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T HE n AC0M G E « K Ci 1 1 T ELEGRA 1* II.
i’l’OM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
The Second VETO Ale Mage.
favorable time, when, with the most anxious hope that the
Executive and Congress may cordially unite; some measure
of finance may be deliberately adopted, proinotive of the
To the House of representatives of the United ot ou f co ? nrnot, fcouutfy , , . .
J ' J will take this occasion to declare, that the conclusions to
ft is with extreme regret that I feel myself constrained, by j hare broiaght myself are those of a settled convic-
tic‘ duty faithfully to execute the office ol President ot the < <minded, in my opinion, on a just view of the Conrtitu-
l nited Elites, aud loth' 4 beat of my ability “re preserve, pro- | t j on . t hat in arriving at it, I have been actuated by no other
i. el trod the CoMtirotlUb of tiie United States," to m( ,|i v e or deaire than to uphold the institutions of the coun
try as they have come down t*» us from the hands of our god
like ancestors; and that I shall esteem my efforts to sustain
them, even though I perish, more honorable than to win the
applause ofmeu by a sacrifice of mv duty and my conscience
‘ JOHN TVL£U.
Washington, Sept. 9,1841.
return to liie House, in which it originated, the bill to pro
vide lor toe better callectio'i, safe keeping, and disburse
ment ut t.ie public revenue, hy means of a corporation to be
styled the if lacai Corporation of the United States," with
my written objections.
1;* my message sent to the Senate on the 16th day of
August lart, rfciuining the bill “to incorporate the subscri
ber:. lo tue Fh Bauk of the United states,’' 1 distinctly
decl irea my cwn opinion had been uniformly proclaim
ed to be «t"aiu*t the exercise “of the power of Congress to
create a National dauk to operate /ter sc over the Union,"
mid, entertaining tuat opinion, toy main objection to that bill
wao based upon the highest moral and religious obligations
of conscience an t the Constitution. 1 readily a iron, that
whilst the qualified veto with which the Chief Magistrate is
invented a ould be regarded, and was intended by the wise
men who made it a pari of the Constitution, as a good con
servative principle of our system, without the exercise of
waioh.nri important occasions,a mere representative majority
urge the Government in its legislation beyond tin* limits fixed
by its framers, or might exert its just powers too hastily or op-
pressiveiy; yet it is a powei which ought to he most cauti
ously exerted, and perhaps never, except in 4 case imminent
ly involving the public interest, or one in which the oath of
me 1’reside*ui, acting under his convictions, both mental and
in-jrai, imperiously tequirea its exercise. In such a case he
has no alternative. ife must either exert the negative pow-
er entrusted to lmn by the Constitution chiefly for its own
preservation, protection, and defence, or commit an act of
gross moral turpitude. Mere regard to the will of a majori
ty must not, in a constitutional republic like ours, control
tue sacred and ?**ieniu duly of a sworn officer. The Con
stitution it.-M-if 1 regard an* 1 cherish as the embodied and
written wilt of the whole people of the United States. It is
laei*- fixed and fundamental law, which they unanimously
piescn >e to, the public fimctioimries—their mere trustees
and servants. This their will, and the law which they have
given us as the rule ol our action, has no guard, no guaranty
ut* preservation, protection,and defence, but the oaths which
ii prc‘.**r:l»os!»> t.:e public officers, the sanctity with which they
ahull religiously observe those oaths and me patriotism with
which the people shall shield it by their own sovereign will,
which has nude the Cuiioliiulion supreme. It must be ex
e led against the will of a mere representative majority, or
not at all. .Ii is alone in pursuance ot that will that any men-
Mirc r.in reach the Prcsideiit; and to sav that because a ina
joritv in Congress have passed a bill the President should
therefore san< ti>»n it. is to abrogate the power altogether,*and
> insertion n; the Constitution a work of absolute
t en. The duly is to guanHhe fundamental will
hemselves from (in this case I admit uniiiten-
or infraction by a majority in Congress. And
in dial lig.it alone do 1 iegard die constitutional duty which
I now mot* reluctantly discharge.
is tii.o bill, now presented for my approval or disapproval,
Mieh a bill as 1 have already declared could n«*t receive it y
sanction/ Is it »ftch a bill as calls for die exercise of the ne
gative power under the Constitution? Does it violate the
Constitution by creating a National Hank to operate /ter se
oyer the I'liion? Its tide, in the first place, describes its
genet al character. It is “an act to provide - for the better
collection, Mile keeping, and disbursement of the public re
venue, oy means of a corporation to be styled the Fiscal
Coronation <>fdie Untied States'* In style, then, it is
plainly national in its'character. its powers, functions, ami
•duties arc those which pertain to the collecting, keeping
and disbursing the public revenue. The menus by which
these are lobe exerted is a corporation f to be style*! the
Fiscal Corpora!icn eft the United Stairs. "It is a corpora
tion created by tiie Congress of the United States, in i»s
character of a National Legislature for the whole Union, to
j»er»br»n the ji.scal purposes, meet the fscal wants and ex
igencies, supply 1 \etjiscal uses, an dexen thefiscut agencies
of the Treasury of the United States. Such is 11s own de- allie
•cription of itself. Do its provisions eontradht its title?
They do not. It is true that, hy it» first section, k provides
that it shall be established in the District of Columbia; but
the amount of its capital—die manner in which its stock is to
be subscribed f<?r and held—die persons and bodies, corpo
rate aud politic, by whom its stock may be held—the ap-
j»nintn»eiitof its directors, and their powers and duties—its
funtiauiental articles, especially dint to establish agencies in
any part of the Union—the corporate powers and business of
such agencies—the prohibition of Congress to establish any
other eoi j oration with similar powers for twenty years, with
express reservation in the same clause to modify or create ^ ho
to rende
BUperero^atio
of die pg 'plc
Correspondence of the N. Y. Herald.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 6, 1841.
CONDITION OF THE HANK MEN—FISCAL CORPORATION—
Grand design fkustkated-The Veto—The Cabinet
—Propriety of Resignation.
The ultrn bank men are almost in despair. The news of
the death of the old Philadelphia harlot comes upon dieir
hopes like a wet blanket on a burning brush heap. They
afe actually smothered. The country is never again to be
cursed with such an engine of fraud and corruption. The
sagacity, the stern integrity of President Tyler lias crushed
at once ami forever, all the bright expectations of die specu
lators. It is doubtful whether the real design of the men
who brought forward the last bank project will ever be suf
ficiently developed to expose them in their true light to the
people. Ii was a desperate effort to resuscitate the fortunes
1 of the speculators and stock jobbers at the expense of die
people, who were ruined by the mismanagement of the old
Hank of the United States. The contemplated modus op-
erandi will be the subject of a future communication. It is
enough for the present to sav that the bills in the hands of
the President furnishes ample means for accomplishing this
object; and if the Executive sanction could have been pro
cured, either by cajolery or intimidation, the existence ot the
Hank of the United Stares would have been prolonged, and
within one month from the payment of the first instalment of
the “Fiscal Corj>orntioii," the new institution would have
been under the unlimited, undisputed control of the very
men who have permitted twenty-nine millions to be thrown
away on corrupt politicians and presses.
Thanks to President Tyler*the flagitious schemes of these
men are blown to the winds, and the evil which at one time
was impending, is forever averted- There was a period
w hen the danger was imminent; but the sagacity of the Pre
sident is equal to his intrepidity. It was only necessary that
the design should be arrested, aud detent was alike inevita
ble, final, fatal. Before another session of Congress, the
names of the drawers and endorsers of the twenty -nine mil
lions of suspended paper of the Philadelphia bank, very iit-
ileof which, die committee of investigation says, is of a
'* mercantile character," MUST be given to the public. This
ex|K).s:>re will cover with shame and confusion a large p
don < f the prominent men of die party who are now most
clamorous for a bank, open the eyes of the people to die na
ture aud design of their clamor, and preclude die idea of
the establishment of a similar institution during the present
generation.
The bank bill will be returned on Wednesday or Thurs
day, with a \Vto message, the House of Representatives,
where the bill originated. The Clay men have held a cau
cus, and*decided that it will be best to rereive the message
without any particular demonstrations of hostility to the Pre
sident. Their animosity has cooled down to a* calculation
of chances. They think it wiser to receive the message
w rh some deference for the character and position of the*
President, by which course of proceeding, it irfhoped, a dis
solution of the cabinet may be prevented. In this way, tbev
propose respectively to return to thrir constituents, and by
a common movement arouse the people against Mr. Tyler,
while they are still in league with the cabinet. They* are
to return to the, siege in the shape of indignation meetings,
newspaper denunc iation, and odier affiliated hostile move
ments, extending all over the country, w hile in the inte rval
of a calm of a few* weeks, it is hoped the President will, in
his great good nature, confide die keys of the fortress to their
il his secret enemies
it might lead to an immediate breaking op of die Cabinet,
and these magnanimous gentlemen might lose nil future
chance of getting offices. The people, too, might come out
in the majesty of th**ir strength, in defence of the indepen-
dence of die Presidential office, and iu a pi a use of John
Lank for the District ol Colombia, so that the aggregate
rapitril s!iill not exceed five millions; without enumerating
otner features wbieh are equally distinctive and characteri
stic, clearly show that it cannot be regarded ns other than a
Rank of the United States, with powers seemingly more
limited than Lave heretofore been granted to such an insti
tution. L-operm.es /terse over the Union, by virtue of the
Unaided and, in my view, assumed authority of Congress as
a National Legislature,as distingtiislrdde from 11 bank cre
ated by Congress as the local Legislature of the Dis
trict. Every United States Bank heretofore created has
had power to deal in bills of exchange, as well as local dis
counts. Until were trading privileges conferred, and both
we. • exercised, by viiue of the aforesaid power of Congress,
over the whole Union. The question of power remains un
changed'without reference to the extent of privilege grant
ed. If this proposed Cor[»oratu>B is to be regarded as a local
bank ol the District of Columbia, invested by Congress with
general powers to operate over the Union, it is obnoxious to
.still stronger objections. It assumes that Congress may in
vest a local institution with general or national powers.
With the same propriety that it may do this in regard to a
bank' of the District of Columbia, it may to a State bank.
Vet who can indulge the idea that this Government can
rightfully, by making a State bank its fiscal agent, invest it
w ith the absolute anil unqualified powers conferred by this
bill? When I come to look at the details of the bill, they
do not recommend it strongly to my adoption. A brief 110-
» of its provisions jyill suffice.
Tyler’s cool courage. The cabinet, one and all, are hard
at woik to allay all open evidence of a rupture, and counsel
ling their friends to go home, ami rouse tiie stan. lard of re
volt their, while there ow n efforts are directed to under
mine and circumvent the President here. This is their game
Id have believed that high minded and honora-
It may justify substantially a system of discounts of
objectionable character. It is to deal iu bills of
; drawn in one State and payable in another, with-
■estraint. The bill of exchange may have an un-
me to run. and its renewability is no where guar-
:.-t. It may, in fact; assume the most objection able
1 ‘ - com 1 nod at i on paper. It is not required to n st on
ble men, for such members of the cabinet ought to be, would
thus concert a system of party movements by which to des
troy the very man, at whose will they hold their offices and
w ho is constitutionally responsible for all their official acts ?
What treachery ! What ingratitude ! Why do they not
act like men, and at once give in their resignations, and suf
fer the President touring to his aid such men as lie has con
fidence in—men or. whom he can throw a portion bf the la
bor he is now obliged to discharge himself? Nothing ean
exceed the industry of the President. He rises early and
retires late. Every hour oftheday is devoted to his duties.
He is compelled to look over papers, and d eide on a great
mass of matters that would be handed over for the action of
the Secretaries, if they were men really his friends ; but he
knows full well the secret objects the leading members of
his cabinet have in view, and of course he is constrained to
do almost every thing himself. This is the reason that the
government has come so nearly to a stand still.
Five months have already passed, and no one branch of sa,,ie ln<
tiie national administration is yet fairly under way. How*
long will the country’ suffer this interminable interruption
of the governmental machine ? There is a total absence of
all energy in every branch of the government. The cause
of all this is obvious. The President end his Cabinet are
mutually mistrustful of each other—there is, there can be no
cordial, confiding co-operation between them. The Cabi
net are playing the game of the President’s enemies, and
desire nothing so much as his defeat and dishonor. The
President stands boldly up to his duties, but lie has neither
a clear field nor a fare fight. He can neither serve his conn-
tiy well, nor promote his own honor and popularity. It is
evident that he must fall before the difficulties and enemies
which surround him, if he does not get the aid of a Cabinet
with whom he accords in principle, and w ho will cheerfully
and zealously devote themselves to the duties of their res
pective offices, instead of calculating how they can benefit
themselves, or the President’s rivals, by every appointment,
every contract, every disbursement ofthe public monies. As
the thing works now, the President is forced to play into
Mr. Clay’s «r Mr. Webster’s hands. The Cabinet know
that the President feels this to be his jmsitiofi, am! yet they
do not, will not, resign. They stimulate the afiiialed pres
ses from one end of the union to the other to attack ami pros
trate every man and every press that dares to speak of the
executive or an indepe ml ant branch of the government, or
to defend his motives in the discharge of Ins constitutional
duties. Look at the dictatorial tone and language tf the
Richmond Whig, the Boston Atlas, the Wall street press,
and others—papers that have always defended Mr. Web
ster and Mr Ul.iy-s-thcse are the papers which are the most
bitter and tiie roost insolent in their'attacks upon Mr. Tyler
and his friends. Who can doubt that these papers are
prompted to the course the pursue by Mr. Webster and Clay.
Will any body believe that the Atlas, the American, or the
Commercial Advertiser would come out as they d > against
President Tyley, if they knew they were acting against Mr.
Webster ? No—it cannot be so. Mr. Clay is pretty open
—lie likes a fair fight, but Mr. Webster, who is every inch
First,
the niosi
out any
limit.**! i
. ded agai
form of i
aoy actual, real, or substantial exchange basis ; a drawer in
•ne place becomes the acceptor in another, and so, in turn,
the acceptor may become the drawer, upon a mutual under-
L-fanding. It may, at the same time, indulge in mere local
discount* under the name ol'bdls of exchange. A bill drawn
fft Philadelphia on Camden, New Jersey; at New York oa
a border town in New Jersey; at Cincinnati on Newport,
iu Kentucky; not to multiply other examples, might, for any-
ming ititbh Dill torestrain it, become, a mere matter of lo
cal accommodation. Cities thus relatively situated would
posse, s advantages over cities otherwise situated, of so de
cide.! a « Laracter as most justly to excite dissatisfaction.
deconJ. .There is no limit prescribed to tiie premium in
the purchase of bills of exchange, thereby correcting none of
the evils under which the community n« w labors, and oper
ating most injuriously upon the agricultural States, in which
t!:e irregularities’in the rates of exchange are most severely
felt. Nor are these-the only consequences. A resumption
of specie payments by the banks of those States would be
liable to indefinite postponement; (hr, ns the operations of
the agencies in the interior would ehieffy consist iu selling
bills of exchange, and the purchases could not be made in 1
specie, or the notes-of banks paying specie, tiie 5flate banks , a coward, stabs the President through friends whom he af-
wnuJd either have t<> continue* with their doors closet!, or j f«*cis to disavow.
exist at the mercy of this nation d monopoly of brokerage. | There is a twofold motive in the course meditated by the
Nor can it bo passed over without remark, that whilst the . bank men in Congress, and their coadjutors in the Cabinet.
1) * ict of Columbia is made the seat of tiie principal bank, j They know that the President will eventually constitute
his political household of his friends—men who will give
him a disi me rente* 1 and cordial support; but mistaking tneir
own position and the sentiment of the people*, they intend to
compell him todismise his present Cabinet, in the expecta
tion dial the act will be unpopular. This is one motive.
Add Vi this an inordinate love for the honor and emolument
of station, and a desire to pervert their official influence to
the purposes of selfish aggrandisement hereafter, and you
have an explanation ofthe anomalous circumstance of men
of reputation ami character holding on to office, w hile it in
volves personal degiedntion; and indicates a total want both
of self respect and wbaf iu due to the President of the Uni
ted States.
We shall see how long this state of things will be submit-
t<*d to. Every independent and just thinking man, wiih no
sinister pur|>ose to subserve, regards the course mnteinpla-
by the Cabinet as incompatible with propriety or a high
sense of honor, and the early resignation of Mr. Crittenden
is confidently anticipated.
Correspondence of the Charleston Mercy ry.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 10.
To-day the vote w r as taken on tiie Hank Hill under the ve
to, and of course was lost for want of the two-fhirds to carry
it. AU the speeches ofthe whigs were characterised by the
utmost bitterness, and clearly indicative of an entire separ
ation from Tyler.
All tire Cabinet have resigned except Webster sad
Granger. It is said Mr. Adams and some others waked on
Mr. Webster and remonstrated stronglv with him agairst
resigning in the present state of our foreign relations. Hut
other reasons are assigned for his holding on. I think all
will go oat.
It is said the Senate is making good woik with tiie aboli
tion nominations.
WASHINGTON, Sept. II.
In Senate this morning. Mr. King presented the proceed
ings of a large meeting of the Democrats of Albemarle eoun-
ly, Ya. in opposition to the measures of the dominant party
in Congress, and asserting the right of repeal, which were
ordered to be printed. Mr. Tappan presented the proceed
ing of the citizens of Knox county, Ohio, of like tenor, which
w’ere slso ordered to be printed. The Diplomatic bill was
taken up, Hie House having disagreed to the amendment
striking out the mission to Naples. Mr. Mangum mo/ed
that the Senate insist sn its amendment, and spoke with
much earnestness in favor of the motiou. He was replied
ro by Messrs. Rives, King, Clay of Ala. and Walker, when
the question was taken, and the. Senate receded : so the mis
sion stands, as recommended “by the Executive. The reso
lution to employ a corps of reporters was ordered to a third-
reading—ayes 26,-noes 11. A message was received from
the House sraring that it had passed a resolution to adjourn
on Monday next. Mr. Tappan moved that the Senate oon-
cnr. Mr. Frcston said he would propose as an amendment
to the resolution ofthe House the following:
Resolved, That die a<*t of '89 to establish a Treasury De^
parturient, and the resolution of 1816. do not provide suffi
cient regulations f*»r the custody and disbursement of the
public treasure, and that Congress ought not lo adjourn until
others aie provided.
"Resolved. That it is expedient to provide by law for the
deposite of the public funds in specie paying banks of the
States, under such terms and restrictions as may best secure
their safe custody, and amelioarte the currency and exchan-
gas of the country.
“Resolved, That a select Committee be raised to report
a bill accordingly."
Mr. 1*. said that it was perfectly clear from the last Veto
Message of the President, that no Hank uf the United States
could be established during the present Administration, and
it was necessary and proper that some measure should be
adopted which would place the public treasure in the cus
tody of the law'. He always bad been, and still was, oppo
sed to the union of the purse and the sword in the hands of
one man, and he hoped Congress would not adjourn until
they had adopted some plan which would meet the appro
bation of the President, and remedy this state of things.
Mr. Buchanan followed, ami expressed his concurrence
in the opinion of Mr. P. that there was no hope ofthe estab*
lisllineut of any National Hank, or corporation, with private
stock holders, as loiitf as John Tyler shall continue to be
President of these United States. He congratulated die
country upon this auspicious event. He believed that it
would he hailed with pleasure by a majority of the people
ofthe United States. Business would now flow in the reg
ular channels of trade, without being disturbed by political
agitations respecting the currency and the establishment of
a National Bank. While he preferred the Independent
Treasury '.o every other mode of keeping the public money,
he was disposed, for one, to adopt any reasonable middle
course which might be suggested by the President at the
next session, provided that it kept entirely clear of the es
tablishment of any banking corporation of any description.
Mr. Walker expressed similar views. As to the 8tnte
Bank deposite system, it was the worst which could be de
vised by die ingenuity of man.
At the request of Mr. Clay, who said that he wished the
Revenue Bill, which was now in suspense between the two
Houses to be disj>osed of, before they decided on adjourning,
the whole subject was laid on the table until to-morrow.
in the House, Mr. Dawson announced that the difficulties
between Messrs. Wise and .Stanley had been arranged ami
cably and honorably. The order of the day was then taken
up, being the consideration ofthe veto .message of the Pres
ident, Mr. Botts opened the ball, ami led off’by stating that
lie had accused the President of treachery amf perfidy, ami
he now meant to prove iL This was the burden of his
speech, and more absurdity, scurrility and twaddle have
seldom been uttered in one brief hour than were perpetra
ted by Botts to-day. He was replied to by Mr. Gilmer, who
used the lash most unsp iriugly, and ably defetide i the
President from the imputations of his colleague. Mr. Proffit
took similar ground. Mr. Jones of Md. assumed a moderate
tone towards the President and preached harmony, Ac., they
might differ with the President but need not quarrel with
him. Mr. Lane, of la. Mr. Mason, of Ohio, and Mr. Thomp
son, of Indiana, on the other hand took strong ground against
the President, denouncing him as traitorous, perfidious, ac
tuated by unholy ambition, Ac. The question was then ta
ken on passing the bill, notwithstanding the veto, ami the
vote was, a^es 10J; nays 80 ; so two thirds not voting for
it, the bill was lost. The House then adjourned.
The course pursued in the House to day is indicative of
the deterininati m of the Whigs in caucus last night, and
that is war to the knife with the President. The Cabinet
w ill probably resign to-day, the only .difficulty being the te
nacity with which Webster and Granger cling to office.
From Che Charleston Courier.
WASHINGTON, Sept. 10.
The House was filled to overflowing at an early houryes-
terday. Tiie lobbie^xvere crowded, and a vast amphithea
tre ol heads, rising one above another, appeared in the gal
leries. Nearly every Senator was also present—all were
expectins, wilt great interest, the second veto. *
At 12 o’clock the Private Secretary of the President an
nounred “ a message in writing," and handed it, together
with the “ Fiscal Corporation" bill, to the Speaker. The
message was then read by the Clerk. At some passages a
smile of pleasure ami triumph paased over the countenances
ol the opposition. The wings looked grave enough, mid
some could scarcely repress their feelings of disdain and
of exchange, which they were enabled to obtain by making
money plenty.’’ He says further—‘It is. however, in the
interference with the foreign exchanges of a country that the
power of banks is most lo be deprecated. Upon every
view ofthe subject we have been able to take, we consider
all profits made hy the bank upon its foreign exchange tran
sactions. beyond a fair charge for guarantee and brokerage
Yor bringing buyers and sellers toeether, as n tax upon the
consumption of the country, for which no equivalent service
is rendered. We also consider its dealing in exchange and
accumulating large stocks in Europe, which can only be
done, we apprehend, by extra issues of pa per, prejudicial
to the currency and consequently lo the nation, is de
structive of the only imaginable check upon overtrading
and overbanking,inasmuch as it conceals for long per
iods together the real state of the competition of the mar
ket, the only guide by which merchants and Banks can-
re gu late their transaction with advantage to the coun
try."
It is said that in the facilities afforded to trade by the Banks
doling in exchange, the public have overlooked tiie mischief
which results from the practice. The Bank of the U. 8.
introduced the custom which has become so general among
the Banks and went so far as to ship specie to be drawn a-
gainat, thus lessening the value of that currency which she
had been created to restore and preserve. Ami if it is made
the duty of the proposed Bank to deal only in exchange,
what security will the country have for its abstaining from
all those courses and arrangements which disturb the natur
al course of trade and the soundness ofthe currency* The
stockholders will take the stock, select their Directors to
make money, and will nodoubt make it by hook or by crook,
even by contracting the currency at the South when purchas
ing Exchange, and after having monopolized and transfer
red it to the north by expanding when about to sell it to the
importers; thus reducing in the same operation the prices of
Cotton and advancing those of the Imports, ami so compell
ing the planter to take less for his co'ttou, and to pay more
for the lurcigu articles which lie consumes.
A GEORGIAN.
Were the Clav men to denounce tiie President just now r . t ' se ", t,1, ‘’ nt - i‘ a » 10 , tlie reception of the veto
• • • • *- • • • - - J ’ that toe loco toCos are delighted w^jh it.
Tlie message was ordered to be entered on the journals &
printed, and the bill to be “ considered" at 12 o’clock this
day-
The House, deeply agitated as it was, ought then to have
adjourned, in order that the excitement might abate a little,
before they proceeded to business ; but they went on with
a consideration of the amendment of the Senate striking out
the appropriation for Naples. As it w as to be expected, a
spark of tire, elicited in the debate, fell upon combustible
materials. Wr. WI8E and Mr. Stani.f.y quarrelled aud
lought on the floor, and a general riot and fight were the im
mediate consequence. Mr. Wise passed over to‘Mr. Stan
ley’s seat to remonstmte with him, as Mr. W. says concern
ing his language, but Mr. S. says he caine to scold with an
insolent air. Words soon got hot. Mr. Wise asked him to
leave the Hall, and turned to go out. Go your own way,
said Mr. Stanley, you know wbnt 1 have said, take your
course,or words to that effect. Mr. Wise returned and said,
“you are beneath my contempt." Mr. S. replied, “you are
a d d liar." Mr. W. then struck Mr. 8., who received
the blow, not in the face, at which it was aimed, but under
the ear and jaw. Mr. S. struck three nr four violent blows
at Mr. W , before he could recover fiiinself, and then seized
him to throw him down ami beat ami stamp on him. Mr.
Dawson and others, got hold of Mr. 8 and pulled him off*.
J lull ot the members w*ere in an instant crowding around
the combatants, mounting upon the tal les, and overturning
each other, uttering the most violent exclamations. At the
same moment, Mr. W. O. BtTf.F.R, of K\\, ami Mr. Ar
nold, of Tenn., were engaged in a close and apparently
deadly conflict. 8everal other members bud clinched.
M eanwliile the 8peaker hud taken the Chair, and began to
shout "order," and several members interposed to quell
the riot. The combatants relaxed their hold, or were pulled
apart, and, the next moment, Mr Wise, who had resumed
1 is seat, was heard, in a perfectly composed lone, addressing
the House, and representing that lie had received n word
from Mr. Htanlev, w hich lie would never brook in any place.
Mr. 8tanley said be slwuld not apologize to the House—he
had done uothing in violation of its order. He recited the
facts, and added that, if the House had not interfered, he
would have punished the gentleman in the severe manner
that his insolence deserved.
Mr. Andkkms proposed to expel Mr. Wife, on the spot
and some cried, ** agreed."—but a resolution bad been pre-
iisly offered by Mr. Undersold to appoint a committee to
investigate the circumstances, which w as agreed to.
citizens are excluded from all participation in any benefit
i: might afford by a positive prohibition on the bank from
all discounting within the District.
T;n\se ui* some ofthe objections which prominently exist
sg ii 1st the details ofthe bill; others might 1 eurg^i, ofuHich-
fwrre but it would be unprofitable to dwell upon ibcm; suf
fice it to add, that this charter is designed to continue for 20
years, v. itliout a coinjietitor; that the defects to which I have
alluded, being founded on the fundamental law ol’tlie corpo
ration, are irrevocable; and that if the objections be well
•bunded, it would be overhozardous to pass the bill into a
haw. •
In conclusion. I take leave most respectfully to say, that I
I-Hve felt tiie most anxious solicitude to meet the wishes of
t -mgrcr-s iu the adoption of a Fiscal Agent, which, 4 voiding
all constitutional objections, should harmonize conflicting
opinion ;. Actuated by this feeling. I have been ready to
v >!d inuch. in a spirit of conciliation, to the opinions of
others; aud it is with great pain tint I now feel compelled
to.differ from Cougu*<w a second time iu the same session.
At the commencement of this session, inclining from choice
to differ to the Legislative will. 1 submited Co Uongrcas the
propriety of adopting n Fiscal Agent which, without viola
ting the Constitution, would separate the public money from
tie Executive control, ami perform the operations ofthe
freas** **v, without being burdensome to the People or inrou-
ver o ut or expensive to the Government. It is deeply to be
regretted that this department of the Government cannot,
upon.constitutional ana other grounds, concur with the Le-
e' 1 dative Department in this last measnre pnqmscd to attain
i lie- e dt Treble objects. Owing to the brief spare he.
tween the period of the death of my lamented predecessor
md my ovax iastsllation into office,* I was, in fact, not left
tune to prepare and submit a definitive recommendation of
my own in my regular message; and. since, my loino has
been wholly occupied in a mo>t anxious attempt to conform
my action totfie Legislative will. In this eoramunica’itm, I
am confined, 1»v the Constitution, to my objection* simply to
this bill, but the period of the regular session wHl soon ar
rive, when it will be.my duty, under another clause cf the
Constitution, “ to give to Congress information of the state
of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such
measure? ** 1 .dmll judge necessary and expedient." And
I must respectfully submit, in arpirit of harmony, whether
the present difference of opinion should he pressed further
at tins time, and whether the peculiarity of my situation
decs uot entitle me ti- a postponement of this subject to a
m**re auspicious period for deliberation.
The two honsea of Congress have distinguished them
selves at this extraordinary session by the performance of
an tinmens# nursi* cf labor, at a season very unfavorable both
to health and action, and have passed many laws which I
trust v. il piove highly beneficial to the interest ofthe coun
try. and fully answer it* just expectations. It has been mv
good fortune an.-l pleasure to concur with theia-iu all iuea-
Mires, except this; and why should «.ur differen *e on this a-
Lme Le pushed to e'xtremes? It is my anxious desire
li.at it should not be. I, too, have been burdened with ex
traordinary labors of lute and I sincerely desire time for
been and deliberate reflection on ttii*. the greatest difficulty
•f mv administration. May we imt now pause until a mote
From the Srvannah Georgian.
PRESIDENT TYLER—THE CURRENCY—AND
A UNITED STATES BANK*
NO. 3.
There lias been presented a clear view of the powers of
the Bank ofthe United States, from the Report of the late
Mr Stephen Elliott, to the Bank ofthe State of South Caroii-
It is much to be regretted, that lie did not live to por
tray with his honest and unbiassed, his clear and forcible
pen, bow those powers were, and could be exercised. If be
had lived until this day, w hen the revival of such an In-
stitutti>u is agitated, the country would-doubtless have been
ulightened arid benefitted by bis distinct observation and
clear view of the action of the United States Bank and its
effects njion the country during the whole time of its exis-
•e as well as those of its untowaid beginning and the
commencement of its restoration by Mr. GllfVCS. He would
have seen through his well balanced and observing mind
whether Mr. Biddle who received the Bank from Mr. Oheves
under the most favoiable auspices—the difficulties ofthe
currency having been worked through in great distress by
the country, and the Bank, restored to soundness and pros
perity by the good management of Mr. Cheves—did not owe
much of his reputation for management, ami the Bank, its
character for regulating the currency, to the smooth sea and
gentle breezes which always follow and precede a storm, on
the commercial as well as nature's ocean, and how far he
and the Bank were assistants in producing the revulsion un
der whose eff ects the commercial world still groans. There
is but little doubt but wliat it can be shown that bis manage
ment of the Bank w as instrumental both passively and active
ly, ir» assisting to bring about the troubled State of our cur
rency and commerce, and particularly through dealing in ex
change—tiie very principle and power on which the |m
c in ns propose to found a new Rank. Kxchangc is con
sidered the commercial barometer, which indicates at
once, either an excess of imports, or a depreciated cur
rency. Mr. Condy Raguet says that exchange may be
looked upon as the beam of a pair of scales, very nicely bal
anced, ami employed in- ascertaining tiie value from day to
day ofthe imports and exports of a country. “The slightest
departure from the equilibrium shows itself in the fall and
rise in the price of bills, and the assayer of the mini does not
keep bis eyes more steadily fixed upon the balance in which
he weighs his gold than should the merchants keep theirs
fixed upon tine rate of exchange." So dangerous are the
operations of Banks in exchange, to the natural course
of things that neither the Bank of England nor the Bank
of France are permitted to deal in exchange. Banks
ran at once destroy the balancer upset the beam, and
bio w sky h igk the ba ro meter.
This the United States Bank did whendealing in exchange,
stocks ami bonds. Both the natural state of the currency
and tiie rate of exchange weie disturbed. In her purchas
ing stocks she made the currency redundant with the bills
issued to pay for them, and the increased quantity of ex
change put upon the market on their sale in Europe destroy,
ed the natural commercial rate of exchange. These are the
natural effects of such operations. How far she lessened
the price of exchange when about to purchase and enhanced
it when about to sell, we have neither examined nor esti
mated, but the Banks of the South, who were her rivals so
far ns she would permit in the purchase of exchange, can
probably very readily tell. 8he could and no doubt did
| contract her «wn issues and the currency too, when she
wanted to buy and tints lessen the price of exchange, and
when she had monopolized it and was desirous of selling,
did expand and make money plenty, and thus advance again
the rate of exchange. “This mischievous tendency of Banks
dealing in exchange," says Condy Raguet, “is greatly aug
mented where Banks have branches or enter into extensive
combinations for a united system of action."
To exemplify, h«* “supposes a large Bank in a northern ci
ty w ith branches or agencies at the principal southern ports,
of sufficient extent of capital to operate upOUtlie value of tiie
currency at those ports. Let the »*otlier bank, at the sea
son for shipments of Cotton, give orders to itf* branches to
buv the bills drawn upon these shipments at the clieapest
rates they can be obtained at. Any one can peicelve at a
gdance, that the withholding of discounts for a few days will
make money scarce, (and we add the more so if they, like
the United States Bank, had the power to press the local
banks,) and hereby depress the price of bills below the pre
vious rate. At this new rate the brauches may buy and
transmit their bills to the mother bank, which, in a short
time after is drawn upou by the branches at a higher rate
From Ike Georgia Argus.
Messrs. Editors.—I was sitting in iny room the other
night, reflecting upon the great amount of crime that is in the
country ; after I went to bed, and had fallen asleep, my
mind, being as I suppose, full of tliesfe thoughts, I dreamed
that the day of judgment load come, and that we were all
called up to “render an account of our stewardship. ’ The
first man called upon for an account of his life was a Bank
Director. Come says the J udge, let me hear how you have
spent your time. He answered that he had been engaged
in various wavs, until a few years past, when he became a
Director of a Bank, since which time, lie hall entered into
a great tnhny speculations by which his time aud attention
ha<l been so much engaged tiiat he had but little leisure to
devote to any thing else, but that in the capacity of Direc
tor, he had done much good; had often voted loans for the
accommodation of his friends when they w ere in want of
money, and more particularly, if there was an opening for a
good speculation, and that he had all the while endeavored
to the best of his ability to sustain the credit of the Bank »V
the public interest. The Judge asked him, if he had fairly
and honestly paid iutp the Bank, all the money that he had
professed to the w orld to have paid ? The question appear
ed rather to confuse him; but after a little' hesitation, he an
swered, “ I can’t say, may it ph ase yonr honor, that I did,
wliat vour honor would call fairly pay it all in ; I gave my
note lor it though, and intend to pay it in whenever it should
be necessary, but I thought I saw a chance to make a great
speculation, and borrowed the money from the Bank to do
it, the speculation failed, a d I could not pay the money
back, aud—“ in consequence of which" interrupted the
Judge, “the bank failed." Not failed exactly your honor,
but only*suspended. That is, you did not pay ? \Ve diJ'nt
pay specie, but sometimes we gave the bills of other banks,
and sometimes w*e gave exchange at a reasonable pjetnium.
that is, at the current ratefc. Judge—By that I suppose you
mean, that if you had money where \our creditor wanted it
you w’ould not give it to him, unless ne w ould take off* from
13 to In per cent, of w hat you owed him, when if you had
given him the money at home, it would not have cost him
more than two per cent, to carry it there himself? Direc
tor—We made the best bargain we could. Judge—And
sometimes you gave orders for the money w’ben you did not
have it there, and made him take off* 10 or 12 per cent for it.
Director—We did sometimes give what we called time
checks, when we did not have the money there, but w*e al
ways expected to have it there by the time the cheek would
run to maturity. Judge—And this if wliat you call being
very honest, to make promises with which you are not able
to comply, relying upon the chance that you may not be cal
led on to fulfil them, and when you aie called on. compel
your creditor to lose a large portion of his debt before you
will pay—you may go for the present. I shall consider* of
your case.
The uext in order was n merchant—Upon being imeroga-
ted he said lie belonged to the most important and useful
class of society, that he had furnished with the necessaries
and comforts and luxuries of life, that the world wns depen
dant upon him for its civilization, and for most of its enjoy
ments, and sre.itcd to be branching out into an eulogy upon
himself; when thejudge stopped him, and told him lie
wanted to know iu wliat manner he had discharged the
duties of what he appeared to consider so important a station
He replied, that lie had bought and sold a great many goods;
that he had been very careful to sustain bis credit abroad ;
that he met all bis bills punctually, had dealt honestly with
his creditors, and kept correct books. It was true lie said,
iu making bis entries he took advantage of all the halt*cents,
nml such small matters; that when he sold an article for
I2J cents, he charged it 13; these were small matters of no
importance to his customers, but in a large business, w ere
of great advantage to him in the course of the year; it paid
postage, and in linies wlmn the batiks paid specie it saved
liirn all his exchange, and iu the latter part of his time, it bad
been the more necessary, because exchange was so high ;
he had too, sometimes said more in praise of his goods than
in strict conformity with the truth, but that was so common
that nobody thought anything of it; but there is one thing
that some of inv neighbors Use to do, that 1 never was guilty
of; dull was having false scales and weights. 1 sold 8
pounds of sugar for a dollar, he pretended to sell 8j, but 1
weighed it several times when his customers would come in
and tel) me about il, and they bad only 7£; that I call deal
ing. Judge—Tell me what is the difference between that
and selling an article for 12j cents*and charge 1J. You
sell a man during the month 8 spools of thread at Inland
charge him 13. When he tomes to pay you it is 104 instead
of 100 cents ; the other cheats his customer out of 3 cents
in a dollar worth ol sugar, and you cheat yours out of *1 cents
in a dollars worth of thread. Merchant.— I acknow ledge 1
did not look upon it in that light. Judge—That was because
you did not apply the same rule in judging of your neighbor
as of yourself. Go; you shall have your sence in due time.
The next in order was a lawyer—Being called on, he
commenced, “May it please the court, and you gentlemen
of the jury;" but looking round and seeing no jury, here-
collected himself, and told the judge that as the proceedings
of the court were rather out of the usual course of judicial
proceedings, to which lit had 1 een accustomed, he would
thank the Court to iufortu him w liat charges had been made
against, and by wliat 'testimony they were to be supported.
Thejudge replied, that it was not necessary, either to make
charges or introduce testimony, but that his ow n sta'emeut
would be sufficient. Then said lie, I have as your honor
knows, d.evoted my life to the practice of the law ; I have
often defended the poor and friendless without fee or rew ard
and I w as always faithful to my clients, and managed their
cause to the best of my ability. That I have sometimes de
fended the guilty, I acknowledge ; and if they escape pun
ishment it was not my fault, but the fault, either ofthe law,
the testimony or of the jury. Thejudge here stopped him,
ami told him as he seemett to be fond of talking, lie would
hear his case* more at'lns leasure.
The next in order was a man whose employment I did
not kuow ; when called upon to auswer, be trembled all o-
ver, and his face began to give aud stretch in every direction
like iiulia rubber; it worked all over; he appeared lobe
unable to speak, and when all around were looking out for
some awful confession of guilt, he broke out in a great shout*
I thank G«ul, said lie, that I have lived for many years in his
service, I went regularly to church, and attended all the
meetings, and 1 hardly* ever went to meeting without getting
happy. “ That was all very well," said the judge, but how
did you discharge your duties to your fellow man ? Did
you deal justly with all ? Did you exercise rhnritv ? Did
you bear no false witness against your neighbor ? fcpenk no
unmerited evil of him ? Cherish no unchristian spirit to
wards him ?" Long before thejudge had finished his ques
tions, all traces of triumph had departed from the poor fel
low's face ; it looked ns if some fearful vision had suddenly
broke upon him; as he answered, “ i have never before
viewed these things in the light in which they now present
themselves to me. I feel now that I did not deal justly with
all, lor I spent in extravagant living, money that belonged of
right to tny creditors. I see now that I did not always ex
ercise charity, for I sometimes attributed to men motives
which I knew did operate upon them. Yes, I plead guilty
to it all ; I went out into and mingled in its strifes, worked
up iny evil passions against my neighbors, and pursonded
myse’f that I was governed by my love of virtue, I thought
it was all right as long as I could go to church and get my
good feelings excited enough to enable me to shout ; but I
find now, that I was more zealous in hunting out the faults
of my neighbors, than is.* feriting out the wickednens of mv
own heart. Alas! woe is me thejudge waved hi? hand
for him to depart. Many others were examined,hut 1 have
written you enough for the present. In my next number, I
will give you the examination of Preachers. Editors, Bro
kers, Note-shavers, Loafers, Gamblers, Ac. I will ob
serve now, that one thing I noticed particularly ; there was
hardly a man examined, who did not find out his own con
duct, sins which he bad not before discovered, though any
of them could give a lone catalogue of the sins of his neigh
bors. From this, I caifie to the conclusion that there is w>o
much clamor about the sin and corruption of rlie age, rml
that all attempts at reformation have started wrong. Re
form, like charity, should begin at home ; and inv inind has
been strongly impressed with the great force and beauty, of
the remarks of our Saviour upon this subject. And why
beholdeat thou the mote tiiat is in thy brothers eye, but con
sider not the beam that is in thine own eye ?"
“ Thou hy pocrite. first ca9t out the beam out of thine own
eye; and then shah thou -see clearly to cast out the mote
out of thy brother’s eye."
From the Savarinah Georgian.
LOW FAKES ON RAIL ROADS.
It must be evident to all whose attention has at all
been directed to the subject, that low fares increase
both the travel on and profit of Rail Hoads wherever
they have been established. Philosophy and experi
ence unite in teaching this truth, and they who do not
carry out its principles are far from consulting their
best interests. The desire for travel, keeps pace with
the facilities of travel; and the great knitting together
of mankind in ail civil countries, by means of the mod
ern improvements of the steamboat and Rail Road, is a
grand proof of the prsition that make the means of !o-
comation easy, both to the body and purse* and you
create 0 a travel which will effectually reimburse and
greatly outbalance the expenditures. We propose to
give a summary of the various statistics on this subject,
both in Europe and America; by which it will lie seen
lieyond the shadow of a doubt, that low fares best con
duce to the advantage of Rail Road corporations and
the community at large. The railway between Liver
pool and Manchester reduced its fare one-half; thenext
year the passengers increased 200 per cent.
The low fares on the Darlington Rail road produced
560,000 tons of freight and 196,000 passengers per
annum over and above the estimate of the directors..
The dividends of the company weie JEI4 per share of
JS100, which sold readily at X260. The mere reduc
tion of fare on this road of one cent per pile, created
an increase of over 21,000 passengers in three months.
In 1836, the fate on the Edinburg and Dalkeith rail
way, was raised about two-thirds of a penny, and ic-
sulled in a loss of over 50,000 passengeis per annum,
besides what should be the natural incica.sc of travel
on the road. In 183G, the number of passengers on
the Garnki.k and Glasgow l ail way, was 145,703; in
1837, the fare was raisad 334 per cent, and the pas
sengers fell down to 119,460.
Inn 1835, the fare on the AnJrossin and Kilwin
ning railway, was for the six miles. 7d ; the number of
passengers 700 ; in 1846 it was 6d, and the number of
passengers rose to 20,000; part, however, of this in
crease was owing tu 4hc cars runninG four times in
stead of twice a day as formerly. From January 1st
to August 6ih, 18jJ8, at 5d. for the six miles the pas
sengers numbered 20,818. From January 1st to Aug.
6th, 1839, at 8d. for the six miles, the passengers num
bered but 15,525.
On the St. Germain rail road, near Paris, during the
months of January, February and March, 1838, there
were conveyed at the original fare, 160,545 passengers
for 172.515 francs. During the same months in 1839,
at a fare reduced 25 per cent, there were carried 236,-
• 889 passengers, giving a icceipt of 189,545 francs,
showing tliat'tfinugh the faxes were reduced one-lourth,
the amount received increased one-tenth.
In Belgium, the experiment of low fares has been
most satisfactorily tested. In 1339, according to the
official report, the fare on the rojds was iaised 40 per
cent, the receipts immediately depreciated 11 per cent.
The Belgium administration established, however, a
low rate of fares, averaging from 1 to 1 £ cents per mile,
and according to the testimonies of Michael Chevalier,
and the Chevalier tie Gerstncr, the reduction ol faie in
ert used the receipts even beyond what they were be
fore, s*» that they absolutely furnish an increese to the
8tate, though tiie cost of a Belgium road, is double
that of an American one.
In the United Stales we know of no road where such
small fare obtains. In some, the old stage rate is kept
up ; in all it is too high. W hat the amount of travel
would he if low fares prevailed, is shewn by the iufIi
wherever opposition lines are started; as for example,
from New Yoik to Albany—from New York lo New
Haven and Providence—from Boston to Puitlaml, &c.
Competition cannot in.lted exist cm rail road-, because,
being expensive monopolies, but one is seldom con
structed in a given route. They can therefore put the
fare at what rate they will, and sustain it as long as they
will; but even this cannot he done with impunity;
for though those who travel by necessity may u-e the
ro«d, those who travel fur luxury will be deterred f.om
it, by the exhotb unce of the charge, and the roud, in
(he end, is tlic loser.
Such has been the fart on the Boston and Provi
dence loute; and their.high fares, e a used the building
of the Noiwich and Woicrstci road, by which the
travel has been divided, aud the Norwich road sustain-
tained by a handsome profit. When the Worcester
company ra sed tlicii fare 25 per cent, it called back a
part of the old line ol* stages—ti creased the travel—
produced dissatisfaction among its former friends, aud
the directors were compelled to recede to their former
rate, and the result has been the receipt ol n thousand
dollars per w eek more than when the fairs w ere' higher.
Accoiding* to the statements of the Chevalier dc
Gristmr, the expense of sending a train ever the roads
of Belgium and America, averages one dollar a mile,
so that a road 200 miles long would cost 8200 per
train. Taking this as the basis of our calculation, and
stating the distance between this and Macon via Kail
Road route, at 193 miles; it follows, th-jt a daily train
w ith fifty passengers, could be transported over the
load, at an expense to the company of f 3 86 cents, or
two cents a mile per passenger. The fare however is
fne cents a mile, or £9 C5 cents for the whole, giving
to the company a profit ol $289 50 cents per train. It
is very evident from tins, that the fare could be reduc
ed, and that that the consequent increase of travel
would increase rather than diminish the receipts, for in
this h comoiive age it is morally impossible to bring
the facilities of travel within the reach of all, without
greatly augmenting the number which avail themselves
of iu? advantages. 'That which lias proven itself true
in ether countries, will be eminently verified in out
own.
We are a moving people, made so by the unrestrain
ed inten ourtc between the several 8tatrs. by which we
can journey through twenty-six sovereignties, and still
be in a common country—circulate about in a thous
and channels, and through a thousand towns, without
going beyond rur own Jaws, or the protection of our
own flag; and find hom the Atlantic ocean to the
Rocky mountains* from the chain of northern Lakes to
the Gulf of Mexico, the same language, the same insti
tutions, the same free people. There is no other na
tion on the glolte thus situated; and the spirit of im
provement needs but a wise and generous direction, to
lead us onward to the consummation of our most pat
riotic desires.
We have hitherto spoken of the increase of passen
ger- nn rely ; but the same laws apply to freights. The
Extensive examination made on this subject, by a com
mittee of Parliament, proved to demonstration, that
low rates created freights: and the strict research insti
tuted into this matter hy the French Government con
firms the report of the English Committee, by the ex
perience of every rail road i a France and Belgium.
The subject of low fares and low freights, is worthy
the consideration of rail road corporations, particularly
in this State, and at this time, when it becomes an ob
ject of great importance to secure the trade and com
munication of the interior. Ii is proved by actual ad
measurement, that from the eastern terminus of the
Western and Atlantic Roil Road in De Kalb countv,
the ioute to the Atlantic through the Central R. Road
to Savannah, is 19 miles shorter than hy Greensboro
and Auhusta to Charleston. Not only so, but the local
advadtages of the several links composing what are
may term the Savannah and De Kalb chain, aie wf
superior to the other chain running through Augusta,
Greensboro and Madison. If, as is probable, Savan
nah should become the depot of the Royal Mail Pack
ets. we shall then have a continuous line of communi
cation even to the west, with one end resting upon the
shores of England, and the other almost touching the
father of waters, as he rolls onward through his tribu
tary valley.
When the route shall he completed in all its details,
it remains bus to reduce the present high rales of fare
freight, to draw hither the merchandize and travel of
the south-west, and thus effectually check the draining
operation of the South Carolina road to Augusta, by
which the resources of our State are made to minister
to another's welfare, and build up another's strength at
the cxj>ense of cur own.
From the Cassville Pion^
Cassville, Ofco "4^
Dr. THOMAS HAMILTON: H:
Dkar Sir—We the uudfersigned, for th#
isfying the people many of whom are
your political views, have thought proper tr> ^
questions to you w’hich we hope you will
in time to have yoer answer published b*,k! r J
next week.
1st. Do you, or not, believe that the Lecl****
ciples made by the Democratic Republica****’
more last year, contain* fhr£ Crue doctrines
2d. I)u yon, or not, believe that John Tvl
the “Bank Bill/' passed by the present Wfcl
gresa, is sustained by the Constitution of
3d. Do you, or not* believe that the polirv of”? ^
dominant party in Congress, if carried out, V*o (y K
troua to the w’hole country, and particularly ^
4ih. Will you, if not providentially prevJr
Gov. McDonald in the approaching electiou
By answering the above queatioua, you wi ^
friends. +*!
Your Friends Ac.
T. A. SULLiVn
A M. RlSSELi
JOHN 8. Row ’
JULIUS M. ?.£' |
Thi.*7LR Dale, Cass cw
September 4th, w 5
T. A. Sullivan, A. M Russell, John 3. Ji vr I
M. Patton. Etefrt. 1 £ I
Gentlemen—leave, to day, had the j>lea i0! ,
yours of yesterday’, date in which yon ask f rf . .
•(ueations therein propounded. ' ‘ I
To your 1st and 2d question!. I answer, I d 0
Your 3d question, I cannot answer in the
nut a qualification. '
* That ‘-The policy of the present dominant parti-" f
out, would be disastrous to the community gesL,', 1 *
daily at the-South, I can hare no doubt: but
••Whole country” which I find in that question.". 1
comprehensive, must embrace that powerful L
talisu who. so far from ha vis. reasons to regaititu• j
as disastrous to themselves, find ina public de, 1
millions, which is a part of that policy, a se»Br*
by means of which they will drww through the
out of the community, in the form of interest, a h-
annual income frout t'beir surplus capital which nil
wise remain unproductive and exposed to tiie r-" t "
and robbery. These capitalists are, by tlii, police „
in effect, to make the government their hank of ii,
the safe keeping of their money, while instead of,; '
such an accommodation, they receive five or six d,.
per annum upon their hoarded treasure. Cansuchu
ation of government, be disastrous to (bead *
Is it not probable that it was for th£ purpose ofca.
a pretence, in part for the accommodation of etue-'
wealth iu this way, that three millions of revest, .
from the sale of public lauds, are to be thrown a,,
vacant expenditures are projected. a public debt •
and the funding system adopted?
To this class ot capitalist* another may be added*. I
consists of those who having adventured’ their ap : u, 1
rious manufactures, lout to the government for |,r : . *'|
on their investments* through the effects ofauriS dcej
and it is clear that under the policy in question u
pretences which are relied upon for taxin. die !IM .
pay interest on borrowed money, are made til* joidojT
increasing the tarilfforthe benefit of manufacturer. VI
quently these classes are as they are intended to W. tiif . L
eficiries o< that policy, and as they form a part of the
it cannot be said. I think, with strict propriety that ihe. *
ry under consideration, is disastrons to the wh.,., , ■
In answer to your *th question. I have to say that 1 J
from Gov. McDonald's present political association.
opposes in good faith, the measures of the d.anuu r •
and that so long as that inference is justified, 1 roust
him in preference to his rival who is «o«r in thesu;«<e
these measures.
I have thus, Gentlemen, cheerfully complied *ithr
request, and I trust that if il be a fault that 1 ant .
that relation which makes it your right to propoim,. 1
lions and my duty to answer them, that feult will nu nr,
sidered mine.
Yerv Ilespeclfully, Yours.
THOA HAMILTW
A pRorttt CHt'nrp for tbk Fepeuaj. WHi«s.»We
respectfully advise the federal whigs So Join some branch of
Queen Victoria's Church in this country—as in that case
they could repeat every Sunday tit. following appropriate
language :
'• \Ve have done those things which we ought not to hare
done, and left undone those things which we ought to have
done, and there is no help in us.”—Old Dominion.
The Mary Holers AJfatr—The Court of Knquirv into
the mysterious disappearenre of “the pretty eicar girl.” Ims
been changed from the star chamber in tiie Tombs to the I
private officer of his Honor the Mayor. All day yesterday, j
his Honor was er.saged examining persons and'papers, atid j
from his known character for perseverance and penetration, i Well Done Indiana !—The full returns for Represen-
we may anticipate some solutipn pf the mysterious, dark, tatives to the Legislature have been received. The Demo-
ami bloody deed, which has thrilled with ltoraor all the vis- ■ < rats have a majority ol eight—54 to 46. Last year the whig
ttors and residents ol Hoboken. When the revelations are i majority w as FIFTT-Fot'R!— Nell Democratic gain Sixtv^
complete, the public will know all; until then, they must Five, out of one hundred members 1 Auaiu we sav—Well
have patience.—Scic lurk Allas. I done Indiana '.—Old.Dominion.
From the Charleston Mercury.
OUR RELATIONS* WITH ENGLAND
The attention of tiie reader is clireeicnl to»len*:ri|
the English Corresj»oudenre ofthe X. York Junit
Commerce, which we publish today. The t^tate of pwqI
feeling in England towards titi* country ia a asMT^l
interest to us now.
At home, since the arrival of tiie last British st<*«nr>l
mors have been fljUM (hick, of British UlNMtttJd
erent instructions to die British minister nnd of pfrrn.R'T
demand by tiiat official of the release of McLeod i
trial—all of which may be believed, though none crib
confirmed beyond dispute. Still w e cannot detn flkiel
is a great probability of w ar with England, sometime;,
six w eeks hence. Against this it is urged that tnc* I
wants our cotton, that she would miss our custom. tic*|
a very considerable portion of her population would ^
war w ith the United States much like a decree
by a sufficient power of bayonets, commanding them
down and starve. In short it is strongly urged fin'
against the interests ot England to make war with the U>.|
States. That however, scarcely establishes ibe ptc-
Commercial umbitidn is the great characteristic of Kn^u I
and she has not (infrequently sacrificed the present ii’timl
of her commerce and hoc industry for some real or far* g
luture advancement of her dominion over the cnauM
the world. Look al her grand ex|»edition to (*abuli« ^l
uj>« prince favorable lo Manchester calicoes—l.cr n |
w ith Egypt to secure a sort of Frotectorate over a ova
conveniently lying on the shortest route to India—her»j
with China to place the Opium trade on a more se* ure
ing— all which wars have lor the time disordered coiuuic' |
increased expenditure and produced much distress
The English newspapers of all parties now speak ofiwl
with the l nited 8tates as something interesting tv the wkwH
world—as n struggle between "two great nationt.''
coupled with Britain, we are now a great nation. lb»
is it since they have conceded to us such a place ? Ait
years—perhaps ten*—or among (he extremely libera;, nt
be ever; twenty—Before that we were in their consitimMl
a very little nation—scarce a nation at all—poor, weak
• led, democratic aud therefore not worth considennr. [
it be supposed that they make the concession with jerrl
indifference or good humor. We are used to oui ownnf<I
pr<kgress, ami so busy antoug ourselves that we force. ;
what seems perfectly natural lo ourselves must b
a portent to nations comparatively stationary. N*<lm«fb|
this superior com pa rut tre advancement has made K-
the bugbear of Europe, 8he is in actual reset.nr.- far ii
rior to either England or France—but she i*sWlWHS%h*|
of them—it is the progress taat frightens the oldnaU'fcs
W e have long considered ourselves the national rival •
England—it is just becoming apparent to herself that *1
arc so—and she may be disposed to think that a atruccif'
) predominance is at no distant day inevitable—it l/ av i*’
doui iu her to provoke it now. Possibly it may lewwwl
in us to accept the challenge—but of that some other uw
Reform, with a Vengeance I—The New York t
mercial says: “ A pamphlet has been published by
ofthe Chartists iu England, in which, as one means of** I
to their surplus {copulation, it is gravely proposed ‘ 4 that a-1
the children of the working people, after the thiid. be I
sed of by Painless extinction !’’ In other words, that they' I
smothered at their birth, to rid the parents of the re*p«* I
bility of their support. These English patrons are n»I
matter disposed to go beyond the Chinese, where infant 11
males only are thus removed from this world of sin and ^ I
row*. And even in China there is a prospect of reform ■* I
some months ago. we read a Chinese essay, in which it»»I
gravely argued that it was immoral to put female chiM* 1 1
tu death, since it could not be disputed that women a* 11 [
wan btings.
Trial for Murder.-*- A negro man named Bob. 1
to Dr. Rees of this Di*tru?C, was tried in this place iasi'‘ p, ‘ I
tor the murder of a negro named 8ancho. belonging k. 1 * I
estate of Goodwin. The trial occupied several days I
a Court of Freer Holders and Magistrates, and result |
, the conviction of Bob. He was sentenced to be hoof 00 ^ I
, 22d of October, thus eiving time for an Appeal tobem*^ I
before the day of execution.—Columbia (o, C-) |
“Awful riot—Several lives lost.—Our city
into great excitement last night. It originated from * A
rel that took place oq Columbia street, ou Friday B, i r
tween some negroes and one or two whites, in which »^ r I
the latter was mortally wounded. In consequence ^ I
two or three thousand persons collected around d*
of the negroes, who apprehensive of an affray, bad» *
themselves with muskets, and fired ujkoii the crowd.
thought that at least a dozen persons are wounded, > Dl * 1
or tliree killed. :\
cannon was soon brought up, loaded with •I*?*’} .
fired down Sixth street, two or three times, withwh*^
cannot now be told. The Mayor, who was on tbs?* ■ |
all night, called out two military companies, tiie (?«*.**;
Guards, and lx ith squares from Fifth to 8eveatV* re
ed by and under cootiol ofthe military. Order is •
ly restored—we believe no destruction cf property
place." . .
In addition to the above w fiick we oopy { bf 11 \
nati Republican, we have received a letter from •
who informs us that aq immense excitement exisl* ,R
city; and that a public meeting of citizens had hern f*
to take place at 10 o'clock on Saturday. Great tcrof;
vailed apiong the negroes and abolitionists* |
Two whites and two negroes are said to be kil*eu * |
bo*i fifteen to twenty wounded, mostly white*.
J N. 1- W'
“In peace prepare for HTir."—The British 6 ..
t-.fnt aj>|>ear9 to be anting with a single eyt tb slrensi
of the defences gf their colonies itr America. At"|
various expensive fortresses are repairing and „
and upon them five hundred men are now 11 * or
Loui.lu.rg, the old French forts are - Being placed » v
mg order. The Journal of Cotttmerce says they
a gentleman from Halifax, that the feeling there coocc ^
the detention of McLeod, is active and loysl.
condemned, they are ready to sustain the British ^
inent in any action they shall deem it just and pohtic ^
sue. A sea captain in this city, recently from “* “*/■ La*
that he has never known such . formidable atrayo
ships and munitions of war in that port, as st me l’ r
hour. Incase McLeod is condemned and execut ^^
the worst comes to the worst, where are we, our battle
our fortresses, and our means of national dcfcm-c^ ^ ^