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THE HIACOW GEORGIA TELEGRAPH. List of Sheriff* Clerks, &:c. for 1844—5. Appliog B.Wf r Baldwin.. Bibb Bryan Bulloch Barlu Butu Camden Campbell.. Carroll Cass Chatham Chattooga Clarke Cherokee......... Cobb Columbia Coweta Crawford Dade Decatur.......... DeKalb Dooly Early Elbert Effingham Emanuel Fayette........... Floyd Forsyth Franklin Gilmer Glynn Greene..., .. ... Gwinnett Hall Habersham Hancock Harris Heard............ Henry Houston Jrwin Jackson............ Jasper Jefferson Jones Laurens Lee Liberty Lincoln.. Lowndes Lumpkin Macon Madison Marion... McIntosh Meriwether Monroe Montgomery Morgan ........... Murray Muscogee Newton Oglethorpe Paulding .......... Pike Pulaski Putnam Rabun Randolph.......... Richmond Rcriven Sumter.... Stewart Talbot Taliaferro Tatnall Telfair Thomas Troup Upson Walker Walton Warren Washington .. Wayne Wlikinson.... Wilke. Ware Mi-14 Snsurra. 35 93 157 321 262 325 529 549 62 67 2 240 415 225 233 310 135 126 111 207 328 464 539 73'2 770 644 274 249 334 177 '419 521 398 592 247 44 716 571 317 411 330 253 6-20 547 272 322 159 214 858 72 143 52 85 54 309 445, 260 319 323 513 201 610 213 319 122 23 037 83 435 405 347 49ti '26-2 553 432 229 759 263 229 303 620 690 543 560 8 130 374 467 403 424 322 47 393 354 393 19 277 129 162 73 179 167 239 263 <24 609 296 249 293 265 304 131 145 118 60S 653 716 603 123 12 413 269 303 464 362 759 717 340 541 116 217 287 436 655 131 157 396 249 26 193 433 517 755 435 193 147 415 293 52 633 697 704 323 46 241 19 156 116 245 49 .... 931 302 .... 311 369 ....Il5fi 349 .... 573 213 ....1343 48.'. ....1381 567 ....534 133 ....'507 381 ....I 33 48 „..|312 425 ....357 257 ....! 56 82 James Wilcox Geo. W. Coliier O. P. Bouuer James Gates John V. Welles Erasta* Walters H. J. Blonut Hiram Doss R. F. Floyd L. W. Alien. John Dean Robert M. Linn Geo. W. Wiley Wm. McConnell Francis Jackson Josbna Roberts Joseph Chastain Isaac Ramsey William Brown James Beelsnd James Griffin ft. P. Wright Young P. Outlaw Seaborn Houston H. R. Deadwyler Clems Rahn M. Moore Andrew McBride H. Aycock A. Thornton W. B. Gilliapie 8. Jones James D. Piles James Burke N. Roberts J. D. Hardage Bo-well Ivie L. S. Brooking James Ramsey Wm. D. Granger A. E. Johnson Wm. Harrington Smith Tamer W. 8. Thompson S. H Blackwell W. S. Alexander N. 8. Glover T N. Gnvton Joshua Clark Wm. G. Martin Felix Crosson Cyprian Brinson James Kenedy L. D. McMillian J. R. Stovall J. Wilcher T. A Houston E. Gresham Thos. M. Spear J. M. Wall Jno. S. Walker Charles W. Bo T. A. Brannon F. W McCord S. R Maxwell S. M. Shippe Joseph H. Slr'vers Joseph Carmhers James W. Mappin Wm. J. Gains J. W. Guilford Wm. V. Kerr A. G. Rnnaldson Jno. V. Price J. It. Guldens Wm. Alexander James Vinsant Wm. Ellis D. McAuley Henry Fivers H.T. Smith Drurv D. Roach Sam’l Caraway Hiram M. Shaw F. B. Hays Thos. Jones Jepths Brantlv R. R. M. Ratcliff E. Garret E. R. Anderson Miles J. Guest OLXRK &OFERXOR ColRT. Jesse Mobley Seth C. Stephens Donald M. McDonald Henry G. Ross Joshna Smith David Bessly Edward Garliek Wm. R. Bankstons Henry R. Fort Jno. A. Hopkins John Long William M. Jones Robert W. Pooler S. E. Burnett John C. Johnson J. Jordon E. U. Mills Gabriel Jones B. H. Mitchell E. W. Dennis John T. Smith John Glenn •Thomas H. Key James Hays Ira Christian James Rahn Neil McLeod Jesse L. Blalock Dennis Hills John H. llussell Davit! Dumas. J{. B. Perry Alexander Scranton Vincent Sanford D. W. Spence E. M. Johnson P. Martin Tattle H. Audas Nat. Barden B. Bledsoe John Goodwin James Holdem ess Wm. M. Kennedy J. J. McCulloch Jesse Loyal Ebenezer Boiliwell Elbert Hutchins Francis Thomas Tie J. S. Bradwell M. Heuly Duncan Smith M. P. ftuilhan G. C. Carmichael R M. Merony Burton W. Down Josiah E Townsend Levi M. Adams E. G. Cnbiness Farquhard McRae John C. Reese F. B Morris Bockner Beasley Reuben Ransome Geo. H. Lester Thomas A- Chisolm J. M. Ready Jno. V. Mitchell James Nicholson James Bleckly Samuel W. Brooks James McLaws M. M. Guerry M. Greshatn. George N. Forbs Chestey Bristow John A. Rogers John F. Mcltea H. H. Tnoke Moses Lee Peyton Reynolds Thos. M. Hughs Thomas F. Bethel John Caldwell W. W. Nowell James Pilcher L.A. Jernagan Robert B. Wilson Thomas M- Tarply John H. Dyson Thomas Hilliard Clerk Inferior Cogrt. Jessa Mobley Seth C. Stephens Wm. Steele John E. Jeffers Joshua Smith David Beasly Ed Garliek William Hava Harry R. Fort R. Beavers Wm. L. Parr Artbua Hair Robert W. Pooler J. Easley John C. Johnson Win. Williams N. Hawthatn David Harris James J. Neely E. W. Dennis John T. Smith Ebsoy B. Reynolds Thomas H. Key James Hays William li. Nelms James Rahn Neill McLeod Solomon W. Woodruff J Lambrigbt A. G. Hutchins It. H. Kurtoa Baity Brace Alexander Scranton Vincent Sanford Riley S. Baker J. M. Murray L. B. Hninbright Henry Rogers Wm. Johnson' David M. Smith Burwell Ragland William H. Miller Wm. M. Kennedy J. J. McCulloch John. A. Hilliard Ebenezer Bothwell C-iarles McCarthy Frames Thomas William Janes J. S. Bradwell M. Heuly Duncan Smith Wm. Eamn Alexander Collins W. H. Griffith Burton W. D >wd Josiah E. Townsend D. C. Gresham Willis Curry Farquhard McRae John C. Reese E. H. Edwards N. McLerfer William D. Luckie George II. Lester James Campbell W. E. Mangham John V. Mitchell William B. Carter James Bleckley Jcines Buchanan James McLaws Alfred F. McPhersou H. Dennard Henry Junes Ohesley Bristow John A. Rogers John F. Mcttea H H.Tooke John E. Gillespie Lewis Solomon William Pparks William A. Cobb KdJev Bevert W, W. Nowell James Pilcher H. Brookins Robert B. Wilson A. B. Raiford R. Beasley Thomas Hilliard 07 s * We re-publisli the above, inconsequence of some material errors in the arrangement of the names of the Clerks, in our paper of the 22kl ult. PRAIRIE AND MOUNTAIN LIFE The Old Man of the Mountains. The world should be made acquainted with •omc of the strange characters who have buried themselves away from civilization among the rocks of the West. There is a whimsical old genius who is noted particularly among the trapper tribe ns the prince of queer ones. He called himself Wil liam S. Williams M. T, and he is more reso lutely determined upon having the title initials (“M. T.”) always afllxed to his name. lie is the oldest man in the mountains, having resol ved to live and die there, and more droll anec dotes are told about him than would fill a pair of volumes of modern size. M. T. is men ut to signify Master Trapper, and llieold man lias just seized upon the whim of insisting that this distinguishing mark shall on all occasions and under all circumstances be attached to his name. He chanced atone time to fall into a mortal quarrel with a Black foot Indian, and upon achie ving advantage, lie at once seized upon the red fellow’* scalplock. •‘Bill Williams !” shouted the Indian, whose whole knowledge in English consisted in the capacity of pronouncing this singular old while man’s name. “William S. Williams, M. T. ifyou please.” said the old man of the mountains, as he cool ly darted the point of his knifearound thesculp- lock and tore it off! This extraordinary individual is now about fifty-Tivo or sixty years of age, and he has lived more than half his life in the mountains. Ho declares that he was never anywhere else,but it is remembered that iie was once a Methodist prea cher in the States, and it is knpwn that lie is an educated man, with a critical* knowledge of Greek and Latin. By his own words, he was “rolled out of a thunder storm in the mountains,’ for he found himself there and don’t remember* P'“ y° u,, g block head, and stop starling. I dare anything else: He is quite certain lie is not| sa I’ you call yourself a gentleman ! human, and lias a strong persuasion that lie was Mr. Calhoun’s Cel ter. ROOM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, ? JaXOarT 23, 1344. J To the Editors of the Charleston Cour.fr: We enclose to you for publication, a letter to us and an address from the Hon. J. C. Calhoun to his friends and sup porters, giving his reasons far withholding bis name ns a Candidate fur the Presidency, from ihe Convention which is to assemble in Baltimore, on the 4th Monday in May next. In placing this document inyour hauds for publication, it is proper to state, that although transmitted to this Commit tee, to be through them submitted, to the public, the ab- tence of many of its members prevented the assembling of a quorum until this day. when its publication was directed, in accordance with the wishes of Mr. Calhoun. FORT HILL, Dec. 21, 1843. Gentlemen—I herewith enclose you. as the organ of those who have nominated me for the Presidency in this State, subject to a Convention fairly constituted, an Address to my political friends and supporters, assigning my reasons for not permitting my name to go before the proposed Con vention to be held in Baltimore in May next. 1 ttan.vnil it to you, because I deem it respectful ami proper to make it known to those to whom it is addressed, through you, anJ in order to afford you an opportunity to take such measures in relation to it. as you may deem proper, if indeed, you should deem any necessary. All 1 have to request is, that its pub ication should not be unnecessarily delayed. With great respect, I am, Ac. (Signed) J. C. CALHOUN. Hon. Jacob Bond I’On and other members of the Committee. The Address of Jlr. Calhoun to Ills political Friends aud Supporters. I have left it to you, my friends and supporters, through whose favorable estimate of my qualifications, my name lias been presented to the people of the United States, for the office of Chief Magistrate, to conduct the canvass on such principles and in such manner, as you might think best.— But. in so doing. I did not waive tny right to determine cn ■uy individual responsibility, what course tny duty might compel me to pursue ultimately, nor have 1 been an iuat- tentive observer of the canvass and the course you have ta ken. It affords me pleasure to be enabled to say, that on all Iea<V'-g questions, growing out of the canvass, I hearrly concurred with you. in the grounds you took, nnJ especially those relating to the inode in which the delegates to the proposed Convention to be lie! d in Baltimore, should be ap pointed, and how they should vote. You have, in tny opin ion. conclusively shown that they should be api*ointed by districtsaod vote per capita, but yuur reasons, as conclu sive as they are. have proved iu vain. Already New York aud same other States have appointed delegates en masse by Slate Conventions, and one Slate (Virginia) has resolved that the votes of her delegates shall be settled by the major ity and be counted per capita. Their course would ocessa- riiy overrule that, which you have so ably supported, should you go into Convention, ami would leave you no alternative, but to yield yours and adopt theirs, however much you may be opposed to it on principle, or to meet them on the most unequal terms, with divided, against united aud concentra ted forces. The question is then, what course, under such circum stances, should be adopted 1 Ana that question, you will be compelled speedily to decide. The near approach of the time for mertiug of the profHised Convention, will not admit of much longer delay. But as your course may de pend in some degree on that which 1 have decided to take, 1 deem it doe to the relation subsisting between us. ft mslse mine known to you without further delay. 1 then, after the most careful and deliberate survey of the ground, have decided that I cannot permit my name to go before the pro posed Convention.constituted as it must now be, consistent ly with the principles which have ever guided my public conduct. My objections are insuperable As it must be constituted, it is repugnant to all the principles, on which, iu tny opinion, such a Convention should be farmed. What those principles are, 1 shall now proceed briefly to state. I hold then, with you. that the Convention should be so con stituted. as to utter fully aud clearly the voice of the people, and not that of politics! managers, or office holders and of fice seekers; and for that purpose, 1 hold it indispensable, that tlte delegates should be appointed directly by the peo ple. nr to use the language of Gen Jackson, should be " fresh from the people.” 1 also hold, that the utily possible mode to effect ill's, is for the people to chouse the delegates by districts, and that they should vote per capita. Every other mode of appointing would be controlled by political machinery, and place the appointments tu the hands of the few who work it. I object then, to the proposed Conven lion, because it will not be constituted in conformity w itb this fundamental article of tbe Republican creed. The dele gates to it will be appointed from some of tbe Slates, not by tbe people iu districts, but, as has been stated, by State Con ventions en masse, composed of delegates appointed in all cases, as far as I am informed, by county or district conven tions. and in some cases, if not misinformed, these again composed of delegates appointed by slil 1 smaller divisions, or a few interested individuals. Instead then of being di rectly. nr fresh from the people, tbe Delegates to the Balti more Convention will be tbe delegates of delegates: and of course removed, in all cases, at least three, if not four de- grees from the people. At each successive remove, the voice of the people will become less full and distinct, until at last it will be so faint mid iuipesi'ect. as not to be audible. To drop metaphor, I bold it impossible to form a scheme more perfectly calculated to annihilate the control of the people over the Presidential election, and vest it on those who make politics a trade, and who live, or expect to live on the Government. In this connection. I object not less strongly to the mode in which Virginia has resolved her delegates shall vote. With all due respect. I must say. I can imagine nothing more directly in conflict with the principlea of our federal ayatem of government, or to use a broader expression, the principles on which all confederate communities have ever been united 1 hazard nothing in saying, that there ia not an instance in our political history, front the meeting of the ‘translated from the Great Bear, or some other luminous celestial animal, for some most parti cular anti especial purpose that is meant to be made known to him hereafter.” He was never known to wear a hat, but once in the winter, finding his head cold, ho shot a wolf, scalped the animal, and drew the warm skin to his own head' For nil such eccentric tilings this old man is remarkable, but, perhaps the singularity of his character may be shown by relating an odd meeting (hot ho once had with a young fellow fresh from the States. Wil liams was camping alone when the young man accidentally encounterod him. ''Hum /” said the old matt in soliloquy, “here comes another enormous fool ot a young ras cal to crowd us here in the mountains! We shan’t have an inch of elbow room left! Cook, old cake ! cook!” said lie, addressing a lump of dough that lie was turning over on the coals of itis solitary fire with his naked toes, that pro truded through his venerable moccasins, ‘‘Cook old cake! hei e comes a white fool, and lie’s hun gry of course. Now, you miserable block head do you know me!” said the old man to the stranger. “I guess I do,” snid the boy, forhc was a wan dering sprig of Yankee land. “You guess,” rep'ied the old eccentric'“you’re a pretty sample of a scalp-block to come here guessing! Had you nobody to keep you at home, that you must come strolling out here among bears and Blackfcet? How do you know m-?” “1 rcekon I guess.” ‘•O, you’re a big figure at mathematics ! You had beiler get rid of your guessing and your reckoning, if you want to live among the rocks Take up the chunk of burnt dough (here, and stuff it down your ravenous maw!” “Thank you—I’am not hungry.” “Don’t come here to tell lies, sin we are j fir “ “evolutionary Congress to the present day, of the del- , . ’ , ( elates of any oute vouug by majority, and coutiung per honest rnen 111 the mountains, niicjyou iTJUsn’t j c.pitt; nor do I believe an instance of the kind ran be come here to contaminate us with your civili- " r """ " zation. You are hungry, and you know it, and you must eat the cake; I’ve got another. Du you take me fur an antediluvian, not to share my dinner with you!' “ Aint you the man they call Bill Williams?’ said the hungry lad, as he greedily devoured the cake. “What do they call me?” roared Bill, with the growl of a wounded bear. “William Williams, I think?” answer the young aspirant in the trapping trade, with u half frightened tone of subdued respect, “William S. Williams, M. T. younjf buz zard’s meat!” replied the master trapper, draw ing himself up with the air of a Julier Caesar. “Look here boy, do you see that buttcl There’s a hole in it, and that’s where I put my bones.” l, Jiones\" said the boy, greatly bewildered at the words of the old man. ‘•Yes—tchu /” continued Bill, lifting his ri fle and imitating a shot, “there’s where I bury my dead; that’s my bonc-ltqpse I” “Why, you don’t—” “Don’t tell me I don’t,” interrupted the old man, “or I’il don’t you, knock me dead if I don’i! How would you like to sleep there tu night ? Eat away, and don’t be gaping at a na tural Christian like a born fool! 1 always stow tny while hones decently. Eat away you stu- found in the history of any confederated community. There ia, indeed, something monstrous in the idea of giving the majority the right of impressing the vote of the minority into it • service, nnd counting them ns its own. The plain rule, that which has ever prevailed, and which conforms to the dictates of common sense, is, that where a State votes as a State Ly a majority of iu<l elegates the votes count one, he they few or many, or the State large or small. On the contrary, where the votes of all the dele gates are counted, they vote individually and independently, each for himself counting one. And it is to he noted, that whenever this lat termode of voting exists among confederate States. *1 ia in all rases founded on compact, to which the ronsei.t of encli State ia required. Iu the absence of compact the invariable mode of vote in such States is in all cases by tbe majority, their voting counting one. The course which Virginia has resolved to take is iu violation of this plain and fundamen tal rule, nnd destructive of the foendatit n on which the whole structure of the state right doctrine ia reared. I hold it. in the next place.to lie an in lispen able princi ple, that the convention should be aoconstitnted as to give to each ritate. iu (lie nomination of a candidate the same re lative weight, which the constitution sreutes to it in the election of the President, making due allowance for its rela tive party strength. By the election I mean tlte whole—the eventual choice when it goes into the House of Representa tives, as well as the primary vote iu the electoral College. The one is as much a part of the election an the other, the two make the whole. The ndoption of the one in the convention which framed the constitution, depended on the adoption of the other. Neither could possibly he adopted aloue. The two were the result. of compromise between tlte larger and smaller States, after a lung an.l doublfu struggle, which threatened the loss of the constitution itself. The objectol - giving to the smaller States an equality with tlte larger in the eventual choice of the house, was to coun terpoise the preponderance of the largest in the elecioial college. Without this tbe smallest would have voted against the whole provision, nnd its rejection would have been the consequence Even as it stands. Delaware ruled against it In confirmation of what I state, I refer to Mr. Madison’s re port of the proceedings of the convention. Having staled what I mean by the election, it will require hut a few words to explain my reasons for the principles I have laid down. They are few and simple and rest on the ground, that the nomination is in reality the electiou.if concurred in. ns far as the parly is concerned It is so intended to be. The lea ding reason assigned for making it is to prevent a division of the party, and thereby prevent the election from going into the house, where tlte smallest Stales would have the ad vantage intended to be secured to them by the convention, by being placed on an equality with the larger. Such bring the intended object and effect I now submit tu erery candid mind, whether the convention ought not to be soccnsiituted as in compensate in the nomination for the important udvan- tage in the the election, which the smallest State would sur render by going into a convention? Would it not be unfair a palpable want of good fuitli nnd subversive of the compro mise of the constitution to withhold it? Or. if demanded. aid it be short of an insult to refuse it? Can it he thought ■hat tbe smallest States are so debased and absorbed in the party politics nf iliedavas to peituit themselves to be indi rectly stripped of a right which their high minded and pa triotic ancestors held so dear, os even to preferthe loss of the constitution itself, rather than surrender it. I object then to tlte proposed convention in this connection because it makes no compensation to the sina.ler Stales, forthesur- render of this unquestionable and important constitutional right. Instead of that its advocates | eieniptorilv nnd indig nantly refused any, and treat with scorn every attempt to Ho Wu rir« h-irri makes monpv nnd secure it. Some have pone even so far, ns to deny that the ne Works tiara, nt.lk.LS motley, ana eventual choice of the house constitutes any portion of the election and to manifest open hostility against the provision of the constitution which contains it! If there was no other objection, the one under considera tion would be insuperable with me. 1 differ utterly from the advocates of the proposed Convention in reference to this provision. I regard it ns one of the firai importance, not because I desire the election to go into the House, hut because I believe it t" be an indispensable means, in the f the smaller States, ofpreservingiheirjust and con- Ye-es!” stammered the youngster. “Happy of your acquaintance. If you have dune eating, just remember that yo t Imre di ned with William S. Williams*, M. T.” Tltisold encounter happened almost word for as here set down, and it may give the ren der a fair idea of one of the dro lest beings that ever breathed. Surely^ abrupt and eccentric, the ohl fellow is yet noted for benevolence and stern honesty. He once look off’his cout of drer-skin, when it was almost the last remnant of apparel in his possession, and threw it over the shoulders of a poor shivering squaw. He sleeps curled up hy the camp-fire, with his head in the ashes, embracing an old rifle, l hat has been mended nnd mended again with “buffalo tug,” until scarcely a parcle oltbe original stock left. gives everything away to others who may hap pen to be in distress. He onc« threatened to shoot an old friend who sent him n letter with an offer of assistance! Old William S. Wil liams, M. T. will accept of charity from no man breathing. Such a character is now pil lowing his gray hairs among the snows of the , , est, and there he Will live anti die, while this the ExecutiveDepartment and.ibe Government it- rough sketch, no doub!, presents aljtllo world self, which! believe to be etacntial to the preservation of will ever know of the Oid Man of the Mountains. E7* “Well. Mrs. Moody,bow arc you this evening ?” “Oh, Mrs. Harrison, I am very unwell; nm quite out of spirits." "Blessyoo, ma’am, don’t t.ke on so," said the servant, "there’s three bottles lelt yet.” "Go down stairs directly Betty P* our sublime federal system. I regard the adjustment of the relative weight of the States in the Government to be the fundamental compromise of the Constitution, and that on which our whole political system depends, its adjustment constituted the great difficulty in forming the Constitution. The principles on which it wag finally effected was that, while due conression should be made in population, a pro vision should he also made, in some form, to preserve the original equality of the States in every department of tht Government. The principle was easily carried out in con stituting the legislative department, hy preserving the equality of the States in one branch (tbe Senate.) atm con ceding to population its full preponderance in tlte other. But the great and difficult task of reducing it to practice was in the Executive department, at the head ot which there is but a single officer. So great was it that it occu pied the attention of the Convention from lime to time, du ring the whole session, and was very near causing a failure at last. It would have been an easy task to constitute that department either on the principle of the equality of the Slates in die Government, nr that of population. To com bine die two. in the election of a single officer, was quite a different affair, but however difficult, it bad to he perform ed at die hazard of loaing the Constitution. It was finally accomplished by giving to the larger States nearly the .same preponderance in the electoral college, as they nave in the House, and to the smaller, in the event of a choice by the House, the same equality they possess in the Senate ; thus following closely the analogy of the Leg islative Department. To make it as clase as possible, it was at first proposed to give the eventual choice to the Sen ate. instead of the House, but it was altered and the pres ent provision adopted, for reasons which did not affect die principle. It was believed by the framers, the practical operation of the provision would be, that die electoral college in which the influence of die larger Stales preponderates, would no minate, and that the House voting by States, where their equality.is preserved, would elect who should he the Presi dent. To give it that operation in practice the provision, as it originally stood in the Constitution, was that each elector should vote for two individuals, without discriminating which suould be P-esideut, or Vice Preaiden . ami if no one had a majority of the whole voles, then out of the five highest the House voting hy States, aiioutd elect one. aud the person not elected, having tbe highest number of votes should he the Vice President. It has been since altered, so that tbe electors should designate which should be Presi dent, and which Vice President, and the selection of the House was limited to the three highest. It is manifest, that if this provision of the Constitution had been left to operate hy itself, without the intervention ofcaucusses, or party con ventions between the people and the e’e-i.ioa. that the prac tical operation wculd have been such as 1 have stated. and such as was clearly intended hy the framers of the Consti tution. Tiie object intended is important. The preservation of the telative weight of the States, as established by the Con stitution in all the Department, is necessary to the success nnd duration of our system of Government; but it may be doubted, whether the provision adopted to effect it in the Executive Department, is not too refined for the strong, and I inay aid. corrupt passions, which the President’s election will ever excite. Certain it is. that if the practice of nomi nating Candidates for the Ptestdency, by Conventions, con slituted as they proposed, shall become the established us age, it will utterly defeat the intention of the framers of the Constitution, and would be fillowed by a radical anil dan gerous change, not only in the Executive Department, but in tlte Government itself. Tb s danger was early forseen, and to avoid it. some of tlte wisest ami most experienced statesmen of former days ao strongly objected to Congressional caucuses to nominate candidates for the Presidency, that they never couhl be in duced to attend them; among these it will he sufficient to name Mr. Macon nnd Mi. Lowndes. Others, believing that litis provision of the Constitution was too refined for practice, were solicitnjs to amend it,hut without impairing the influence of the smaller States in the election. Among these, I rank myself. With that object, res ilutions were introduced, iu l’S'JS, in the Senate by Col. Benton, and in die House by Mr. McDuffie, providing for districting the States, aud lor referring the election back to the people, in case there should he no choice, to elect one from tlie two highest candidates. The principle which the amendment proposed, was to give a fair compensation-to the smaller States for the surrenderor their advantage in the eventual choice by the House, and at the same time to make die mo le of electing the Presideut more strictly in conformity with the principles of our popular institutions, and to he less lia ble to corruption than the existing provision. They receiv ed the general support of the parly. but were objected to hy n few. ns not being a full equivalent to the smaller States. The principle embraced is identical with that on which vou proposed to constitute the 1! i It into re Convention, Lot which lias been so dictatorial))' objected to by seme, who then took so prominent a part in its favor. Iffyou h ive in t succeeded, there is at least suuie consolation in reflec ting that if others have since changed, you now stand where you then did, in the purer and better days of* the party. I wa« in favor of it then, as I am now, not because I consider the resolutions as perfect, theoretically, as the existing pro visions of the Constitution, but because I believe it would, in practice, more certainly accomplish what the frxmers of the Constitution intended. But while the provision stands as it does. I would regard myself as little short of a traitor to that sacred instru nent. should I give my assent, directly, many practice which would have the effect of divesting the smaller States of the due weight which it secures to them in the Presidential election. And here let me add, that os objectionable as I think a Congressional caucus for nomina ting a President, it is in my opinion, far less so, than a Con vention constituted as is proposed. The former had in deed many things to recommend it. Its members consist ing of Senators and Representatives, were the immediate organs of the State Legislature, or the people ; were res- ponsihleto them respectively, and were for the most part, of high character, standing and talents. They voted per capita, and what is very important, they represented fairly the relative strength of the respective States. In all these important particulars, it was all that could be desired for a nominating hotly, and formed a striking contrast to the pro posed Convention; and yet, it could not he borne by the people in the then purer days of the Republic. I, acting with Gen. Jackson and most of the leaders of the party at the time contributed to put it down, because we believed it to be liable to be acted oil and influenced by the patron age of the Government—an objection far more applicable to a Couventii n constituted as the one proposed, than to a Congressional caucus. Far. however, was it from my in tention, in aiding to put that down. to substitute in its place what 1 regard as an hundreJ times more objectionable in every point of view. Indeed, il there most be an interme diate body between the people and the election, unknown to the Constitution, it may he well questioned whethei a belter than the old plan of a Congressional caucus can he devised. In taking the ground I have, in favor of maintaining the right seemed to the smaller Sia'es by the roniprc- mise of the Constitution, I ntn actuated hy no partisan feeling or desire to conciliate their good opinion. If Ihe case was reversed, und the rights of the huger, in stead of thr smaller, invaded. I would with equal rea diness and finm.es-', stand up in their defenre. I am the partisan of neither one, nor the other, but simply n supporter of the Constitution, nnd what 1 believe to he just aud fair. I regard the Constitution, as the only ark of safety for all, and I believe that in defending it, I defend the interest nnd safety of each and all—the gres'er. as well as the smaller—the States invad.ng the right of the others, as well us the States whose right tire invaded. I have laid down the principle on which I rest the objection in question, with the limitation, that the rel ative weight of the Stales should be maintained, ma king due allowance lor their relative party stiength. The propriety of the limitation is so apparent, that but a few words,in illustration will be required. The Convention is a patty Convention, and professedly in tended to take the sen-e of the party, which cannot lie done fairly, if States having but little party strength arc put on an equality with those which hove much. Iftha: mete done, the result might be, llmt a small por tion of the party from States the least sound, political ly, and whirh could give bui little support in Congieee, might select the inndiduto and .make tho President, against the great majority of the soundest, ami on which the President and his administration would have to rely for his suppoit. All II is is clearly too unfair nnd improper to be denied. Thete may lie a gre.it dif ficulty in applying a remedy in a Convention, hut I do not fi-cl myself called upon to say how it cun he done, or by ivhal standard the relative parly strength of the respective States should he determined ; perhaps tho best would I* thri* relative strength in Oongiess nt the time. In laying down thu principle, I added the lim itation for tho sake ol acemury, atul to show how im perfectly the parly must ho represented, when it is overlooked. I see no provision iu the proposed Con vention to meet it. But, in order to realize how the Convention will op- einle, it will be necessary to view the combined effects of the objections which I have made. Thus viewed, it will he found that a Convention so constituted, tends irresistibly to centralization—centralization of the con trol over the Presidential election in the hauds of a few of the rcnlial, large Slates, at first, nnd finally, in political managers, office holders and office seekers ; or to express it differently, iu that portion of the commu nity, who live, or cx|>ect to live on the Government, in contradistinction to the great mass, who expect to live on tlicir own means or their honest industry ; who mnintuin tbe Government, and politically speaking em phatically the people, Thut such would'he the case, may bo infetred from the fact, that it would afford the means to some six or a few, wfto make politics a trade, vention is removed from the pen; ly the control over it will bi DEMOC RTr Democratic Ca,„!i,| alol for rt’Vho ‘oner I MARTI* VAJ¥ BIJRfcXot’Y v ‘ ° CAS*, of Ohio, * they have SvBCE&’D. I?I. JCS23SO.Y df*. '8 lo which V/41B V nnvrw ' *1V be the case ffaEI?, ol ^ D's!l!j ( q " To be decided by a lYniiount Convent; ' 1844. Itlncon Cotton JJni-tet, The Market fur the past week has be tn The farlheMhu C Vh- e, the more certain- j,laced in ihe hands of tho interested" few,~and Vvhen removed three or four degrees as has been shown it will he, where the.flppomtinent is by Slate Conventions, the power of the people will cea*o, and the seekers of Executive favor w ill become supreme. At that stage, oil active, trained anti combi ned corps will be formed in tits (tarty, whore whole time and attention will be directed to politics. Jt will bo their sulo business. Into their hands ihe appoint ment# of deleg tier in all the Mages will fall.' and they will take special caro tint none but themselves or their humble and obedient dependants shall be appointed. The cenlral and S.ate Conventions will be filled by the most experienced and cunning, and after nomina ting the Piesident, they will take good eare^ to divide the patronage ami offices, both of the General and State Governments, among themselves and their de pendants. But why say voill ? Is it nut already the cave / Have there Mot been many instances Conventions being filled by office seekers making the nomination, u«vo diviiid the < State among themselves slid ;hei» partisans, and joined in recommending to the candidate whorn t just nominated lo appoint them to the offices they have been res|ieclfolly allotted. If such be in the infancy of the syMem. it must cod. if such con ventions should become the established usage, in the President nominating his successor. When it comes to that, it will not he long before the sword will take the place of Ihe Constitution. Such arc my objections to the mode in which the proposed Convent ion is to he constituted, and my tea- . , , , * 1,03 °**it actic. sons fM* entertaining them. They are such, that l ean* j - ‘ es ,a ' e een made at intpunj . not refuse to obey them without renouncing the prin- i cc ' 3, 1 ‘ ,u roads nave partially recover^ r ciples which I have often avowed in public und private j the wretched slate tnto which tliev weret) -■ ^ and which have guided me through the whole coutse ,j ie ( ale unparalleled tains' and nla,.,.- of tny public life. i 1 “8st» Incoming to this conclusion, I have not passed over, 'J V. ° market, consequently the without cau-ful examination, the reasons assigned by have increased, and our streeis present il )f j r ^ its advocates for constituting the Convention as they business-like appearance. \Vequoie8t A few bales were sold on yesterday at 9} * Prices in New York on the 27tlt ult. * ^ “ “ Savannah “ 3d inst. V? “ “ Charleston, “ 30ilt ult. g . ‘j} “ “ Augusta, “ 1st inst. s '”j Receipts of Cotton this Season to Feb. 1#, Receipts, 61,783 bale, Stock on hand, 18,014 Same time last year: Receipts, 73^54 Stock ou hand, 45 ffZcchnnica Ennk, Augnata. Various unfounded rumotsare in circulation: reference to the solvency of this instiiutioa, w afloat, no doubt for the malicious intentionofifc®. ing the holders of its notes. This Bank ij taj to those acquainted with its business and to he one of the soundest Institutions in the S«J and it will be remembered was one of tee of ^ State Institutions which did not panicipste in fe last suspension of tlte Banks generally. \v e t £ J tho highest auhorily for saying that the Meckaatal Bank was never in a more sound, safe, and soiml condition, than at the present time; andwewon’J caution our readers not to let any malirioiaiepool induce them to part with its notes at less ihaaibs| par value in specie. propo.-e. They h ive not tlimmUhrd the force of my objection*. 1 propose to notice the most prominent. That which they have utged with the greatest emt- fiJeiicc, is, that each State has a right to appoint Uelc- oates as site pleases. 1 meet it, by utterly denying that there is any such right. That each State has tbe right to act us it pleases, in whatever relates to exclusively, no one will deny; b..l it is x perfectly novel doctrine, that any -state Iras such a right, when she cones in act in concert iviih other* in reference to whul concerns the whole. In such cases it is the plaineM dictate of common sense, that w hatever allecle the whole should be regulated by the mutual consent of all, and not by the dircretiou of each. That the appointment of Ddc-at.-s to the proposed Convention is a case of this description, I true I have conclusive ly shown. I have, 1 also trust shown more; that the supposed right is pet fed ly deceptive, fur while it claims for each State the right lo appoint Delegates us it pleases, it in reality gives the larger Slates the right to dictate how the others shall appoint. If, tor exam ple, the Empire State', as it is calieJ. adopts the mode ol appointing (us she has) which wi I concentrate her whole slrrngtil, what discretion would she leave lo others, if they go into Convention, hut to ap(M>int as she has appointed, or to be ruleJ hy Iter. It is then, neither more nor less than a claim to dictate, undtr the u'lrti of a right, and such its exercise has proved in the present case. It lias left no option, but lo cun- f >tni to her course, ur ha overruled, or refuse lo go into the Convention. I regret thi- 1 , because I sincerely desire to preserve the harmony ot the parly. I had strong hope that the rally after the defeat of 1840 would he Exclusively ou principles. This hope was greatly strengthened by the tiuly republican and noble stand, taken at the ex tra session and the eatlirr portion of the succeeding tegular session. Duimg that period of rigid adherence to principle, perfect harmony pervaded the ranks of the party. I beheld it with joy. I believed the mo ment highly favourable for the thorough reform itton of tbe GoveAiment and the restoration of the Consti tution. To the Republican party, 1 looked lor the accomplishment of this great work; and I accordingly felt the deep, st solicitude, that Ihe stand taken, and the harmony which existed, should be preserved. In older that il should. I made up my mind to waive the objection, which 1 have long entertained to auy -inter. mediate body, unknown to the Constitution, between the people and the election of t e Pres.dent, in the hope that the p oposed Convention would be so con stituted thut I might consislctfl. with my principles give it my support. In this I have been disappointed, and being so, 1 am coinj died to decide as I have done. The same motives which imp lied me lo separate from the admini tratiou of Gen. Jackson, in the plentitude of its power, and to come to the re.-cue ot Ml. Van Buren’s ot its greatest depression, compels me now to withhold my name from the proposed Convention. Having now assigned my r. asons for reiusiug to per mit my mime to go befme tbe Baltimore Convention, it rests w ith you who have placed it lcfure the people and assented to abide hy u Convention fairly con-titu- teil, to dereruiine what coutse you will pursue. Be your decision what it may I shall be content. But I regarded il as due to the occasion, lo you and myself, t * declare thut under no circumstances what ever shall I support any candidate, who is.opposed to fri-e iiailr, and in favor of the protective policy, or wtlose prominent and influent.ul friends anil suppmt- ers are. I hold the policy to be another name for a system of monopoly and plunder, and to he thoroughly anti lepublican and tedernl in its character. 1 also Id that so long as the dutie.- aic so bid ms to l e in fact bounties lo one portion of the community, wmle they opetale as oppressive taxes on I. c other, there ran lie no hope that the Government run lie reformed, or that its expenditure will be reduced to tbe pr per standard. Were I, with the evidences before m \ to say other wise of my course, it would he. p acticully, to declare that 1 regard the pr.iteetive policy to he an open ques tion, so far as the parly is concerned; which I would consider, on my part, u virtual abandonment of t e cause of Fire Trade. That can never he. (have done ami suffered too much for It. when ils friends were few and feeble, to abandon it now—now, when Cotton und other matters. There never has been a period, probably, «4a I the Cotton ctop has made such pmfiiab'emmsl to the planter, as during the present seam Wiel this crop was planted, it must be tememberri,il«j Cotton was worth little more than 4j etna ft I pound, and in consequence, every necessary iiadtl of consumption aud every item of planl»ii«t pense, was on a scale to correspond with that re ced price of Cotton. M tiles, for instance, soldi! Ior about S30 each—the same mules would a sell for S70. Perk was then worth but 3 c nca:—il now sells for 4j. Well, suppose, afler raising the crop on 1 scale of expenses, the plainer now gels 9cenai his crop, is it noi evident that one bag out of eTryl two has been made without any expense Mj1L*[ Or, in other words, if a planler raised 100bspll Cotton, 50 of them pay all the plantation eipei»| and leave a small balance—and bags are clear gains. This God-send, enables every ntaniopsy^J remainder of his debts, if he is nottoodeeplye rassed. And those whose debts il is not su&ri] to pay, will act unwisely, iftitey do notseiat a crisis to sell enough property to clear tlienss* " of all incumbrances; and stand forth, ooee 1 in the original similitude of their Mate?and * more deface that image, hy the fawninjsmile> cringing manner, which a debtor is forced t»1 that man who lie has made Itis msstei, by*“*| ing him to become his creditor. This is all a mai ter of taste, however; every man prides himself on his own jrnte® 1 and capacity of foreseeing events which 1 come, Ici every man act os to him seems 1 But 1 lie result will probably be, that liewhotl cs to remain in a stale of vassalage—a 1 very—in order that he may retain all hisF for a few years more, will at last be some low stale of prices, to see the whole ofi*! the auspices everywhere ,hi* an,I the other side of , a , e by the SlieriR ; (u ., ay a de bt which tha Alhiiitn*. nriic itmi thn nriiirnurliint* i nan h ni * 1 the Atlantic, proclaim the approaching downfall of protection and the permanent triumph of Free Trade. who upheld it auaiuM monopoly and plunder, in the worst ot times, ami braved the men tecs of Adminis tration ond Opposition, when harked hqt by u single Stale,—will not—cannot abandon the glorious cause now, when its Imntier waves iu proud triuinph over the metropolis of the commercial world. No, 1 shall maintain imniovcahly the ground I have so long oveu- icd, until I have witness'd its great nnd final victory', if it shall please the Di.-poser of Events to spa'C my lifts so long. Il will he, indeed, a victory—the liat- hincer of n new and brighter und higher civilization j selling now', a half ora third would pay- "'I man who sells row and pays out, will be t man, and all his properly will be hfs own- man can control the wages of iris labor or h« lions. Any one who has once trod in the’j press of dein, and escaped from its wore* gyprion bondage, knows that the peace of- that a freedom from debt insures, is wonb ' than lands or negroes. With regattl to the propriety of planters ■ Much less, still, can 1 give my support to any can- ; Hieir Colton for siiii beiler (trices, if our i worth onv il didate, who -hall give his aid nr countenar.re to the: tgilalion of atHiliiiou in Congress or elsewhere'; or j . ho.-e prominent and influential friends anil suppuitcrs * a * e > it ts litis:—Prudence w* now, a good price shall. 1 doubt the sincerity o! any ntan. who declares feretl, ralltcr than to lake the rifk eta seven States lying contiguous ami not far from tho ccn- tie of the Union, to control the nomination, und through that tho ( lection, by com rtilialing tin ir united votes in the Convention. Give them the power of doing so, and it would nnl long lie dormant. What may he done hy combination, where the temptation is so gtcat, will be sure ere long to he done. To combine and conquer is not less true as a maxim, where power is concerned, than to “ Divide and conquer.” Nuthing is heller es tablished, than that the dcsite for power can bring to- gclher and unite the most discordant materials. But the tendency to centralization will not stop there. The appointment of delegates m-masse hy State Convention, would at the sitne time aud even with greater force, to centialize this contiol in the bands of But we must not lie understood its tlte prospect of a decline is warranted, intlicniipn. On the contrary, every beii* r ‘ 5 = thi" errteE’-t 6 ? I he is no abolitionist, whilst at the same time, be'aids or Countenanc 8 the agitation of the que.-lion. ho his pretext what it may. If we have a right to our slaves,) 7 we have tho right to hold them in peace and quiet. If: 1 the CoiiMitutiun guarantees the one, it guarantees tho j seem to tend toward a lurtlier iniprov ^ other: and if it forbids the one from being attacked, it j ces . Even the policy which the Banko. ‘■”- equally fin bills the other. Indeed the one stands to the other, us means to an end, ami is so avowed hy tho ahulitionisis; and on the plaineM principles of morals. If the end ho prohibited, the means of eflei ting it also are. Of the two, I reguid the deluded fanatic far less guilty and dangerous that) he who for politiial or patty purposes, aids or countenances hint.in what lie knows is intended to da that, which he acknowledges to bo foihiddcii by the Constitution. It is time that nil end should be put to this system of plunder and agitation. They have been borne long ■ trough. They ute kindred measures and hostile, as far, at least, as one portion of the Union is concerned. While tho muff takes from us the proceeds of our la bour, aboliliun strikes at ihe labour itself. The one tubs us of our income, while the other aims at destroy ing the source from which that income ts derived. Il is impossible for us- lo stand palirnlly much longer under their double operation, without being impover ished and ruined. JOHN C. CAI.HOUN. A gentlen at once said he should like to see a boat full o; Ladies oil the ocean, to see what course they would* teer. A lady in the room replied—"that's easy told, they would steer to the Isle of Man, to be sure.” lias adopted, of curtailing the drctils** 00 lions of dollars in a niontlt, with liie'*"- ing tfie price, has not been ab.e to ' eP prices from coming up to, and fully s“ 5 rales on this side of the water* wli-■ somewhat accelerated by speculah on- ^ The diminished supply of ihe to" ,n ■, -'’fed >• all the Cotton region, and an ir.crca- manufactured goods, and of coutse an^ maud for raw cottons, are 6ubsbinua which inferences are to he drawn- in con nneeffi 1 " It is worthy of observation, 3 , this subject, that lira speculators'» sea ports, this season, are men l) i -1 ^ be expected to incur the risk of ,0sS ’ 1 ratio of their ability to >tand it. oce s And in N- Y- which has usually ^ ^ poorest markets for our staple in 11 this year rather lead in speculation- ■ ^.jj itv of her dealers to hold on. as * e