehending a comparative of our commerce with Great- Britain and France before the revo lution. With a view of conciseness, the scope of this table has been con fined to thole articles which are of consequence to our trade. We are accustomed to hear continually the genero'firy and liberality of the French towards Us greatly extolled, and the conduft of Great-Britain as fevercly reprobated it might therefore be expedtd that this table would con tain instances of advantages allowed on the one hand, and reftriftions laid on the other; but the reverse of thi§ expectation he said, will be realized. It will be found that in France, and the French Well-Indies, we are not more favoured than in the British dominions, except in the trifling ar ticles of lifh-oil; and that Great-Bri tain and her iflancls hold out to us feVeral advantages not enjoyed by other nations, that are of very great Importance. Mr. Smith was proceed ing to read the table when mr. Ma dilon rose to ask what period it relates to ; mr. Smith informed that it was built upon the Bate of things before the French revolution. Mr. Smith, then read his tab’e, through which it will be fuilicient to follow him, when he commented on it. Having mentioned the authentic documents', oiv which it is founded, such as proclamations of the king of Great Britain and statutes of their parliament on the one hand, and ar rets of the French government on the other, he proceeded to make fume observations on the principal exports from this country. Flour, the article of fir ft importance among our exports, is more favoured by Great Britain than France. France lays a duty of 1-8 per cent, on it, and no more on that imported from other nations. Great Britain lays a duty of 4s. 3d. per quarter, until British flour yifes to 50s. when ours pays a duty not above 6d. The fame system as to grain prevails in Great Britain. These countries are good flour mar kets, prices are high and duties low, and the French not equal to their own conlumptioo, for when they are, our flour will not pay freight and charges, this will appear by attending to the price of that commodity. The ave rage price, in abundant years, is 5 1-3 dollars. It ought to be 6to 2-3 in France to bear exportation from Pennsylvania. France will generally produce e.. nough for her own consumption, while Great-Britain, it appears by a report of a committee to their legif- Jar tire, is more and more incompe tent to her own supply, which rnuft every day render our market there better for that article. France lays no duty of any conse quence on our flour, becauie they have no fear of our importation rival ing the sale of their own. In the Weft-Indies matters bear different afpeft. France prohibits /set importation of our flour there b v . a peruias.- law. Io be lure t colonial governments had the power to enaft temporary suspensions of this law, but these were only exceptions to the general rule, and are not to be calculated upon. He believed the secretary of state mistaken in his asser tion, that latterly the prohibition had been taken off, unless he applies his observations to a period fublequent to that to which his report extends. There was, he was told, an arret in 1789, direfling the lufpenfion for fome parts of the islands, but it was soon after repealed. In British islands this article stands upon quite a different footing. Our flour may be imported free of all du ties, and other foreign flour cannot be imported there, even in British bottoms. Heproceeded to give a view of the operatations of these different systems in 1786 and 88. In 86 we exported to Fran~e 21 barrels only, to her co’onies 1808. In the tame year, to Great Brtain none; but to her colonies 45,198 barn Is. In 88, to France 2375 ; her co lonies 235. In the lame year, Great Britain 828, to her islands 59>93 8 * Here then is a prodigious differ ence in favour of Great Britain in the article of flour. It is true that in 1791, 92 and 93, there were very large exportations of this article to France, but as this was the effefl of the convulsive situation of that coun try, it is no criterion to build upon. 1 he secretary of state is of this opi nion : he does not think it right to found calculations upon any other than the former fettled state of tilings. Mr. Smith proceeded to compare the other articles of our exports, and tor>k a view of our imports and flare of our navigation as influenced by the regulations of those nations. The usual time of adjournment arrived while he was yet up, and the commbtee rose, and the liouie adjourned as soon as lie had concluded his observations. [The proceedings of Tuejday , the 14ih ult. not having yet reach < and our hands . we are necejjttated to pass on to the next dav, and leave the p’ejent chojm to be filled up as opportunity occurs. J Wedneflay, January 15. Mr. Ames, on the fubjeft of mr. Madilon’s propositions, wanted to have the printed state of the negotia tions between Great Britain and the , federal government reipefting a trea ty of commerce ; and iikewife a paper from the secretary of state, which the house had ordered to be got ready and be printed fome days ago. He wished gentlemen not to be in a hurry in deciding on a btilinefs of such prodigious consequence as these propositions. He wished to de fer going into a committee till the papers could be had. Mr. Madison said that it was iome what Angular that an objeflion should be made to the going into a commit tee for the want of these papers ; this want ought to have been Hated on Monday. As to the idea of a friend ly difpdfition on the part of Britain, for entering into a treaty of com merce, he was convinced that Britain had no disposition that way. This he inferred from fome pafiuges in the speech of the president, which were, at his desire, rend by the clerk. He trusted that the house would not hesitate in relolving itfelf in to a committee of the whole iin mediately, in order to difeufs the pro positions. Mr. Ames thought it requisite to have the papers laid before the com mittee which had been d.refled to be printed. He said there never had been an inft.ince of any (übjefl of the kind being pushed forward as the pre sent. Such Was the vastness and com plexity of the evidence, and lonie t f it was foobfeure, that it was impofli ble for the house to have yet found leisure for embracing a well founded opinion. Ihe gentleman who (poke last had said, that the papers called for could be of no consequence in di refling the resolutions. This affer tlon was in itfelf a very proper reason for printing the papers, that the gentleman, by having an opportunity of reading them, might be convinced of their importance. Air. Ames said, that he believed there was an amica ble disposition on the part of Britain. He grounded his assertion on an ac knowledgment that had been made fome time ago, by one of the British ministers in parliament, who said, that he expefled soon to lay before that house a commercial treaty be twixt England and America. Ihe ; gentleman had laid, that he ffiou'.d \ found our measures on the dis positions | of the several powers of Europe to- j wards us. That was right; but it was requisite to be informed of those dil'pofitions before forming these reso lutions. It was moved, seconded, and agreed to go into a committee on the relolu tions. Mr. Trumbull in the chair. For fome minutes there was a ge neral silence in the house, till at last mr. Clark rose, and observed, that if no gentleman had any thing to fay to this question, it was proper to take the votes on the firft resolution. Air. Forrest then roe. He said that if Britain had distressed our foreign trade, and let loose the Al gerines upon us, it was much better to negotiate than to quarrel With them. He rejefled the resolutions n totoo Our fooling with Britain was as good as we had any right to expect. He did not mean this in re gard to tonnage, but he thought ‘t was (6 in other refpefts. The reio - hit ions now before the house might produce couriter-refolutions, and then we are no match for Britain. Ame rican commerce formed only one sixth part of her foreign trade, but British commerce formed one half of ours. We should fuffer more than her, be -1 a life our internal resources were in ferior to thole of Britain. It would be disgraceful to commence an at tack which we could not support. It was needless to’ speak about the chl polition of this or that nation. In trade there was no friendfhip ; every one did the heft he could for himfelf. If commerce was interrupted, the loss of revenue mull be supplied by a tax raised from the yeomanry of the United States of America. There might be various motives for wishing to flop that commerce, with which he was unacquainted, as he was but a very young member. He was not a ftot kholder, nor a banker, but he was a landholder. The tax mull fall on that class of people, and he was there fore againll it. The condition of our navigation with Britain, he had al ways considered as detestable ; but this was a very bad time to resent im positions of this nature. England had persisted for more than a century its atiher ng to her aft of navigation ; and it could not reasonably be expefl ed, that fiie would be induced to give it up as far as concerned America, by j anv efforts from that quarter. Mr. ! Forrest repeated his aifertion, that, excepting as to navigation, the United : States were treated as well by Britain, j as they could expect to be. The pre -1 lent time was very ill chosen for an attack ; and if the duties were finall, they could operate as nothing farther tharfa tax upon the citizens of this country. If it was v. anted to raise them very high, it would be better at once to prohibit altogether the im portation of British manufactures. Mr. Fitzfimons declared, that in the course of this difeuffion, he had not heard one tingle argument ad vanced, which, admitting the premises to be true, could perfuatle him to gh e his consent to the fit ft of the refidu. dons. It was poflible that he migfl agree to fome of those that followed. He was perfeftly convinced, that a judicious system of regulations could be of infinite advantage to the man. time interest of America. He was of opinion, that the firft resolution was “ by far too indefinite. Ihe substance of the whole arguments advanced on both tides tended only to eftahhfh a faft which was already perfectly well known, that the governments of Europe afted, in regard to the com. merce of the United States, just as they thought proper. The lesson was a very good one, and he trusted that, with a proper attention to tem porary circumstances, this country would improve by it. Mr. Madison regarded file objec tion of the gentleman as entirely of anew kind. He had refilled his con sent to the firft of the resolutions, be cause it was indefinite. But the pro. positions laid before the house a few days ago, with rel'peft to the Al gerines, were fully as indefinite * and yet the gentleman who spoke last had. recommended them. The order of proceedings, in the present question, were perfeftly candid and regular. They were confonanr to the practice of the gentleman himfelf. Air. S. Smith, of Maryland, rose next, and arrtfted the attention of the house by a series of finking observa tions. He began with an apology for prefilming to request the no ice of the house, as he was unaccultomed to speak in public. He felt himfelf called upon by the moft forcible of all mo tives, the interest of his constituents, to give his opinion. The duties pro posed by the present resolutions were not designed for the purpose of railing a revenue, but for the fake of driving commerce into a different channel from that which it at present held. He said, that fonew audio vail a fub jeft was fufficient to intimidate a fpeaker. Britain only can supply us. , The next confederation vas. that, if . we could flop their trade, where fiaall we be able to get manufactures ? A tax on our constituents mull supply the place of the deficiency Os revenue that will be the consequence of these pro positions. As to our treaties of com merce, mr. Smith said, that he was not a great admirer of such tranfac-’ tions. He understood, that we give as much as we get. Those treaties had produced much mifehief, as they had afforded a pretence for the pri vateers of other nations to come into our ports and bring their prizes along with them. Suppose that we were to make a diferiminating duty of five per cent, this upon an importation of, seventeen millions of dollars, would amount to eight hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and this sum would be a tax upon our constituents, in favour of nations with whom we had commercial treaties; for those nations cou'd not, of themselves, supply us with manufactures on terms as cheap as Britain. This Lft country takes three fhiHings and sixpence per pound duty on tobacco from Spain, and only fifteen pence per pound of duty from us. But Mifliilppi could supply Britain with all the tobacco that me wanted; and thus, by a Angle ftrokeof the pen, we might lose our best market for that vast staple. As to Spain, American flour generally goes there ; she is aa excellent customer, has done us fume injuries, hut more benefits. We muff not therefore hurt ourlelves from a spirit of revenge. Portugal came next in order. She was one of our best friends, though we had no treaty with her at all. The behaviour ot that court, with refpeft to the Al gerines, tranfeended all praise ; and he hoped that America would never forget her debt of gratitude. We were going, by the propositions on the table, to enter into a com mercial war with one half of Europe*