Newspaper Page Text
VR£AT ST A VE RIGHT CELEBRATION 9
(Continued from our last.) ,
.VOLUNTEERS*
By Henry L* jl’inkney, President of the
Mr»P. saidtbot. ns the toast of our
'distinguished Representativu had boen sug
Vested by the decorations of the Room, he
would beg leave to borrow another from the
same sour9e. He then gave—
"Liberty—The Constitution—Union.”
Col. Cunningham. Chairman of the
Committee of Aarrangements, then sub*
milled tu the meeting, on behalf of the
Ooipmitlee, the following sentiment, which
wet received with the utmost enthusiasm:
Lpngdon Cluvts: In returning to South
Carolina, he brings hack' with him a heart
which is true to the rights aud which feels
for her wrongs.
After ilia cheering had subsided, Mr.
Cheves rose aud uddressed the company as
follows:
(gentlemen:—You have done me no more
than justice in supposing that I have retur
nod to tuy native State with the feelings
you have attributed to me. But it is no
merit in me fb have done so. It would be
foul and unnnlmul were I to feel other
wise. It is nevertheless gratifying tome
4b learn that my fellow citizens believe lliul
1 feel as I ought to do and that “my heart
*»a ill its li^liL pluce. v# I have frequently,
.on recent ocbnsions poured forth my thanks
mid my giatitude for your kindness and 1*
shall not therefore repeat them at this lime.
It is impossible that any loyal citizen of
South Carolina, whether native oi adop
ted, can look on the decay and prostration
of his country without grief and indigna
lion, yet there is a joy personal to myself,
Vrrrhglud with those painful sympathies,
which I indulge in returning among you.
it is, that I come now to share a common
fate with you in your misfortunes and suf
furings as i slrarod formerly with you in
your joys and your prosperity. I left you
exulting and nourishing in the common
glory and common greatness of a common
and united country'. I return to you when
you are bowed down and bumbled, before
a portion of that country, to colonial suf
fering, dependence and degradation.
Yes, Gentlemen, what is the condition
of ihuytftuteuud of ull the Southern States,
but ode of colonial suffering, dependence
and disgrace?
‘ Tlieio artf no less than seven Sovereign.
States wno.se principal Agricultural Sta
. pies require a foreign market to be of any
value. Their pursuits, at the same thus,
are exclusively Agricultural and these the
only articles which can give value to the
cultivation of the soil* The actual legisla
tion by which these interests are bound &
ountrouled, instead of cherishing them, by
facilitating the enjoyment of a foreign mar
ket, denies the profitable possession of that
market and destroys the value of all the
great products of your soil. If this were
,to foster any other interests of the same re
gion of country, there,would at least be a
mitigating pretext fur legislation apparent
ly so extraordinary. But the motive of ii
is tvuwedly to encourage the industry and
promote the distinct and Separate interests
of another clime and another people. By
whom are these laws onaoieuY Have y Ai
participated! No. From whose legisla
tive will they derive their efficacy ?—
Fromyouis! not in the smallest degree.
Not one vo o of all the Represented es in
'holh Houses of Congress, from at least six
Sovereign States, in immediate' junction
and connexion,'ivas giveu in support of the.
passage of these laws, and their legislative
■vines was only heard in protests against
their injus ice and unconstitutiouality.—
They were enacted by a legislative will (in
every just political and moral >euse affec
ting die subject) of a Foreign People! In
every such sense, a people as distinct end
separate from you (and geographically
too as far from you) as those of Canada.
If the burthens imposed by these laws,
when collected in the shape of revenue,
were re'urned, in the expenditures of gov
ernment, to the people who bear them,they
would have some semblance of die legisla
tion of a people self governed, but the vast
revenue exacted by lheni;froui the suffer
ing Stales, is expended in the States by
whose power and whose pleasure it is im
posed. Tliis is of all the effects of bad le
giskilion.lhe most afflictive and destroying.
As well might the blazing orb of day, when
sent to warm ux,diink up, as it does, the
moisture of the soil, and the providential
dews of night not return it, mid yet die Irun
tification of die onrlh and the gathering of
its fruits he hoped for, as to expect a couu-
try to'tluive where a large revenue is col-
leotebmnd spent abroad. *
Now, how would vou define a Colonial
condition ? i would say it presented a peo
pie (no matter under wluit forms of gov-
eminent) who were enntrotijed in their
great interests by the legislative will of n
people geographically and politically ds
.lincihom them.
How, again; would you defihe an unjust
.and oppiessive colonial government/ I
would say that a government which made
laws destroying the interests of the depen
dent State was such a government. If 1
wished to define a worse government, J
H-^lild say, that, where such laws were
made with a view to promote exclusively
the iutercsisof the governing people, the
character was abundantly made out ; and,
if I wished to go further aud to describe
one under which a country must wither
VOL.
jmd perish, I would only add, that a vast
revenue should be collected in the country
in question, and spent ubroad.
1 iiave made this analysis and put the
facts side by side, that you may run
the parallel, and, having done so, say,
whether the condition of this State, and of
all tlie Southern States, is not one exhi-,
biting all the essential evils of colonial de
pendence? Are you lew colonial than
Canada, for example? The great inter
ests of that country, it is true, are coniroqi-
ed by the legislative will of Great Britain,
which lias the right, according to received
notions ofnatHfjial law, to do so. But *o
are you-gaverned by a people equally dis*
Tihi*Trout you, pxcept as you and, they
are connected by institutions, legal and
moral, social and charitable, which forbid
the exercise of such a power. Rut tiieir
peculiar interests are fostered—yours are
oppressed.' They receive bounties—you
pay penalties. The burthens the people of
that country bear are light—yours are e-
normous. The revenue collected from
them is spent among them. Tjiat which
you pay is spent abroad
and manner in which the ppwor of which
we complain, is exercised. For this
purpose one or two examples will suf
fice. A very distinguished representative
from this Slate, (Mr. McDuffie,) on whom
you have just bestowed a high and meiited
eulogium, standing at the head of the high
est Committee of the House of Keprescn
tatives, reported to the House, as an act of
that Committee, a bill, intended foi the
purpose ol examining & considering some
of the greatquestionftof which the South
ern States complain. One of the com
plaints sot forth, it wiil be recollected, in
the Declaration of Iml* pendence, was that
in your former colonial state, your peti
tions were disiegarded.. Let us now see
how our present governors treat your pres
ent efforts to be heard. Contrary to all
Parliamentary usage, befpre a word is said
in support or in explanation of a measure
of such grave importance, so solemnly in
troduced, u member rises, anticipates the
organ of the Committee, and moves a ques
tion (and it is sustained by the Houses
which precludes all debate, uud decides (lie
main question in the negative. There i(
not, 1 fearlessly say, a parallel for this
proceeding in the legislation of any free
people in modern times. 1 challenge an
investigation of the proceedings of the Par
liament,of Congress aud of the legislatures
of the severul Slates of the Union, with the
perfect conviction, that no parallel can he
fnuud in them for tiijs outrageous proceed
ing But this was not enough. Yont de
gradation was to be doubled by repetition
aud increased by wanton insult.
A distinguished member from Virginia,
(Mr. P. P. Barbour) when the Buffalo
Hoad Bill was, I believe, .indefinitely post
poned, a decision which passed over jt for
the session, and was equivalent to a rejec
tion, ventured to express his joy, that a
great evil had beeu, at least for a time, a
verted. This was contumacy not to lie
borne, but to be punished. On the next
day a motion was made for recousidcra
lion, and this audacious act of the member
from Virginia bssigued us the reason, which
was carried aud the hill laid upon the ta
ble. in a state in which it cuuld at any mo
ment be called up, but not at all with this
view, but simply to say to the distinguished
mover, slave!,you shall tiutevou rtjuice in
our forbearance. ‘
It is not foi an bumble individual like
me to-anticipate legislative wisdom, nor
to suggest the lime and manner in which a
temedy for these.evils is to bysou^'U, hut,
fur myself as a private citizen, 1 declare
my belief that they present a state of things
not to be burno, and which ought to be re
sisted, in soinu way or manner, at any and
every hazard, I cannot forbear, however,
to add one idea on this subject.
This is a great Southern question, in
which South Carolina is no more interested
than the lust of the Southern States.. She
may or she may not produce a fcwTialos of
.ll»l w ,«-iM
some other status, but ibis certainly
does not augment the interest sho feels in it
nor lessen that winch they indulge. The
question with ull of thorn involves great
pecuniary and great public rights—no less
than the great rights of a free and indepen
dent government. We cannot, therefore,
either in policy or justice, in my opinion,
aut without seeking or awaiting their co
operation. This is the more imperiously
out duty, if wc rely upon their co-operation
in any difficulties which may involve the
employment of national force. 1 there
(ore deprecate a separate action, on the
part of this State,at this time,as premature
and impolitic. In uccoidanco with these
principles, I will, wjlh your leave, give the
following toast :•
Southern Rights and Southern Wrongs'
—Momentuous questions, on which the ac-
lion of the States aggrieved should he in
stant and constant, butulways together.
Col. Cunningham also ottered on behalf
of the Coiumitten of Arrangements,the foi
lowing toust, which was also received with
lung continued mid enthusiastic cheering:
The Ron. James Hamilton.—His State
will never forget his efforts* in' her hehalf-
Site waits the opportunity of confiding to
him her office.
When the cheering with which this toast
was accompanied had ceased, Major Ham
ilion addressed the company as follows:—
Fellow Citizens:.—1 thank you most cor
dially for the sentiment you have just ex
pressed, which lias been received by, those
assembled here in a manner calculated in
fiuitely to enhance the" difficulties of my
making you an acknowledgement which
would in any degree do justice to my own
feelings, if l were even so vain as to sup
pose 1 could pay this tribute Vo your good
ness. My self love sliull, however, not
transcend my gratitude. I must refer the
largest portion of the compliment you
have paid uie, toth.it kind partiality with
which l have been uniformly cherished bv
my friends uud fellow cilizehs in this com
munity rather than to any pour or humble
merits ofmy own.
In this seu.iment. you have been pleas
ed, I presume, to make reference to my
efforts in the National Legislatute of (his
Union. A retrospect of these efforts brings
with it no recollections but those of dis
comfiture and regret. 1 was little else
than the unavailing and ineffectual witness
of how much your rights could be violated
and your interests injured without the pos
sibility of prevention or redress.
Gentlemen, 1 was comparatively a
young man, when by the generous confi
deuce of an adjoining district, 1 was sent
to Congiess.
At this period,‘I do not believe there
was an individual in this Union more tho
roughly and .enthusiastically national in
his politics Chap myself. I went u> the im
mediate centre of tho action of the Feder
al Government with every pre possession
in its favor. I had taken up somewhat on
trust, without much examination, but w ith
no other then the purest motives, opinions
in some respects (but with what I then
supposed proper guards) calculated to sus
tain some of its jinplied powers. There
was something in the picturo of a magni
ficent government, invincible,in war, ben
eficent in peade,- holding in exact equ
poise the scales of justice, presiding over
al), siistaining||ail,protecting all,with rieith
to any, well calculated to fascinate the
imagination of d young man w hose esti-
matus of life were as sanguine as Ids know
ledge was iiftperfect and limited. I wax
•not, however,' long at the great federal
laboratory without discovering some radi
cal defects in tho practical operation of its
mechanism—some omens of sinister im?
port, which satisfied me that those who
had boen invoking unceasing watchfulness
aud jealousy on the part of the States 6
ver the General Government, were the
trustworthy centineU of our liberty, ‘that
tiieir chullanges outlie ramparts were the
true oud (uithfui watchwords; and if they
did nblcry in a dai-k aud starless night.
"All's well” it was because indeed ull
was not well! In cutifossing this error of
iny first political impressions,! am influen
ced quite as much by u desire of duiug
justice to the wisdom, und honor to tho
motives of those who, frnm the commence
ment o! the operation of our federal sys
tem, have uniformly 'thought its highest
peril, as w oil as its greatest toiuleiuy, was
to consolidation,as to put my owu opinions
beyond cavil or dispute, lit short,Gentle
men, during the last four yeaisof my ser
vice in Congress, I witnessed enough to
convince me, that, practically, the govern
ment of this coiifuderucy was nothing
more or less than.orgun uu of indefinite pow
er, admit ably used (if not contrived) for
taxing one portion of the Union, with tho
view of distributing its exactions in anotli
ci; and lh.it, under u league uud copart
nership between tho Tariff' uud Internal
Improvement parties, monopoly was to bo
given to the one, uud the fruits of the tax-
Qtinu necessary to secuio tiiut monopoly,
to the other.
1 thought I perceived, as 1 tiiink I do
now, in this corruption, tho seeds ot the
dissolution of this Union, sowed broad cast
and about to germinate with a rank luxu
riance. Tiiut man must be far gone in
Utopian visions, wlej supposes that a con
federate government like ours, cku violate
if you please, even the spirit of thb com
pact, I hr the put pose of usurping ptfwers
of internal legislation among the Status,,
when the object of such usurpation is to
give to sheer plunder the forms' of law,
without terminating in a rapacious despo
tism over tho''-minority, and in a thorough
corruption of die public spirit of those who
are the favored object* of this unlawful
booty. Wo have linen told that that gov
oimneyt is the worst which, with the forms
of free, has the ends of uu arbittary gov
eminent. Whether ours Ims reached this
condition,let the signs ui'tiiepreseut crisis
determine.
Ill such a state of tilings, I leave you to
decide. How hopeless must have been the
efforts of those, who in scorning to unite
such a system oi lieehooiiug, by the very
fact of their during to lift up their voices
against it, only excited our oppressors to
flesh acts of injustice.-
... Uj» r «j t.HrqiMUum. I ^lioujclbc. inclined
to coiiciii in. if your kind reference to' the
fact of my having been put in nomination
for un office of honour and (rust, (lid not
render it necessiity fur me to trespass for
a few moments on your goodness. Whilst
I have uut, nor do I intend to make this
office the object either of my solicitation
or avoidance, I am nevertheless desirous
tq shun uu public questiuu,' by which the
Slato may pass upon the important inqui
ry of how far my opinions may render it
safe for her to confide to me the privilege
of consulting with her legislature, and the
responsibility of executing her laws.
To avoid all misconstruction, 1 will be
gin, Gentlemen, by throwing by opinions
in the form of a creed, by which I am wil
ling to si mid the issue.
I believe the Tariff to be “a palpable,
deliberate and dangeious violation of the
Constitution,'' the more dangerous and the
more insulting, because through a fruud
upon the text of that ineuument, it abuses
the letter whilst it flagitiously iufracts.thc
spirit of the compact.
I believe it imposes a burden of direct
taxatiou on the South, and what is vastly
more momentous, of indirect taxation, by
the diminishing tho price and demand of
our staples, consequent on the loss of our
foreign grade, which # will be utterly and
irretrievably ruiuous.
I believe that the General Government
lias no power to tax tho sovereign Slutes
of this Confederacy, except to pay its debts
and just expences, and to provide for the
comuionaJcfencn and general welfare iu
their comprehensive sense.
I believe it has no substantive power to
prosecute a system of internal improve
ments, whilst the profligate corruptions,
and insane extravagance, which have mar
ked practically the use and abu»e of this
power, would forbid, on every principle of
sound morals and expediency, its exercise,
evon us a matter of seemingly necessary
or dnect implication.
I believe, that this system of, unconsti
lutional taxation, on the tie hand, aiid
unjust and unequal expenditure on the o-
titer, makes the Condition of the South es
sentially Colonial, and that she is fast
verging to a desolation which, whilst it
covers us with unutterable disgrace,entails
upon ou» posterity inevitable rum.
Believing all these things, and that all
prospect of relief from our oppressors is
hopeless, it is my conviction, that the
South ought and must resist.
Gentlemen, an eminent authority* no
revolutionary incendiary or anarchist, the
most gifted opponent the French revolu
tion ever had, has said, “That no commo
dity will bear a duty of three pence, or will
bear a penny, when the general feelings of
men are iiritated, and two millions of peo
ple are resolved not to pay. The feelings
of the Colonies were formerly the feelings
of Great Britain. Thebs were formerly
the feelings of Mr. Hampden, when called
upon to pay 20 shillings. Would 20 shil
Lex us uow look a little into the spirit er the power nor inclination to do injury
Not-rioves, without Ih&se calainhlejt nro in*
dieted upon ashy tho sJthgninary despo
tism and ohsfinate injustice ol our oppres
sors. Wlml' then—-by what mode and
menstireof ifemedy and .repress? Let the
authorities w the sovereign States that pay
this tribute, Answer this question mi the
solemn responsibilities which they areun
<ler, to a Miiforing aml indignant people.
Let thorn consult un enlighlclied forecast,
a temperate, firm otid sustaining fortitude.
Let them Irijk back on the principle, can
onized by tlip blood of innumerable mar
tyrs in our tjvpiutibn. Let them look in
to the principle* which we.supposed was
solemnly guaranteed by our compact, and
let them look forward to the awful conso
qnehoesof neglecting to protect, and for-
uvor defend those principles which nreun-
fn us more tliuh life, “the duties of life
themselves” Do wo promise more than
she will pbrfomt when wc say, To this
appeal South Caiolina is ready to respond!
' GoiTTIeipen, 1 a f cll>thTgul$hCth -political
philosopher, on the other tiido of the water
has said, “that tie dangers ol libuity can
mover he groutc from any cause, than
they are from tit i reinissneSs of a people to
whoso personal vigour, every constitution
ns it owed its est ihlislimeiit, soil must cun
Untie to owe its ireservution.”
This relaxation of the public spirit in
some quarters, ip oortninlv uuo among the
alarming signs of the times. Rut perfect,
unanimity is nor to he expected on a ques
(ton of such infinite.importance as the sol
emn issue which the tributary'States must
utrtko up w(th the Genoral Government. 1
say must make up, for you may take it as
a position susceptible of the most rieid
historical demmistratioh, that no despot iu
an arbitrary, and tin despotic majority in a
government calling itself free, will volun
tarily surrender the power of unlimited tax
ntion. You must carry your appeal from
their justice to inteinst that are ultimate in
their character, if a superiority of physical
force should protect them arum the inffti-
efice of foil.
As to tho mode of making up this issue
with the gciieYal -government, there liutv
bo nn honest difference of opinion among
those wlio* are nevertheless thorough
ly united In tho conviction that we labor
under intoleraffo evils, and that thurc ex
ists an eminent necessity that they should
ho effVr.luully redressed. These differences
of opinion we are hound not only to toler
ate, hut to treat with kindness and respect.
Have we|uot had peseuted tousthis evening
iu a manner the most deeply and imposing
ly interesting, an illustration of this difsun
ilitude of sentiment in cur honoured ami
distiugiiislied Guests! Our representative
(Colonel Drayton) whilst he is scarcely
less strong ill denouncing the injustice and
oppressive character of the present system
ol government in its operation oq the
South,'differs with uur 'Senator' (Goiieral
Hayue) on the question of remedy. Ho
thinks that our evils have not yet
llll■lllll juimi irra
submission, until the critpttdo yields noth
ing but pure, unsophisticated drops of sf-f-
vlllty, so soothing, sedative and balsamic,
tiiut ton drops pre warranted us a do$c to
mnko any mull a coward und u slave!
But I will continue this odium and dis
gustful themo no longer. Lot* mo turn to
that hurt of the horizon which gleams with
the light ol consolation and hope—tho
morning star breaks from the shadows of
night, atid rises wiili cheering lustra. Pub.
he opinion, which does nnt long continue
the in path uf.errqy, hoglngs to. discovor
that South Carolina ivas somo pretext for
her complaints, somo grounds for her re
monstrances,and sumo reasons tor her pro
tests, Our hornic'Chlof Magistrate, of tho
Union lots put tho seal of his honest aiid
fearless reprobation, nu •» part of tho felo
nlesugdlnst which she .complained. Nino,
tenths of her peoplo are .united and firm.
With these auspices shall wc give up tho
contest ?y-No! They fiit nhi|| tho highest
imaginable incentives to it* vigorous and
tftuiperato prosecution*. *,
If in no oilier form,at least in the steady <
resistance of public opinion, in the undy
ing declaration that wo will not submit,
however long forbearance may lulve post
poned or may Mill postpone resistance to a
violation of the bargain, which binds us to.
gethcr as,oonfo<lerated States
Fellow Citizens, if wo are true to our
selves, we must triumph—ohr cause rests
on tho foundations of inimutnble truth &
invipcihlnjustice;und nnr success will ho
signalised by qur fixing, on u surer basis,*
the securities and stipulations of Bin (Jon-
stiimiou and Union* The page of history*
beams with instructive and consoling les
son*, of minorities obtaining their rights,
even in great'aud arbitrary empires, where
they have too much public virtue to aban
don them Need I refer to tho triumph of
religioiiM freedom, in our own :md on a re
cent day.which has flashed upon the world
after a long night of darkness *?ut higotry?
Need I refer to that spot, which for Tho
beauty ot its verdure, poetry has called '
“the Green Isle of the Ocean.” w hich hut
for this victory, hlsU'ry would have delimit* %
hutted the Island of perpetual misery and
despair, to invigorate our liopes^ ;qid sus
tain oiirjtonfidetice? Has not her triumph
been it bloodless one? Mas not bigotry .
been overthrown’, with no oilier concussion
to the British Cnnstiniiioi'i, hut to add
fresh socurifles to the Union of Fmglond,.
Scotland and Ireland! Did she owe her
success to submission or to the solemn and
authentic signs, if justioo was denied, of
her determination to resist7 Let the con
stancy and bravery of her long Miff'omig
und gnilatit people, answer these questions
—Yes. id Ireland speak for herself, thro'
the holy enthusiasm of litr genius; by the
inspiration of hev muse; by tlie deep'pathnn
and matchless beauty of iior Bard, when,
slie'tells the worlrl-Hho' interdict of ihe .
Grave has been reversed*—the dbv Inis
ed to ii dcifled ur^ulTermj|r■ wMcir''’WiT
authorize'ii* to p.ut at hazard the jiotegrily I
of tl.io Union,-and that some of the inoa
sores of redress proposed iuvohe this risk.
But his text, freed Ironi all iiiduphysical
abstractions affirms tho great right of re
sistance, anil wdint is not of le«s Value, the
right of u Slate peaceably to secede from
the Union. But for one thing, gentlemen.
I will pledge my life, that whatever differ
ence of opinion there may be between our
friends and those who Injvo listened to him
with none oth«r than feelings of die most
respectful cdnsidcr.ftion nod ardent attncli
ment—that when South Caiolina does act.
ho will he in tlie van of tho conflict—sus
taining our counsels, by the resources of
his fine intellect and character, and adorn
ing our struggles by the devoted valor of
his chivalrous spirit. Yes, my life upon
it, when the time does come, if his veins
were fed by u spring us redundant us the
fountain of Aietlmsii, lie would pour out
his blood like water to the Iasi drop in de
fence ot tliisTand, the spot of hi* earliest
nttnchmuntH, and the ojiject of his first and
undying allegiance.
If this unanimity is not to bo expected
among our friends little ought we to sup-
poseithut iu a crisis of peculiar excitement,
when great interests are presumed to he at
stakq,.that justice will lie done either (o
our opinions or motives, by those who differ
froin|us,with the embittered feeliligsof politi
cal rancor,if wo are satisfied that we occupy
no ground which wo do not believe to he
right,*) ein iy well afford to tolerate n dissent
from our views.altliougli that oiasent Should
be accompanied by calunmv aud abuse.
Let then,those cry disunion against those
who mean nothing more, than such a 're
form'in the constitution as will prevent dis
union. Let them cry. if they will, nulli
fication against those who think they find
this doctrine expressly maintained* by the
author of the Declaration of Independence,
and impliedly sustained by one of the most
distinguished 'of the architects of our Con
stitution. Lc tjiem rhise this cry, alilto’
no man has eyer pot this doctrine forth, in
any other shape than as n matter of free
discussion, which if true would he sustain
ed, and if false would be abandoned, but
for no purpose ol party discipline? or con
federation.
•Let them insist, if they will, that there is
a party bent on disunion; tlie best misweV
we'cun make to this unfounded slander, is,
by firm, temperate, and unceasing efforts
to cydeuvor to snvo the union, by saving
the constitution from un unhallowed breach
and corrupt violation. Lei them rend to
us, if they will, long homilies of subinis
sioii,.for ihc salutary purpose of showing,
that the duly way of securing our institu
tions fronj infraction, is to quietly submit
to one violation of our compact, after ano
ther, under the (ear, that if we constitu
tionally resist, we sliull be crushed, pud
that our oppressors are much more likely
coinc—the Epitaph of. Emmet, may now .
| ue-wrirtOffP
lingfc have mined Mr. Hampden's fortune?
No—bur the payment of half 20 shilling* <ji
have .made him a slave.” And so say 1.
that it matters not whether your duties be
one hundred, or twenty five per cent,
when they are demanded on the principle
of protectidn, and not revenue, the South is
equally a slave.
It iupy be asked “ought and must re
to be coaxed b our forbearance,after they Mr. Tumi
ate gorged.with mfr plunder, than intimi- Yollows:—
Let mo apply her bright nmon of sueir.ps "
to'mir fortunes, nnd the example of her
spirit for our imitation.
Yes, my friends, in innking.tiiis applica
tion, we will indulge iu no gloomy forehn-
dines. We will not picture to ourselves
tho worst edict of oxilo which tyranny can
.pronounce against a suffering people—,m
exile which poverty, ruin and desolation
compel, by uu inexorable fiat—God forbid,
after such an exile, tlie*first-but hitler frait
of an abject submission, that xoipe of our
descendants should be dbsliticd, iu relum
ing, if for nothing else, to visit the graves
of their fathers, they should see no signs
left of a peoplo "that once was,” hut these
Inst decaying memorials of fondness hihI
affection, aud iu wnndoring^ amidst ilium,
to bo compelled t) oxclalm—
Alas poor country ;
Almost afraid to know itself! It ennnot
Bn called our Mother, but our Grove*
No ! stioh a destiny is not in reserve for
vs. Taking counsel rather from courage
than despair; advancing no claim, that is
not founded on our right: pursuing at once
a course of enlightened moderation As in
flexible firmness; our cause, which is the
cause of the Coiis'itution, shall triumph.
Again will fraternal nffecliou bless the con
cord of this mighty Union. This city.nur
venerable parent, tlie theatre once of vie*
torious euierprize and generously requited
industry; the chosen abode of hospitality,
refinement, and an elevated public spirit,
will lift up its dejected head to receive tho
renew ml sunshine of God's chosen bless,
ings. Our fields brightened with the ver
dure of unbounded promise and ladenod
with the fruits of luxuriant harvests, in
their cheerful aspect, will reflect the pros
perity of a contented and united people.—
WeJ know the value of these objects, hut
let us not misunderstand the price at which,
they are to he obtained.
Can I more appropriately cnnclpdo than
by offering you the following seniiiiiem?
"South’Carolina—Wisdom to her conn*
sets; decision to her action; prosperity and
honor to her ends.”
By General I Iny tie: Rtatk-IUohts—
the only sure basis of Constitutional liber-
ly. “On us\ in the^ Providence' ot God
has been cast the special girtmlianship of
the groat principle. Should it fail litre all
liopo will bo extinguished.”
After tho above toast, Barnard E. Boo,
Esq. rose and solicited permission to offer
the following sentiment, which he felt as
sured would bo‘Well received.
By Barnard E Bee, Esq—The Author
or Briitus: Ardour in the cause of .Caroli-*
na: unjustly censured “for vindicating Ins
native southern country, to which he is at
tached by no ordinary ties, and. in which
his dust is likely to be mingled, with that
of father, mother, children and friend!.”
The toast was received with heartfelt -
and long continued plaudits, after which
Mr* Turnbull addressed the company ns
1st wc yet have
on the principle it *was demanded would tho power to roijst. To,xll this, let us tell
them, their work is very imperfectly done,
even at second Band; that in the pious dis
course of a cerl'iin learned divine,the Rev.
Dr Sachcverei. of famous memory, in the
enlightened ew»y« of that distinguished
civilian Sir Robert Ftlmcr, we find their
doctrines,of “passive obedience and non-
sist.”' How by disunion and eiyil war? resistance,”.drawn through the alembic of oil,
Fellow Citizens.—The manner in which,
this toast has been received merits my war-*
most acknowledgements. I am the tnoro
thankful to you for this distinguished mark
of your approbation, bcoause it is the first
•The dying injunction of F*mmett was ■.
that his Epitaph should not be written uiwjg
til tlie wrongs ofhis country wer^tpwr^
A#.
public occasion in which,my-fellov towmf?
men have so dislinlllu honored and ,affir
med the principles of If ruttfs.
- When, Gentlemen; I first thought x>f
submitting those principles Jpjbt public,
[ was not insensible of tho d$8culty and
tho drlicaoyof tho undertaking : I was*-
.ware tiiut I Would liifvd to contend*be
procojmHved opinions of piy folIoW v^ltfl
noils, running in a powerful current against
me, bud that I would ho opposed in an ei-
pedal manner, by that laudable, constant
and ardent devotion jo the Federal Union
for w|il ch. ill this Stnto, out citizens hav
bean pro eminently distinguished: 1 thorn
fiffe pondered for jt while whether I could
urucne d, with a hope even of usefulness,—
Hut when l saw,.that jiV,the extravagance
of this lovo.)nt! veneration for Union, my
follow oirtrons lingnn tube unmindful uf ‘
their sacred uHegiance. -tn their own State,
and of their liiglj duty to themselveb ; that
they hud in fact already forgotten, that-
though in commerce, in war, in fpreititjr.ge-
gocintion.nnil iu an unextinguishable love
of freedom, we were a nation one apd indl-
vis.tbln ; yet,that lor all internal purposes,
wo were 1 so many separate and con fed era t'tl
sovereignties, I lb»n fell itto be my dutn
to stup foriji and'to warn my oountrymey,
against those usurpations of t)io Govern
ment,which were about to subvert the hap
py relations iu which the States had placed
themselves t»y compact, tmd thps to throw
all the parts, of this bright' and glorious.
Goufedurucy hitherto so concordant, into ,
an incongruous and an inbuimoiiious
whole.
How far I have succeeded in rousing our
peoplo to a sense of the dangers which ’sur
rounded them, it does not hecomo mo to
say : But of this I am well assured, that
as far hn the sentiments of the people liavb ,
lipvw expressed, through their Constitu-
ijHjJal.orgqii, the Legislature, I have more
than the sanction of an approving coti-
Miiuneo lor all that I have dune. My prill- •
cipIcK have nut only been incorporated in
tho reKn|iitinii<r.,rcmoiistruncesHnd protests
if our own Legislature, but they have been
adopted by other Southern Legislatures.—
Yes Gentlemen, the conviction,daily be
comes mode and more deeply rooted in the
public mind, and it is in vain in gainsay it,
dial there is on the part of .Congress, u
rrnf and a growing spirit of usurpation,
which if not at rented, luust eventuate in
the destruction jof our commerce, - and in
the loss of our liberties, it is under tkje
influence of this conviction that you lidve
seen the standard ol Stute Rights,unfurled
til* Into*, even in the City of Washington—
unfurled not in hostile array,hut In friend
ship and alliance with the true friends of
Union, then and thcio to he iiilwined,* let
Mill hope, will the Runner of the Con
stitution Iu the Halls of Congress you
have seen the doctrine distinctly asserted,
not by our Delegation alone, but by mem
bers from the East and West? that one
Federal Union IS a compact between sep
arate and independent puliiicul bunitnunl-
tion—that there aie NO parlies to that
compact hut SOVEREIGN STATES,
and that Ut each of these Sovereign Slates
I is reserved the unalitnabl^xight, and upon
all tf Hum imposed the Paramount duty
of severally protecting (heir citizens, from
the opptobsiuiis of the Cciitrul Govern
ment. n
. And .whence nro these,doctrines.?—
Think ye that they originated with the hi-
cflvidiial who now addresses you ? Is it to
tho author of Biutus that you would ascribe
the praise? Would to God, gentlemen
that I could boast of such a distinction, or
that Providence had given me (lie mind to
enneoivo, and the high and exalted influ
ence so successfully to propagate doctrines
and. principles, not only involving the
prosperity and safely of tiffs,little section
of the Union; hut on which, the happiness .
of tho unborn millions uf freemen, wlioard
to people this Western world, must ulti
ma tel v depend. No, gentlemen, no (&
They emanate from no common mind;
they come from authority of the highest or
der ; they flow from a fountain to which,
whenever you are weary aiid lieuVy laden
with the burden uf oppression? you may al
ways repair,and. there drink of the refresh
ing waters of the spirit df Liberty j'ilioy
belong to tho author of the Declaration of
Independence—to that Jefferson wham you
have long, since canonized, and to the Sa
ges and statesmen of that Viroinia “who
with the Caromnas & Georgia, ao fear
lessly walked together in the valloy of tho
shadow of death, in the war for uur We-
pendence.”
To Jefferson, then, give the praise, jujr
those doctrines in which alone the conifl£
vativo power of the Stale Sovereignties' flf
to be.sought for and found, and whicfii',
have been called by way of repronch-V^
“The Carolina doctrines ” Aline lias ony
ly been the merit of holding up to you, dt^
in a mirror, those principles of your greuF 1
prototype ; to placs them before the admi
ring eyes of his disciples, in ail the Vaijik
mis positions of light and of shade of whijufr
they are susceptible ;■ to illuMrato itioir
truth ; to display their beauty and to hk ’
commend them as being adapted, in an es
pecial inannor, to tlie circumstances, the
wants, and above all,-to the domestic trail•
rjuilliti/ of the South. Jn this secondary
vocation alone lias Brutus laboured. He
lias tiodden in no path, which had nut
been hallowed by the footsteps of Jefferson.
By no other light has he been guided that}
by the light of his luminous mind. And
such, my fellow citizens, is the irresistible
nature of truth, that ail it asks, and all it
wants, is the libkbtt of appearing. The
Sun needs no inscription to distinguish him
fromffiarknoss ; and no sooner, therefore,
did the “Carolina Dooirines”.display them
solves to our people in their beauty and ef-
lulgcnre, than all those who had bson so
long gazing on the gaudy trappings, and
tinseled court dress of a consolidated gov
ernment, felt ns it were a shock, and bow
ed down and acknowledged their power,
and the citizens of our State began at once
to think, mid thinking, next to contemplate
redress for tho violation of their rights, and
the aggre$9ions upon their sovereignty.—
True it is, tiiat these are those among ut
who, declaiming upon the never ending
theme of the horrors of disunion, and of
British alliance,hope thereby to put out all
the lights which the,sun of free inquiry is
now shedding throughout our land, upon
the siibjeot of the sovereign rights of the
States ; who, nnt having one stnglo spark
of the spirit of freedom in their own ho-
.. iftdiiii, and as unworthy of the rich inhen-
Jh Apnce left thont by their fathers, as they are
unable to meet their antagonists in the fair
and open field of atgument, vainly hope to
lessen the influence of the “Carolina.
(Concluded, on Lot pagej
