Newspaper Page Text
M AGON- GEORGIA T JE JL JE G K A P
^bhmhbssi
POLITICAL.
Prjn the Alexandria (D. C.) Gazette.
• EPLY OF Mr. KENDALL TO Mr. It YVICK-
LIFFE’3 LETTER.
1«> THE EDITOR OK TDK ALEX INDWA GAZETTE :
Hiving observed foe tender of yo-ir columns ns n
medium of reply to t be strictures of Mr. Robert YViok-
itfe on my character and conduct when you gave in-
•ertion to Itisproduction, I determined at once to avuii
myself of the offer, Incetssant official engagements
have until this time prevented the accomplishment of
that purpose.
Were the facts of the case, or the character of Rob
ert Wickliffe for reckless mendacity, as well known to
tho pcoplo of the United States as they are to the
people of Kentucky, I should deem it unnecessary to
pay any attention to his malignant effusion. But as it
suits the present objects of a party to circulate his
libels where the author i* unknown, and often with
gratuitous attestations of their authenticity, it is due
to myself to place the truth within the reach of those
who lionestly seek it.
If I could be flattered by falsehood, I might feel sat
isfied with tbe allegation, that I have been for about
twelve years de facto Governor of Kentucky, and, for
about eight President of the UniteJ States! But con
scious ot never having possessed or aspired to the in
fluence which has been attributed to me, the ascrip
tion of it can only impair my salf-estccm, and teach
me a lesson of humility.
•yOne who will draw a parallel, (says Mr.!Wickliffe)
between the misfortunes of Kentucky from 1817
to 1624, (die period when Amos held the consciences
of our Executives,) and the condition of the United
Stales since he has been conscinve-keeper of Presi
dents, may readily account for the alarming prospects
which now threaten the loss of public credit and bank
ruptcy of thousands of oilr citizens.”
The following facts will show how far I “held the
conscience” of the Governors from 1817 to 1884:
I took up my residence in the capital of Kentucky
in tho. fall of 1S1G. George Madison, who had been
elected Governor in the proceeding August, died o
fow days before, and Gabriel Slaughter, the Lieuten
ant Governor, had just entered upon the duties of the
office. A question between the absolute right of the
Lieutenant Governor to hold the office for the whole
term of four years, and the right of the people to e-
lect a Governor at the next general election, imme
diately arose: and 1 maintained the rights of the peo
ple to a new election. Tlic couscqucnre was so great
a degree ofhostility between the Acting Governor and
myself that we did not exchange words during
more than three of the last yeaia of his administra
tion. No man knows the hostile relation* whi?h exis
ted between Arting Governor Slaughter and myself
better than Robert Wickliffe!
At the gubernatorial election in 1820, the candidates
were Gen. John Adair, William Logan, Esq. Gen.
Joseph Desha and Col. Anthony Butler. Butler was
my first choice, Logan my second, and Adair my last.
My paper was the chieforgan of the opposition to Gen.
Adair, and lie was elected. The hostile feelings gen
erated in the contest were so strong, that it was two or
three years before tiie Governor and myself exchan
ged common civilities, and never did lie consult me u-
pon any public measure or political movement during
the whole of his administration. No man knows this
general hostility between mo and Governor Adair bet
ter than Robert Wickliffe!
This administrations of Slaughter and Adair cover
the whole iteriod “from 1817 to 1824,” during which.
Mr. Wickliffe says, I ‘hold tho conscience" of the
Governors of Kentucky.
' Mr. Wickliffe is quite as unfortunate in his allega
tions with regard to my support of measures as to
my influence over men. Tlio following extract em
braces the pith of his production on that point, viz.
II When Amos Kendall bccatno Governor de facto
of Kentucky, public credit was high, and the people
were never more prosperous; the State had sustained
her character and faith in contracts untarnished, her
bank paper was, equal to gold and silver; but tills
demagogue and speculator inised the cry against the
Bank of Kentucky and its stockholders, arrayed the
borrowers and spendthrift speculators of the country
against her laborhnd industry; and finally at the
head of the profligate and unprincipled, tri
umphed over public moral <, and the laws aud const!
tution. The first act of his party was in 1817-18 to
destroy foe Bank of Kentucky, and to grant charters
to forty odd spurious banks, 'with a view to flood the
State with paper sufficient to meet the demands of
himself aud partizau*. This accomplished, in two
short years this demagogue and his partisans reduced
the labor and credit of tbe State to utter prostration.
Tiie whole departments of labor were visited by a
wide spread ruin; tho banks bankrupted, and tlic
means of paying debt* destroyed. Amos’ relief for
alitl esc mischiefs brought upon the country, was nti
opeti violation of public faith by a repe.al of the char
ters of nil the banks in existence—those that had faith
fully redeemed their paper and fulfilled their corporate
powers, sharing the common fate of those that bad
Doth cheated and swindled the country.
"This breach of faith and of tiie constitution, the
first measure of relief for the disease created by Amos,
and which he promised to cure, was found but to in
crease rather than abate the malady. Amos then
found out that the fault was in the courts, not in the
banks of .the State His next prescription for relief
against his own actsrtr evils brought upon the country
was replevin and property laws; and this failing al>o,
he proscribed the plan for tho explosion of a metallic
currency, and the substitution, in its place, of paper
through the Commonwealth’s Bank. His party, still
victorious, followed this prescription also, but tin:
disease got worse. The courts of justice were not os
faithless to the constitution as Amos and his partisans;
and his laws of relief were declared to have violated
both the constitution of Kentucky ami that of the Uni
ted Stales. This gave to Mr. Kendall and Ins party n
nsw theme. They inveighed against tiie Judges, and
finally passed .iln w repealing them out or’office and
creating a court of appeals filled with pnrtizans pledged
to carry Amos’s relief Jaws into execution, llcre the
people rebuked the tniuion, bis Governor, and the
whole patty, by repealing tlisir reforming law and res
toring the old court. The next and the dying effort in
Kentucky, was to persuade the people of the State to
repeal their constitution, if they were not willing to
break it. The people, however, preferred expelling
Mr, Kendall and bis creatures from office, and he then
led his followers over to General Jackson in mass as
liia last refuge from scorn, contempt and ignominy.”
I first became an editor iu 1815, and among my first
assays, were spirited attacks on tlio Bank of Kcntuck-
y, not because "her bank paper was equal to gold and
silver," as Mr. Wickliffe now asserts, but because,
having suspended specie payments, during the war,
.aud her notes being at a heavy discount, she was not,
in my opinion, doing all in her power to resume pay
ment. When site resumed, my opposition' to her cea
sed. and my partner in busmens William Gc-rard, i sq.
was for some years-a director of that bank. It was
the Bank of tho United States; and not the Rulicf
patty, which destroyed the Bank of Kentucky, by
forcing her to a second suspension of specie payments.
The branches of Jhi former bank in Kentucky were
instructed to cnllm^lhe specie of the West, and remit
it to the East, as a moans of saving from ruin the prin
cipal bank, then reeling to its fan from tho effect* of
§ ro«s mismanagement. The notes of the Bank of
lentncky wore collected by the branches and sent
back upon her so rapidly, that, after manfully strug
gling for a few months, and even bringing from the
East several hundred thousand dollars of specie at a
great expense, she was compelled to succumb to her
inexorable foe, aud close Jicr doors. From this blow
■ha never recovered. Yct,*M r. Wickliffe, who knows
all this, and who has himself always denounced the
Bank of Kentucky as an unconstitutional bank, now
laud* that institution, and elurges iu ruin upon me!
“Tlio first act of this party,” says Mr. Wickliffe,
••was in 1817-18, to destroy the bank of Kentucky, to
grant charters to forty odd spurious banks,” &c. In
stead of being supported, "these forty odd spurious
bnnks” were as-strongly condemned by me ns they
ever were by Mr. Wickliffe. It was a project suJ-
dently started in tho Legislature, an! carried through,
not by corruption, but by assiduous management and
the delusive prospeetthat these banks would enhance
the value ofproperty, and ‘sustain iudnstry,’ wherever
they should bo located. How far this project was in
ferred from tlic fact, that the notes of that bank were
made equivalent to specie, as a capital for these new
banks, which were authorized to commence, opera
tions as soon as a certain portion of their capital
rhotild-be paid in notes, of the Bank of Kentucky or
specie! Tbe people of tho State, however, who
thought their intercsu ought to have been marc con
sulted ill so important a matter, rose up against this
mertstrous abuse of Legislative, power, and returned
to tlic Legislature, an overwhelming majority of mem
bers pledged to abolish tlic whole legitimate brood of
"spurious hanks.” Hero Mr. Wickliffe and myself
differed. He believed that the people had no remedy;
that they hnd nothing to do but to submit to a system
which had been imposed upon them without their con
sent contrary to their will, however fatal might be its
effects; and ho now denounces tlio abrogation of these
"spurious banks” as u "breach of faith, and the con
stitution." On flic contrary, 1 believed that the rem
edy remained in the hands of the pcoplo; that their
i.- gipicture could not, whether their motives were
founded in error or corruption, place the dearest in
terest of the people, the value ol their property, their
civil relations and their political rights, at the mercy of
forty-two petty corporations, whose sole motive was
the interest of the stockholders, aud whose sole object
was speculation and gain. I therefore considered the
act of the legislature which swept them all out of exis
tence a constitutional display of popular power, as
jnst as it was signal. .
“His next prescription for relief against his own acts
or evils brought upon the country," saysMr. Wick
liffe, "was properly and replevin laws.” Tiie charac
ter of his assertion may be known by reference to tlic
editorial columns ot the Frankfort Argus during the
period when the cry of relief was resounding through
Kentucky. They will be found tilled with essays a-
gainst both “property and replevin laws;” with statis
tics to show that such laws would in the end be more
ruinous to the debtor than to the creditor, and were in
every way repugnant to the best interests ol the people.
While tins man and bis associates were either swelling
the cry of relief; or, standing with their arms folded
afraid to breast the approaching storm, resolutely
and almost alone, I combatted the popular delusion
and at the hazard of the office I held at the hands of the
Legislature, exerted myself to prevent a resort to ex
pedients which 1 believed would bnt prolong and aggra
vate the embarrassments a id distress un ier which the
State was groaning. No man knows all this better than
Mr. Wickliffe!
But he continue*; “and this failing also, he pre
scribed the plan foi the explosion of a metallic curren
cy, and the substitution in its place of paper through
the Commonwealth’s Bank.” "A metallic currency"
exploded before "the Commonwealth's Bank” was
thought of, and the notes of the Kentucky were at
a disconnt of about fifteen per cent. This project,
like that of the “forty odd spurious," was sl-rtcd sud
denly m the Legislature alter the failure of an at
tempt to pass "property and replevin laws” as a means
of relief. Its parternity has always been escribed to a
gentleman who has been for many years a political
coadjutor of Sir. Wickliffe. Certain it is, that so far
from originating it, or hiring consulted, I came out iu
opposition to it, iu the face of the Legislature, upon
whose votes 1 depended foriontinuance in office; but
in vain. The net passed by a decided majority, and
a replevin law of two year* in case creditors refused
to receive its paper, was afterwards passed to give it
the desired effect.
From these fuct* you will perceive, that instead of
being the author of the Kentucky relief measures, as
Mr. Wickliffe now asserts, I was their aertive oppo
nent as long as there was merit in opposition. Out of
what, you will ask, is the tale of Mr. Wickliffe manu
factured? I will tell you. After the relief measures
had been adopted, and the country was accommoda
ting itself to their operation, a set of men, some of
whom had silently witnessed the approach of the e-
vil, ami others actively promoted it, conspired to over
throw it, and take from tbe people the power of mitiga
ting legislation, by new and extraordinary construc
tions of the Federal Constitution. They discovered
that the Bank of the Commonwealth was a violation
of the provision of the Con-dilution which forbids ilia
States to issue bills of credit; and that tiie replevin
laws, which, for varying terms, were in Virginia ol
der than the Constitution, violated that clause which
prohibits to the States the passage of any law impair
ing the ohlicatioB of contracts. Judges were lound
left it as the bearer to Washington of the trophies ot
vetory, the roles of Kentucky for General Jackson.
After my departure the Legislature restored to me
tiie office of I’ublic Printer for die State, which Mr.
Wickliffe and bis associates had taken away, at d I
was prevented from enjoyiug i* only by the offer of a
more acceptable employment in Washington-'
Mr. Wickliffe'* narrative of my life in this city
though equally destitute of truth, needs no coalmen!
from me. If from its manner it were calculated to
produce effect, it would still be rendered harmless by
tiie great number of honorable men of all parties scat
tered through the Union, 'who know and' are ready
to denounce its groundlessness and injustice.
Perhaps I ought not to complain of this and other
ceaseless denunciations which are heaped upon me.
To the contrast with the whole tenor of my life which
they present, may doubtless be ascribed, more than to
altv unusual merit or talent* of my own, the elevation
I 'now hold and whatever of standing I posse.r in
the estimation of the American people. To Provi
dence and niv countrymen, I trust 1 shall never cease
to be grateful for thus far overruling to my ow n gf od,
the malevolence of my enemies.
I have a right to expect that not only you, hut *11
the managers of the public press who have given cir
culation to Mr. Wickliffe’s address, will dome the
jusuce to publish this explanation.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
AMOS KENDALL.
Washington, June 6,1837
From the Stamlard of Union.
"TALK TO HIM LIKE A BOOK.”
A* some of our pupils, particularly those of the
Nullification—State Rights-Whig—Republican—An
ti-Van Buron — Anti-Schley, aud anti every tiling else
but their own ascendency, arc growing sick of our
repetition of a certain chapter from Mr. GILMER’S
BOOK, we have turned over a leaf, for their especial
edification:
From the first, they have learned, the deep interest
felt and expressed by Mr. Gilmer for the people of
Georgia, in recommending to the Legislature, the
propriety of distributing among them, the Land and
Gold Mines of the Cherokee Country, as the best
mode of exciting them to "INDUSTRY and the
accumulation of WEALTH.”
From the same chapter, they have also read his
strictures upon the intelligence and moral character
of the same people, in which he advised the same
Legislature to exempt the Gold Mines from distribu
tion by Lottery, because by the accumulation of
WEALTH, they would become RESTLESS, IDLE,
and CORRUPT, and above all, it would lead to the
commission of “ INNUMERABLE FRAUDS;” and
moreover, that the (orlunate drawers would not be
benefifted by their success, meaning and intending
thereby, that one portion of his constituents were
FOOLS, anc the other no better than CHEATS,
and SWINDLERS.
We now place in their hands, the second chapter,
from which they will learn, that as late as November
1830, he stood in open hostility to the survey ami
occupation of the, Cherokee Country, and expressly
recommended to the Legislature, to postpone all
further action upon the subject, until their title should
be extinguished “by the PRESIDENT” &c. thereby
literally surrendering to the Executive branch of the
st * • .L- tovrstinn picutb „r
to espouse the new do. trines, and a dbutroversy anal- i federal government, the SG\ EREIGN RIGHTS, of
ly arose between the Legislature and tiie court of ap
peals In these questions I maintained the constitu
tionality of those act* whose policy 1 had condemned,
and became, in the representations of malevo
lence and the view of ignorance, identified with the
advocates of thp relief system. Mr. Wickliffe bos not
the plea of “ignorauco” to screen him in the gross
imposition he has attempted upon the American peo-
pie.
The Constitutionality of the relief laws is the only
principle embraced in them of which I was ever the
advocate. As to the constitutionality of the Common
wealth’s Bank, I have lived to see my opinion con
firmed by the Supreme Court of the U. States, and I
have no doubt tbe constitutionality of the replevin
laws will be affirmed by the same tribunal, whenever
the question shall be fiurly presented aud fully consid.
red.
This course of personal denunciation, without regard
to decency or truth, was introduced into the politics of
Kentucky; ay Mr. Wickliffe and his friends during the
controversy between the old and the new courts in
1625. The silence which Mr. Wickliffe has observed
for some years, led me to suppose that the serious
consequences which had flowed from it, and h> au.|
lul retribution which had overtaken him, had taught
him some regard for the sacredness of truth aud the
decencies of civilized life. I shall content myself
with a single illustration of tins remark.
Late in 1824, a son of Governor Desha was charged
with the murder of Baker, and arrested. He Applied
to the Legislature at the next session for a change of
the venue, on the ground that lie could not have a fai-
trial in the county where the offence was charged to
have been committed. Although the granting ofsuch
a request was alvva; s a matter ot course m Kentucky,
Robert Wickliffe, when the bill was at its iast reading,
took occasion to pronounce a studied phillipic against
it. in which. «ilhout a shadow of reason or truth, he
chirged tlie unhappy father with conspiracy and cor-
mption to screen ms son from punishment. Nor did
he cease pursuing the object of his hatred with these
imputations, in public and in private, during tiie whole
course of his administration.
The situation of Governor Desha, than uhom no
State ever hid a more honest Chief Magistrate, was
such as to excite the sympathy of every feeling heart.
TAe son was charged and finally twice convicted of
murder; the father held tbe pardoning power, and be
lieved him innocent. There were circumstances
which justified a fi flier in so believing. After the son
had been a second time convicted anda new trial had
been a second time granted, the whole of the second
Jury. IliJ ■■oderjtooJ. un4 » jmrtof til* fir.it petitioned
for his pardon. The first conversation I ever had
with tiie Governor upon tlic subject, was introduced
by him with a statement of these fiicts.
* He proceeded to say that Jiis son had sent for him
to the prison—bad protested his innocence in the
strongest terms—lrod declared his unutterable purpose
not to live, unless he was acquitted by a jury—and
had told him that if he sent him a pardon, be would
the next hour put an end to his existence. It was found
impossible to procure a third unbiassed jury, and the
wretched man remained in jail from term to term. Fi
nally,on that day ofhorrors.whcn Beauchamp was ex
ecuted for tiie murder ofCel. Sharp, after the suicide
of bis wife, and his own unsuccessful attempt, young
Desha cut liis throat with a razor, severing the wind
pipe quite in two. In that awful moment, when he
believed himself entering into eternity, lie beckon
ed for a pen and ink, and wrote a solemn protestation
of his innocence, while his life blood was streaming
upon tbe paper. I saw it afterwards in the hands of
his father so besmeared with blood 09 to be scarcely
legible.
A father, under such circumstances, had anight to
believe him innocent. None buta monster would hnnt
him down for so believing, and acting accordingly.—
But none of these things moved the flinty heart, or
quelled the slanderous tongue, of Robert Wickliffe!
At length the general denunciations of this man
roused Mr. Henning, tbe editor of the Kentucky Gaz
ette, published in Lexington, to a proper notice of the
man and his libels. A son of Mr. Wickliffe entered
the office of the Gazette, and shot him dead on the
spot!
The man who had for years persecuted an unhap
py father whose son was charged with murder, now
felt, if he could feel, the agony of' a /other tfj*>*» the
a raignnu nt am! trial of his owtijton for a similar criuiC-
Young Wickliffe wnsnrquittcd; and no man charged
his father with conspiracy and corruption to effect it;
but the nveiging hour was at hand. "Whoso shcdetli
man’s blood, by man shall his blood, be shed.;” and a
short time afterwards, young Wickliffe fell in a duel
with the successor of Benning.
One would think that these lessons would not have
been lost upon Robert Wickfiffe. He bos indeed, for
several years, been awed into silence by tbe maiked
abhorrence of the community around him; blit bis
recent publication shows that the vengeance of Heaven
and the scorn of m :n, have fallen upon a heart of
flint. With mountains of crime upon his conscience,
and jhc blood of the slaughtered Benning and of his
own son upon his head, he resumes that course of
false and fcroc’ous denunciation which produced the
niurdet of some of the best men in Ke itucky, ami
came near plunging that State into the the horrors of
a civil wnf."
For years, ui.der the effects of this remorseless
sjiirit, I. felt'that liras carrying my life in my hand- and
hey will learn more from this chapter. They
l, bitter a* the pill may be, his sympathy for a
the State 6r GEORGIA.
We nave always maintained that the title of Geor
gia to the Cherokee Country, was as absolute and
unqualified from the ratification of the compact of 1802,
as it is to the public squire in Milledgeville, and that
its management and organization belonged exclusively
to h**r people, through their representatives in the
Slate Legislature.
This was the doctrine which governed the writer in
bringing a Bill before the Legislature in 1829 to
survey and distribute the country, and which was
afterwards, so triumphantly sustained by tbe public
voice, in despite of the warm untiring opposition of
M. Gilmer, and his m<W active and talented adher
ents.
But the;
will learn
miscreant race, whose only fixed and unalterable
principles arc, hatred for the white man and ven
geance upon him.
H o bring them now to the task, by presenting the
following paragraph from Governor Gilmer’s Message
in November 1631.
“ The Law which passed at your last session, for
the survey and distribution of the Cherokee Lands,
was not to be carried into effect, until the title of the
CHEROKEES was extinguished by the PRESIDENT
or until further legislation.
"As the Indian title has not yet been extinguished, it
will be necct rary for you to determine whether any,
or w hat further legislation shall be had upon this
subject
"Permit me.most respectfully' to express the opinion,
that the condition upon which that law was to go'
operation, OUGHT NOT TO BF. REPEALED.
"If it should, and the Cherokee lands be distributed
according to its provisions, the effect would be, to
deprive our INDIAN POPULATION entirely of
their possession,* without their consent, ar.d without
any equivalent.
"Tiie character of the STATE, the interest of the
UNION, respect for PUBLIC OPINION, and the
RIGHTS OF THE INDIANS, forbid that so GROSS
an act of INJUSTICE should be committed."
Here are Mr. Gilmer’s counsels upon the subject
of the Cherokee*. and bis memorial in tbeir behalf,
against the interests and wishes of an overwhelming
majority of his fellow-citizens; and that too after
more than thirty years unexampled forbearance.
When the subject of asurvey and organization of
that country ■•/as first brought before tbe Legislature,
it ms done from a settled conviction that the Chero
kee* would never relinquish their occupancy of the
roiinlty by treaty, aud knon inf tAal ihsgsssraMiss
▼eminent was ready and willing at all times to pay
them a fair equivalent, we tell no compunctious of
conscience, but on !be contrary, it was impressed
upon us as a solemn duty which we owed to the State
as one of her representatives, to exert ourselves, to
reduce the territory tothrir immediate possession; and
we feel the highest gratification, that the good people
af Georgia sustained us in our humble efforts to serve
them, and that eleven respectable counties, in a
perfect state of organization, occupied by a vigorous,
enterprising and respectable population, are tiie
glorious offspring of a measure, which Mr. Gilmer,
in the ore< flowing of bis kindness for the Indians, was
pleased to call an act of" GROSS INJUSTICE."
But the bill nevertheless passed, the survey was
completed, the Lottery was drawn for the lands—
GOLD MINES and all, and where is the n.an who
will now declare in th s face of the people of Georgia
that the survey was an act of GROSS INJUSTICE
to tlic Indians, or that the distribution of the Gold
Mines by Lottery, has produced, RESTLESS IDLE
NESS, or corruption among tbe people ? II there be
rocui
interests or bis constituents, that be should not have
foreseen anil avoided so great a blunder.
It was well known at the time his Message was
written, that die Cherokees had given the most deci
ded evidence of their determination to remain where
they were—that every effort of the General Govern
ment had proved abortive; that they were encouraged
their course by a political (action in and out of
tigress, and by a sickly philanthropy, acting under
the sacred, but abused name of Religion.
All this Mr. Gilmer knew—and as a sagacious
statesman, should have known more. He should
have known, the very measure which he recommen
ded, was all the Indians asked, because if the Legisla
ture had acted upon his suggestion, and resolved that
the territory should never be surveyed and occupied
by Georgia, until they should relinquish their claim by-
treaty with the President, the question was settled,
and their title wasjeverlasting. AY itn Georgia bound not
to act until the" President should be able to effect a
Treaty, we should at this day have been a laughing
stock for the Cherokee Indians. They never would
have treated, and the citizens of Georgia would never
have occupied the lands; and this would have been our
situation to day, if the advice of Mr. G ilmcr had
prevailed.
Mr. Gilmer's advocates may, if they please, set
down the sentiments contained in this chapter, to the
kindness and benevolence of his heart, and make the
most of it, but it only goes to prove his weakness as a
statesman, and his total unfitness for the high and stern
responsibilities of Chief Magistrate of a sovereign
State; and would answer far better, ns a recomendalion
for the Presidency of a missionary society, or some
other of the thousand modern associations, embraced
under tho broad designation of “benevolent institu
tions.”
Our opponents have been called The Punch Party
—whereas foey have, by turns, styled themselves
the exclusive State Rights Party—the old Troup farty
of 1825—and tho State Rights Republican Party.
But this last appellation, it seems, docs cot suit the
opposition in Bibb County. They rallied on the 4th
in Macon under the new name of Anti Van BurcnPar
ty—One of the resloutions reads—
"Resolved, Th*t we now organize ourselves into
the Anti-Buren Party of Bibb County.” For what?—
To win over the few Union men. who have not sta
bility enough <0 observe the mask assumed by the
Nuififiers. Tbe same game has to some extent been
played in this county. Bur these chameleon resorts
will not answer.
Union men, at heart, will soon detect the stratagem.
Harping on the stale and lmcknied tunc that the
present embarrassments of the country are, in a great
measure, owing to the present administration, the
Bibbites declare that "a unity of feeling and action
founded on principle.'!! (what principle?) without
regard to old party distinctions, (whether Troup or
Clak, Union oi Nullifier) is required on the pari of
those-who have the interest of the people, &c. at
heait.” What disinterested souls ! But hear them?
In a subsequent resolution the Anti-Fan Bwcniles
of Bibb "invite all, without distinction of former party
difference, to join in what they esteem a proud, firm,
united effort to resist men who heedlessly transcend
the powers delegated by the Constitution," (how?)
“anil to establish principle.” What an admission.
Here we have a new Party, the lead* rs ‘hereof
bfofessi'ng tdbc the .exclusive followers of the princi
pte* of Jefferson, and yd, «Z ? " llole th< ? are a-
bout "to establish principle.”
Well we hope they will condescend to enlighten
the Union men who adhere to the principles of Wash
tSGTott, of jErrEBsoN, and of Madison.when their
new party succeed in “cstablishng principle."— Geo.
MR. ADAMS—tx cathedra!—This eccentric poli
tician continues to puzzle both friend and foe. No
one can count with any sort of confidence upon his
movements. No one can tell where to find him.—
Air. Biddle has been his constant correspondent.—
Through Mr. A. he has poured forth all his views an I
hopes and fears about his Bank. What must be hi*
surprise, therefore, to see Mr. A. mounting his tripod
and pouring forth the follow ing effusions, against his
suspended Institution ?—It is a part of the enswer to
an address from a Committee of his Constituents,
who have just presented hint with a gold headed cane
made from th# timbers of tho Old Constitution: "The
unrestrained pursuit of inordinate wealth, aud the a-
buse of credit, especially by the agency o< banks, arc
the proximate causes of the catastrophe under which
we are now laboring. I believe a National Bank
chartered by Congress, with a capital sufficiently largi
to control all other existing banks, and to regulate
the currency, to bo the only practicable expedient for
restoring and maintaining specie payments; bnt 1
entertain doubts, whether it should be a bank of dis
count. YVilh regard to this, my mind is not definite
ly made up. I incline mere siren ply to the opinion,
that the suspension of specie payments by such a Bank
should not only operate as an immediate forfeiture of its
charter, but be made a penal offence in the President and
Directors of the Institution ■ The violation of moral
principle, committed by a bank, in suspending specie
payments is, in my estimation, not inferior to that of
fraudulent bankruptcy in an individual.”
Strange revelations these, from the Correspondent
of Mr. Nicholas Biddle ! How, then, can he go for
the Pennsylvania Bank of the U. S., which is not on
ly a Bank of Discount, but has been guilty of theheii:
oils sin of suspending specie payments?—Rich. £n
eprircr.
of 20,000 men to Washington City, ifhe does not ad
mit the one we state, and what was the feeling enter
tained, by the individual who proposed to resist the
law of Congress at all hazards? The editor of the
Messenger is bound to answer the questions propoun
ded, in a categorical manner.
Credit.—One would snppose, from reading the
whig newspapers, thatthere was a disposition on the
part of the administration party, to destroy the pre
sent system of credits altogether. But this is entirely
false.* No party of intelligent men is so infatuated as
to suppose that commerce can be carried on without
credit. Y et it is the object of Government to reform
that species of currency which leads to abuses of the
svsteui of credit They would destroy all the abuse
of credit which has an inevitable tendency to bring
about a general banbruptcy every four or five years ,
they would prune off all the superfluous and noxious
branches of the present system ; they hope to accom
plish this object, not by destroying banks or a paper
currency but by establishing it on a specie basis; they
vvonld so far destroy credit, as to render it easy only
for the honest and the industrious to obtain its advan
tages ; they would not have it so easy that every spec
ulating knave may be enabled by it to enrich himself
upon the fruits of other men’s labors.—Boston Post.
Another whig lie contradicted.—The’report that has
been circulated so currently among tic whig-fcews-
pnpers for some time past, respecting a declaration
that was mode by Senator Walker, of Mississippi, iu
relation to Mr. Van Buren and the Specie Citcular,
has been entirely contradicted by the New Y'oik Ev
ening Post. Instead of being against that act of the
late administration, Mr. Walker says that "it.would
bo the height of folly to rescind the Treasury Circu
lar,” &c —Ala. Argus
The adversaries of tlic democratic party in the
United States, sinco the elevation of Mr. John Adams
to the Presidency, as the successor of Gen VVashing-
ton, have assumed various names. Federalists, Fed
eral Republicans, National Republicans, Whigs, &c.
&c. Bui they always avoided the appellation of
Democratic, as too vulgar, and as implying the lev
elling of all distinctions and classes in society- We
were therefore not a little surprised the other day, in
opening a Philadelphia whig paper, to find a Fourth
of July Celebration headed “Democratic Whig Festi
val.” A democratic whig festival! Are tiie whig*
democrats? Do they admit democracy in their polit
ical creed* After the abuse and slanders they have so
lavishly bestowed on the democratic party, on demo
crats, and on democracy, the federalists and the whigs
have the effrontery to assume the title of democratic
whigs!!— Aug. Com.
The whigs in New Y'ork, have nominated Daniel
YVebsteb for the next Presidency, and recommended
a National Whig Convention, to second their measure.
Consistency thou art a jewel! Who so warmly de
nounced the Baltimore Cnnventiou!! as usurping and
dictating to the people of these United Stale ? We
think the loudest yelps we heard, canto from the
quarter above mentioned.—Argus.
Mr. Biddle has continued to violate the charter of
his bank by failing to make his monthly re port. The
law made it a public document. The exposure of his
last April report, showing that he had hut little more
than a million of specie to meet at least eight millions
of immediate demands, has no doubt induced him to
conceal tho condition hf his bank, by refusing to re
port*— Globe.
let him stand f rth and proclaim it!
Let us suppose fora moment, that the Legislature
had been so blind to the interests of their constituents,
as to have taken Mr. Gilmer's advice, and postponed
the survey, until the Indians had entered into a treaty
with die President? Is dicreauy man inhissoberseascs,
who believes it would ever have been consummated ?
None who knows them; and the result offoeii ac
quiescence would have been, to Tauten the Cherokees
upon ns forever; and instead of beholding as we now
do, an interesting population of from thirty to fifty
thousand valuable citizens, the whole territory would
at this day be a "howling wilderness.”
In every aspect of the Cherokee question as it th»n
was. the advice of Mr. Gilmer to the Legislature,
gtoCd most unwise and impolitic, and could not fail to
strengthen iliC Indians iu their oppositibn to all the
measures of the Federal end Slate Governments for
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
YVith some surprise we found the following para
graph in the Macon Messenger of lust Thursday :
"We notice in the Augusta Constitutionalist of
the 4th insf the address of the Philadelphia Com
mittee to Mr. Van Bnren and his Cabinet, together
with the replies of himsell, Mr. Forsyth and Mr
YVoodburv. It is a matter, that the readers of tied
paper will at once remark that the proceedings of tbe
meeting under which that committee acted, are not
published, or the material facts of those proceedings
noticed. Can the editor of that, or of any of the Van
Bnren papers, give us the cause of this omission?—
It naturally leads to the enquiry, was the editor of
that paper so careless as to puhlifo them only in part,
or was he afraid to lay them before his readers ? No
doubt he chose to pursue the prudent policy of endca
voring to delude his readers with the idea that he had
pnblisl ed the whole, that should they hear of the objec
tionable portion of the proceedings, they world ques
tion their trnth. Probably he judged correctly, that
there were yet some honest men of his party, who
would bo unwilling to sanction the open rebellion
of raising an army of ten thousand men to sus
tain not merely the “laws of Congress,” but any
"F.XECUTIVE ORDERS” that have been , or may
be issued. None of the Van Burcn papers of Georgia
have yet published these proceedings, and it is a rea
sonable inference, that they dare not dc it. Public
sentiment calls on them to come out and let it be dis
tinctly understood, whether they approve or disap
prove of sustaining, at the POINT OF TIIE BAYOXET,
any andeveryo hder, which mpyjbe issued by Mr. Van
Bnren.”
YVe must charge the editor of that paper of wilful
ly perverting facts, or of gross ignorance of passing
events: he 16 guility of either offence, as we can easily
prove But on the other hand, what can be expected
of editors who possess the inveterate habit of misrepre
senting and designedly misconstruing whatever their
opponents write or do, and become, when it suits
their purpose Rise witnesses against their profession
al neighbors ! In our paper of the 6th of June—wore
than forty days ago—we gave an abstract of the pro
ceedings of tbe meeting in Philadelphia, and the resol
utions adopted at that meeting. Among these resol-
lutions published was the one which relates to the
organization of 10,000 men, for the protection and
iways ready to defend it.' Determined not to assault,
but always ready to repel, I have met in the street,
after ono of his fiendish tirades, the man who now
assails me from Afar, and seen his eye tremble, an. >
wa,nder. and fall—tbe unerring evidence of a guilty
conscience or a coward heart Through all these ex
citing scenes, and ever since, I have endeavored so to
perform my various duties in public and private Ijfe,
as to leave (his, persecuting spirit without apology or
pretext, relying upon the justice of my country to
shield me. from harm. Thus far I have not been disap
pointed. You know, sir, that instead of being “dri
ven from Kentucky by public indignation,” as Mr.
Wickliffe now asserts, I left tire State in triumph. J
their removal beyond our limit*! nlld it was neculiarly the defence of Che constitutio i and laws ofthe country,
itnfortunaje for his repufatiop aa fl statesman, ahd lite ^he maintenance of tho public peace. Tliesame
csoiution against published in our paper of last
Friday. This is suriicieiit'o prove that the cl|. gatiou
and insinuation of the Me.*ȣ.T' er ere futile and
unfounded, if they are not malicious.
YVhy, do not the whig presses publish those resolu
tions? Why do they not tell their readers, th*t the
republican's of Philadelphia adopted the resolutions
iitir
* Mr- Gilmer is at fault in this assertion. The sur
veyor the lands in J63I, could not, and did.not, as he
says, deprive our Indian population, entirely of their
possession.
The act of 1830 guaranteed to the Cherokees, the
peaceable possession of all their improvements of the
lots upon which such improvements were nta
follows:
Sec. 31- And be it further enacted, That :he Indians
and their descendants, who now reside upon suit
territory, and have made improvements thereon, shall
lie protected in tho quiet and peaceable possession o f
such improvements, aud of foe lot or lots] of land upon
which such improvements are made.?'
And it wqs farther provided in tjie satoe section,
“And any person or persons, who maybe the.fortnimte
drawer ot such jot or lots, upon which such residen
ces may he located, who shall, by threats, menaces or
violence remove, or attempt; to remove, any Indian
or descent, of an Indian foerofirotn, or who, either try s
person, or by agent, shall take^or attempt to take
posession of any lot of land, on which improvements
be, shall forfeit their tights to a grant, or grants, for
foe same, and such lot, or lots, shall revert to the
Stojte.”
The act containing the above extracts, was signed
by Governor Gilmer, on the 21st December, 1830,
but it seems he had entirely f.-rgotten it in November,
1831—owing we presume, to a short memory. ,
From the Southern Banner.
CLARKES V1LLF., July 121837.
On the 5th of this inat the Rev. Mr. Hawthorn, a.
minister of the Presbyterian Church, arrived at
Clarkesville by the stage. He preached in the Church
at night of that day and on the following Sabbath, and
gained the approbation and almost the admiration of
all who heard him. Those with whom he became
partially acquainted during this time esteemed him as
a Christian minister of the most eminentdegree. On
yesterday, Mr. Hawthorn, with others, xveht on a visit
to the Taliula Falls,—after the party had closed their
excursion it the Falls, Mr. Hawthorn and seme other
Gentlemen concluded to go into a beautiful basin «*f
water between two of the falls and bath,—some Ladies
being in-company, the Gentlenici spoken ofwaited
on them to some distance, leaving .Mr Hawthorn
alone at the water, intending to return and bath with
him. They did return—but only found bis clothing
on the rocks—he was gone and gone forever.
It is supposed that he went into the water and from
some circumstance unknown, sunk to rise no more.
The strictest search by a number of gentlemeu has
been made, but the body is not yet found. 'The fol
lowing lines were composed upou the melancholy
occasion—one which has spread a gloom over this
Village, and one which time will never erme from the
heart.
Thy soul, ob, Hawthorn ! at thy Maker’s call,
’Mid’st the loud thiind’rings of Tallula’s fall,
Obedient took its flight, to Heaven above,
To eve bask in thy Redeemer’s love.
What though the raging water’s boist’rons strife,
Cluick cut the fragile, tender cord, ot life;
YVliat though uo eye beheld, no ear did hear,
Thy sudden exit!—yet thy God was near.
Melhinks amidst the water’s roaring din.
Thy soul collected, and thy thoughts within;
Upturn’d thine eye to God in humble prayer,
Laid bold on faith and felt thy Saviour near.
Whilst sinking from this world’s terrestrial shore.
Down through the curling waves, to rise no more;
The stifled prayer was heard above the strife,
Receive me Lord, to Everlasting Life.
What though thy stay with us was very short ?
YVith Thee, and Death, the dreadfulbattle’efought;
The Y’ictory’s won! Tallula’s wat’ry strife,
To thee hath ope’d the gates of Everlasting Life.
WESTERN AND ATLANTIC RAIL ROAD
We have been favored with the perusal of a r "
from Col. Long to the Governor, from which tvei/***
that an experimental line of levels for twelve nri*
along one of the proposed routes for this road if*
been made by Col. Brisbance, by which it ig ascert'
cd that the summit of the ridge beyond the Chattah
clice can be reached at an average ascent of lesTti, 00 '
15 fcct.per.mile This is much more favorable it- 1
was anticipated, and settles the question as t ’ 0
practicability ofgctting to the high ground beyond
river. Other examinations vviU be made between t k!
points prescribed as limits by the Legisl.itui,, ^,"*
is possible that even a more favorable route
found than foe one alluded to, which crosses the r'b
tahoochee near Pitman’s Ferry, in Gwinnett C o^’
try. ' Ca ‘
While on jthis subject we cannot but express 0
amusement at the sensitiveness evinced by certain p
the opposition presses, because Governor Schle
thought proper to visit the Engineers at thecoZ
inencement of their operations. These well informal
editors appear to have forgotten that the law nfa
it the Governor’s duty, not only to appoint the Chitf
Engineer, but to exercise a “control atuldirectin''
over him in the oppointmenl of all such “assistant,
surveyors and attendants as may be necessary" f 0 ’
the speedy accomplishment of the survey/
Governor is tints made responsible for tbennmbtf
and aharacter of every person employed in the m
vice, and it is surely no more than natural th»»u
should wish to see and know whom be has trrsst?
Indeed, until the sutvfty and estimates are madiy thj
Governor is responsible for every thing—be fumuhes
the means of subsistence—ho makes all the contract
necessary to the survey, either by himself or »g (Dt ,
and if in the performance of these duties the pnM^
fdnns should be squandered, on him falls tbe odia®
visiting Col. Long, than if Col. L. had gone to aet|K,
Governor, ho very properly pursued that course
the interest of foe State demanded.
The assertion that the visit was to the Chtrolpp
counties, and for electioneering purposes, is nth er
unfortunate. Gov. Schley left here on one Thursdi*
and rcturnod the next, and we learn did artuaii!
penetrate near twenty miles into the country beyond
the Chattahoochee; but we fear that one week’s to u *
is too short to accomplish the vast electioneering pni.
jec's which the nullincrs so much dread We wotjj
further inform them (and we hope it will relieve their
minds of a vast weight of apprehension,) that Cor.
Schley is totally unacquainted with the usual in
practised by demagougues to gain the popular favor,
lie cannot mould himself to agree with the varying
humors and sentiments of every man he meets. Ha
principles arc honestly entertained and frankly u-
pressed—the public good is iiis object, and he pur
sues that without turning to tho right or left to see hoir
his intercsu may be affected by any particular
ure—and furthermore, if he wishes to devote hi
time to electioneering purposes, he could do it mo*
effectually at Milledgviilc, where people from evtir I
part of t hr State are constantly going, than in tjj
■ ther way. We hope, therefore, that shouldG«r
Schley deein it necessary again to pay the Engineer*
a visit, or should he even think that a few wed,.'
relaxation from the arduous duties of his office, ar^ |
a resort to the bracing nir of the up country, isossi;.
tial to preserve his health, which constant application I
has somewhat impaired—we say, should even nil this I
happen, we would beg the nullifiersnot to br alarm:. I
We shall heat their candiaale any how, and that, tu. I
by the unbiassed suffrages of the free people of Gee;- I
gin, without any personal electioneering on the pa I
of the Governor. YVe are so well satisfied of this,th: I
we would willingly grant a dispensation to their car I
didate to travel wherever he might think prop, I
fearless of the consequences wich his transcesier. I
abilities might produce upon what his modesty da:- I
acid izes as a “corropi and wicked faction,"bu: I
which “faction” he would fain win over to bis star-"
dard.” .
Horrid Outrage.—The Columbia (Penn.) Spy con
tains the following heait-rending account.oi;. a most
horrid outrage rccentlycomniitted upon a very res
pectable girl about fifteen years of age, a resident of
that village. YVe hope that this account may in . the
end prove exaggerated, but are (earful that it will not.
It see-ms that a young gentleman, who had for u con
siderable length oftime been paying his addresses to
a lair Dtilcinea, was actually surprised a few eveuings
since, by the mother of the young lady in (he very
act of bestowing upon the fair one un enraptured
kiss. But tbe most singular circumstance attending
fois.unparullel'ed outrage is, that the young lady ol-
ferod but little*resistance For the sake of human; ?y,
as well as in consideration ol the feelings of foe fiicuds
of the parties, we suppress the names and date.
because a resolution had been proposed at a media
forcibly, it it were necessary : at any
all hazards"? YVhy do they not tell their readers, that
the republicans of Philadelphia adopted these resolu
tions, because threats had been made by the whigs of rcs|
that city to. resist the post-office law, and because the
President of the United States had been threatened
with a committee of twenty thousand men from New
York, to obtain the object of the remonstrance that
was to nave been presented by that committee, «r
to puli t/own the President from his office, as well as
foe other tnembprs of foe cabinet? If the editor of
the Messenger had been wiliitig to act fairly, he would
have given tlioso explanations, which would have pla
ced the whole matter in another light than that givon
to it by tho whig editors Tho object to bo accom
plished by the organization of a legion of 10,000 men,
is explicitly stated in :he resolution adopted at the
Philadelphia meeting. We will ask the editor of the
Messenger to tell his readers what was the object in
tended to be accomplished, by sending a committee
A Veritable Ghost.—Early on Sunday n outing last,
a milk man with his two pails strung over his shoul
ders, was trudging leisurely into town to fitrui>h his
customers with their usual supplies. It was just at
that witching hour "twixt late and early," when ghost*
and hobgoblins are retreating from tbeir night can-
trip* to the grave yards, that he approached tbe Trin
ity Church burial ground. "It is time that cits should
he stirring,’ thought tbe milk man.—"\t bat o’clock
it?” said lie aloutl. A voice issuing apparently from
the grave beside hint, replied iu a low hollow tone—
"four o’clock.” The milk man was sc.-zcd with hor
ror ; the pail dropped from his shoulders, "fear lent
him wings” and away lie went vt double quick time,
with, as he thought, the ghost at his back ; nor did he
stop his flight until meeting several passers by. he
summoned courage to look over his shoulder. About
sunrise the Sexton of the Church discovered him
peering from behind a pile of lumber anxious y watch
ing for an opportunity to recover his j ails, from
one of which a drunken loafer who had taken
lodging during the night "among the tombs” was
making hi* morning’s breakfast. The answer from
the grave to the milk man’s interrogatory concerning
the time of night or rather morning, was thus satis,
factorily accounted for.—Baltimore Transcript.
Quicksilver Power.—The half hour steamer, plying
between London and Westminster bridges, emit* no
smoke, being worked by quicksilver. So says the
London Herald. “To this we may add,” observes the
N. Y Eio. “that the expansion of quicksilver by heat,
as a power for innehiuery, was a discovery of the
celebrated Lord Cochrane, now Dundonnald. He
took a vessel of800 tons, into the Mediterranean and
back, with this power; but there was some secret
specting its application which lie kept to himself;
d until we saw the above paragraph, we were not
gwarc that Jtc bad ever disclosed it.”— Gas.
Remedy against Ants—Accident has furnish
ed an excellent receipt for destroying ants. A
merchant, whose warehouse w?s infested by
these destructive insects, remarked on a sudileu
that they had deserted one particular room, and
observation having convinced him that the cir
cumstance was caused by n barrel offish oil,
which had becn’placcd there, ho tried the (experi
ment of placing some of the oil around the plants
in his garden, when he found it produced the ef
fect of driving the ants form tho place in a few
hours.—French j>aj>er.
From the Savannah Georgian.
NVelinve been gtaiilied iu the perusa, of*omc ste-1
chcs of the Cit : es of the low country of Georgia pub
lished in the Macon Telegraph.—They are wriittn b
a free and candid style, aud by a gentleman, wlio «t
believe, is every way qualified to furnish correct itjic:-
malion to the readers of that paper. But his snjmm
with us was. if we mistake not, toolimited-too btaiqfiil |
data. YVe however respect his friendly uttgerruas,
and admire the Georgian spirit which inspire fc.n I
not only to observe and suggest improvement.in cc:
city, but to awake attention to them by giving tbose
suggestions an abiding place in the columns of ifce |
Teh graph.
Although we say it, ourself, we. have seen for;
cities to compare with Savannah in beauty. It «M.
however, we think, have covered much mi.te greimc. I
The lots should have been deeper, and the’ etcru:: I
lanes, which, some might contend conduce to iL'fft* I
er circulation of air, we wish had never been !xi I
ont. As it is, they should be gradually p.xvcd, >o« |
to carry offby an inclination towards the centre
water, during the rains, which sometimes visit ns-
Our Chid is pretty severe upon our shade tiers- I
Much,-which he says, may be true of their "thmij
yard air,” Ac. but their sombte brunches .net"I
clo.-cly < nlwined with the memories of years grttcb;. I
ev -r to dispensa n gloom around vs, or forus ii>H
lieve in the poisonous odour, of which our CWdcsJ
courses. \Ve are; however, farorebie to a
lion of the forest tree in alternate, or more frcqoer.
connexion It has been the policy of our City ft' 1 -
cil, for seme years past, to rej lace* with the Olive,Od
ami other native forest tre*9 the decayed China me
Seme of cur Squares already exhibit the wi.-dta »
the measure, while others, in which the tucs ddw
succc d so weft, look, rather bare. Our row ? of tret
than which no city presents handsomer, (ifenvta
vie at el! with us,) also require constant attention.
In our hurried remarks we may forget to notite««
of the friendly suggestions of our Chid, but WC
not emit to say that our export; are estimated*
low
The 'Foreign Exports of Savannah from Oct lt«
to 1st Oct 1830 were $10,5ffi,P
Coaswise same per.od, 4,902,3k
15,469,01! I
There are on tbe river three Steam’Saw Mills fe I
lumber, mid three Steam Rice Mills. I
Our population is’estimated at eleven to 13,0-
souls.
As to the Rail Read —
It is exjiccted that hy the 15th of October eights:
and n half miles will be completed.—'The rffl**
der of the work will be pushed forward, as i»p. I
as the state of the times will admit.
During the ensuing year sixty miles will eerUtwJ 1
be completed.
YVe coincide fully iu the views of the Telegraph**’
respondent'as to the importance of a bridge ttttd
Savannah river, near this citv. . • .
Our cr.pwded columns will not permit us
more on this subject at presert, or on other nm* 1 1
suggested by the writer.
Ladies’ Hearts.—The fomale heart, as far as Of**
perience goes, is just like a new India rubber
you may pull and pull at it till it reaches out » j
long. an. 1 then let go, and it will flv right back W | -
old shape. Their hearts, are made of stout leaiM,
tell yon ; there s a plaguy sight of wear in ’em.—-
ltd Slick.
Corn Presenters.—We have been told
farmer of this town, that he has nearly 1“
young turkeys, and takes some care to <W rt
them upon Iris corn and wheat fields to
the insects, particularly the cut worm, "^'
they are very industrious in destroying
commence work before the sun is up,
the worm is on the top of the ground. ***
corn-fields have been protected from lh^ ci:t
worm, and his turnip and other crops W®
grasshoppers, by means of his turkeys,
in the Fail bring him a good price, and c° 3 * 8
a mere trifle for their feed.All fowls destro.
a great number of insects, but none are
efficient in this business as turkeys.—
Journal.
CHARACTERISTICS OF A GOOD Wfff*
A wife domestic, good and pure,
Like snail, should keep within her door.
But not like snail, in silvertrack,
Place all her wealth upon her back.
A wile should be like Echo true;
Not speak, but when she’s spoken to:
But not like Echo, stilt be heard
Contending for the final word.
Like a town clock a wife should bo,
Keep time, and regularity;
But not, like clock, harangue so clear,
That all the town her voice may hear!