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% fianEqaaiht: T ES JE HI A €OIV Speech of i?Er-.Stiles of Georg la > position be -answered negatively, if reception doea not least tu create doubts as to ita potmaoD ! And wbet, carry jurisdiction, anti the* implication that the prayer under such circumstances, has been held the safe and in ay or may not be grained, where is the use uf ill • Unerring guide for the conduct of thr legislator ! It Where tne difference between reception, and instant is, that if there lie doubt as tn the power, it should not rejection after it is received ! What is to be gained be exercised. Quod dubitas ne f tetris. What you by reception l Is it any advantage to the petitioner, doubt, that you may not do. The possesion of pow er that his prayer is rejected immediately after, instead should !>e uutramon lied by a single doubt, or you of imoiediatcly before, reception. How docs the situ- . almuM not attempt its exercise. pie, naked vote of reception benefit him I The prayer But (says the member fiom Maine, and it is reil- Ot a petition is i:* vital part; take away the prayer, crated by the gentleman from New York and others) and you deprive it of all vitality—make it a dejd let- I .separate the right of petition from abolition, and “see ter. If therefore, »ye riject the prayer, do wo not re- | how we will come up to the mark; how we will sus- jeet the petition 1 The distinction is too refined and alone, (o consideration and respect—we might devote ; abstract for a question of such universal and vital im- our whole time oflcgi.-lation to petitions alone: we j portance. It is but a dispute about terms, and wholly remain here from one years end to another ; we might ! overlooks the substance. It is at Cist and st last a rc- I scheme to excite the sympathies and delude the judg- sit from morn to night, anJ night to morn, and our U- joctiun of the prayer of the pe'.itiin ; but a refusal of ‘ merit* of this legislative body. And who, pray, are hors would never know an end. The right illimitable! the petition is a rejection in a mode to save time and the autburs of this base trick! Who the projectors (CONCLUDED.) Gentlemen argue as though we had no right, for any cause, or under any circumstances, to reject a pe tit cn. Is the right illimitable ! Are there no bounds to us exercise! If so, we might as well stop business. If the uiidrfinablc grievances of every man, woman and child ! white, black, or parti-calorcd, throughout eer widely extended country, whose digestive organa anay have become impaired, and who has therefore "ten thousand ills that flesh is heir to,” to complain of; if the conceits of every fanatic or fool, when embodied in the form of a petition, ara entitled, on that account lain our obligations to the Union.” Sir, ll:e right of petition and abolition ought never to liava been blend ed. To connect them is a mere trick—an artful for all the purposes of our government, and all the gloiy of our country. But now, if tlie North, regard less of the claims of the South, will suffer that instru ment violated—if the constitution like the right of pe tition. is of so much consequence as to be preserved when fur their gratification, and, at the same time, of so little consequence as to be violated when for our destruction—if the constitution is to he thus mutila- ted; depend upon it theimulh will not respect its mere fragments, scattered in the struggle of other States to overthrow hei institutions. If that hour should come, (which Uod in his mercy avert!) she will hesitate not to appeal from the cancelled obligations of a once-ven erated constitution, to her own ‘-inherent and inaliena ble” right of self protection. p ight i Is every petition, however disrespectful to this body to be received ! Is there any one who, in his zeal fur the freedo u of petition, goes that far ! I piesumc not. Them is then, some limit to-lhat light. Wc havo the piower to reject; the right to refuse is conceded. And is not this rejection an abridgment of the great right of petition ! Oh no! And why ! Because it would be an interference wiih the dignity of our bonoratde selves, and be perhaps on interruption of the business •f this House. This great inherent and inalienable right cannot stand, then, when brought into contact with our dignity or our business. These are to be rejected : but all others are to be received. These pe titions may be as direspectful as their authors please, to our constituents or our| States ; hut so as they do not touch our noble selves, they are to be received, They may treat with contempt the constitution of the country, and trample on ita chartered righta : but so as they do nut impede our business here, they are to be received. From whence did we obtaiu our dignity! Are we in a monarchial government, and it born with us ! No sir. It was derived fio.it tffi people yet wo would reject a petition here, disrespectful to ourselves, who are the tenant; but receive one in suiting to, and defamatory of, the people who are the matters. VVhenee do we derive our powers of leg is lilion ! From the constitution: and wc would reject a petition impeding our legislation, and yet receive one violative of the constitution, from whence all our pow ers of legislation arc derived,and upon which the wel fare of the country depends. The right illimitable ! Then where the necessity of that rule of this House which makes it incumbent on the introducer to give statement of the contents of the petition ! Where the necessity of a statement, unions its object be to detei- mine whether or not Congress has jurisdiction over the subject. If there bo no discretion, where thn ne cessity uf that other role which requires the question of reception to be put. Where the necessity of a question at all, if wc are prohibited from voting, or answering in the negative 1 The right of petition involve* two considerations : 1st. The right of the citizen aggiieved to petition: 2d. The power of the government over the subject of the petition, 1. Then the citizen must be aggrieved before he can petition. The only petitions excluded by this rule are those upon the subject of slavciy. Is a majority of this House prepared to pronounce slavery a grievance ! Can an institution recognized and secured by the con stitution be a grievance ! Are they prepared to pro nounce the conatitution (fur it is the constitution) a grievance ! Was it the intention of the constitution on the people ! The same constitution which guar anties tne right of petition guaranties the existence of slavery. Can one portion of the constitution be used to d. slroy another ! Could the Iramers of the const! tution have been guilty of such an absurdity as to have given the people a right to petition against the instru ment which they had formed for their welfare and hap piness 1 Can they be chargeable with the folly of creating and sanctioning a grievance, when they have conferred the right of petitioning against such evils In short, can anything in the constitution (reconsidered such a grievance as the people are allowed to petition against ! No, air ; by no eaneand unprejudiced man ran the existence of slavery be considered a grievance in the contemplation of the constitution. But again. Whose grievances does the constitution contemplate should be the subject of petition 1 Cer tainly those of the petitioners—the grievance* of the petioners themselves, and not tho-o of any other body or person. Will any gentleman on this floor attempt to show how slavery at iho South is a grievance to those of the North. How can they ask us to consider as a grievance that which those who are alone concern cd neither know nor acknowledge 1 There are those, doubtless, at the North, if not in this hall, who look up an slavery in the abstract as an evil; hut is it there fore a grievance ! I call upon any constitutional law yer on this floor, and more especially the strict con structionist, to say that it is such a grievance us was contemplated by iho authors of the 1st amendment of tire coi;-:,;u:u'n. 3. The power of the government over the sabject of the petition. What is the object which petitioners profess to have in view in the presentation of petitions ! W hat is the end to be attained, and upon which Congress can alone recognize their right of application. It is re dress. And a grievance which Congress has no right to redress, they have no right to petition against; be cause grievances which Congress can redress, are the grievances, and the only grievances, contemplated in the amendment. Now, if there is a single constitutional principle which, more than any other, miy i« considered as set tled beyond the possibility of dispute, it is that the in stitution of slavery is municipal, not national. It be longs exclusively to the Stales, and cau only be effec ted by State legislation. This domestic institution of the South is her own. It was brought into the Union with her ; secured by (hscompact which makes ua one people : and he whe looks upon it as a grievance is an enemy lo the con etitution, and oppo-ed to the peace and prosperity ol of our common country. I hate thus attempted to show that slavery is not a grievance. II it were a grievance at all, it is not one affecting the people of the North ; and that if it were a grievance affecting the people of Iho North, it is not one which can be redressed liy the government; and therefore no one has a constitutional right to petition for its abolition. A petition to any perron or nulhui- ity presupposes the power of relief. A right of peti tion cannot exist where thcro is no duty to hear the complaint; and the duty to hear cannot exist without a commensurate power to redress. There is, then, no duty to receive a petition upon which Congress has in disputably no power to act; and the refu-al to receive such petition cannot be tortured into a violation of the right to send it, which never cxiated. Many points have been made on this question which I could have desired an opportunity to have met, but which, under the operation of the hour rule, I am re luctantly constrained to omit. Were it not for this abridgment of rny great inherent and inalienable right “ freed >.7i of speech” mid of debate, I should have made it my duty to have replied lo every suggestion which has been advanced : fir there is not one which I have heard, which could not, in my opinion, have been easily and triumphantly answeted. But although deprived of this great right, I shall not, like some gen'lemon on this floor, flee to England for my right;, or like others, speak of dissolving the Union. I will not even waste my important tunc in the indulgence of complaint, but with all passible despatch proceed to answer such as I conceive the most important sugges tions. y, It is said on this floor, « let the petitions lie receiv ed, and they will vote with us for their njccliou im mediately at'er reception,” To such I say, llicic is one point in which wc agree ; and that the most impot ent of the whofe matter. It is in the refusal or deni al of the prayer of the petitioner. Reception is all that divides us. Hut I ask, does not reception carry with it jurisdiction over the suhjccl-maucr of the pcliou ! Does not reception carry the implication, inevitably, that the petition nny or may not l>o granted ! Recep tion either carries the implication, nr it does not. The propo-ition must be answered affirmatively or negative ly. If it be answered affiimatively. if the reception carries jurisdiction over lire subject of slavery, if it car- Xiee he implication that the prayer for its abolition may or may not be granted, nrc they willing to stand foitb money, put an end lo such applications, and ptevent discussions dangerous to the Union. The gentleman from New York, has admitted, that when petitions asked Congress to interfere between master and slave in the Slates, they stood on groond prohibited by the Conatitution :' but went on to arguo that petitions should be received when they asked an abolition of slavery in the District,because •* Congress had full power lo abolish slavery in the District uf Columbia.” •• They may pay the master or not, but they can lake the slave compulsorily from him.” I have not the time, if I possessed the inclination, to argoo this point. It does not necessarily arise in meet ing (be discussion upon which gentlemen have laid mo-t stress in the debate—viz : an abridgment cf the petition; but, as the opinion is asserted with so much confidence, and in such wild terms, I will throw out a few difficulties in the way, which have occurred lo my mind, and which I think are calculated to stag ger ony reflecting roan. “ Congress Way pay the mas ter or not, hut it can take compulsorily the slave from him ;” and the only authority fur this sweeping and despotic declaration is simply that clause which gives to Congress •• exclusive legislation" over the District. Sir. did the cessions by Virginia and Maryland of por tions of their respective territory lo Congress to consti tute the District, remove the inhabitants of those por tions beyond the guaranties of the constitution ! Clear ly not. How, then does the gentleman propose to get rid of that portion of the 5th amendment of the con stitution, which provides that •* no person shall he de prived of life, or property, without due process of law; and that private properly shall not be taken for pub lic use without due compensation ?" That the legis ation of this Hall is not a « process of law” will not- be disputed, and it is equally clear (bat slaves are “prop erty ;” they are recognised as properly by the consti tution, claimed as property by our treaties with foreign powers, and considered as property by our acts, of leg- i.lation. Again « private property shall not lie taken (except) for public use.” It would be somewhat diffi cult, 1 apprehend, to establish, that the emancipation of the alaves of this District would be for (he “ public use,” and t>ene6t; and should they be so considered, could they be token “compulsorily” from the master with or without paying” him, as the gentleman from New York says ! No sir, not « without due com pensation.” And when the member has disposed of these difficulties, under what clause of the constitu tion will he derive funds to be appropriated to such an otjecl! We are told that “Congress has exclusive legislation over" the “ District;” but does*• exclusive” mean unlimited—“ absolute ?" te the gentleman from .Massachusetts, [Mr. Hcnso.v] says ! From what dic tionary or other source did he learn that » exclusive" mant •• absolute ?" And yet it must not only signify absolute, but also despotic power, or the position of the gentleman from New York falls to the ground. But how will any reasonable man (not to take a cun. stitutional lawyer) construe that clause 1 It means, and can be made to signify nothing more than a grant oflcgislativs power over the District to the exclusion, •• in all cases whalsover,” of any concurrent juri-dic- lion. If this most palpable construction needed sup port, the history of the clause would smply furnish it. That clause of the 8th section of tho 1st article was not comprised in the original draft of tho consti tution, but it was afterwards supplied, when its neces sity became apparent, from the circumstances which occurred during tho latter part of the revolutionary war, when the proceedings of Congress were disturb ed by a turbulent mob, which the police of Philadel phia being unable lo subdue, compelled that body to remove its sittings to Trenton, New Jersey. Thst power ivas conferred for the single purpose of eoablihg Congress lo protect its memb.-rs from insult and vio lence, and lo conduct without intei reprion, the delib erations of this country. From whence did Congress derive its powers of legislation over this District ! From the constitution, together with the •• cessions of particular States. ’ Could the cessions of territory by patticular States have enlarged the powers of Congress undei the Constitution ! Sure not. How then can she now presume to abolish slavery ! The power of Congress over the subject of slavery is fixed by the constitution. It has no pone: whatever over the sub- cct, and cannot touch it, whether the slave be found upon' the soil of a State, or that of the District of Col umbia. Front what States was the “ ten miles equate,” which now constitutes the “ scat of gnvemmer t,” de rived ! Virginia and Maryland. It is a self-evident proposition,as well as an established principle of law, ilist a grantee can acquire no more power than a gran tor could convey. Tbe States of Virginia and Mary land themselves, it cannot be disputed, could not have liberated, without the consent of their owners, the slaves of Ibis District, when the leiritory was part of their respective States. And how then can Congress deri ving her power from them, claim or exercise more pow er than the Stales which ceded this territory ever pos sessed ! But those States, unwilling to tely upon the general prim iplc just alluJcd to, and appicbending the very danger which now threatens the rights of the in habitants of this District, prudently inserted ir. their acts of ccseion, the following limit to (he exercise ol power by Congress over the District: “ Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to vest in the United States any right ol property in the soil, or to affect the rights ol individu als therein, otherwise than the same shall or may be transferred by such individuals to the United Stales.” But there are other principles which should govern legislators in this matter—principles of higher author ity and obligation than even those of the law and con stitution. 1 mean the great principled of justice and moral light. Would the States of Virginia and Maryland ever have consented lo relinquish portions of their territory for such purposes os those for which gentlemen now contend ! Would the independent citizens of “ free and independent States” ever have agreed to have ex changed a legislation over tbeir personal rights, by rep resentatives chosen by, and responsible to them, for the exclusive legislation of a Congress ine-pnu-ible lo them, if they bad suppo-ed that such jurisdiction was to bo unlimited, “ ubsulute," and liable to be directed by the petitions of others, who had neither a common residence, nor a common interest with them ! Docs any one believe that, if the federal government had in timated an intention to abolish slavery in the District, the Slates of Virginia and Maryland would ever have ceded their territory ! And is not such an attempt now in bad faith, against the spirit of the compact and a gross violation of the understanding which musi have subsisted between the parties to the cession ! But, it I were disposed to aiguc this point, t should need noth ing more than the admi-sion of the gentleman from New York, that •* Congress cannot interfere with sla very in the States.” Will not the abolition of slave ry in this District be an interference with slavery in the Stales ! Not to lake into consideration the real object which the abolitionists have in view, in their de signs upon this District, as but an entering wedge for the abolition of slavery throughout the States, as but the commencement of an enterprize which will termi nate only with entire emancipation.—not. I say, to consider these objects, will it not “ interfere with sla very in the States” lo abolish here ! Will it not in evitably produce discontent and rebellion among the blacks of the neighboring Stan s, and make this Dis of this artful scheme. Who connected the right of petition with abolition! Are we ct the South, tbe slave-holding community, subject to the charge! It will not be pretended. It will not be piesumrd for a moment that we would (brow any obstacles in the way, and create interteience with the maintenance of our just and constitutional rights. Are our friends of the North, the anti-abolitionists, chargeable ! Surely not. They deprecate tbe difficulty ; they pray deliv erance from tbe embarrassment; and we have no reason to question their sincerity. If neither the South nor those opposed to abolition in the North, are tbe autburs of this scheme, who are ! There is but one other party in the country upon this subject, and it results inevitably that they are its authors—viz: the abolitionists themselves. 1 appeal lo our intelligent and reflecting friends from the North—I pul it to them, whether they will suffer themselves to bo thus entrapped; caught in the snare set for them by these fanatics; delu ted by this miserable subterfuge, the pitiful ery uf the violation of the right of petition. But it has already been hinted, and 1 may be answered thst though this may be but a ’.tick, yet the abolition ists have so fully succeeded in poisoning the minds ui our constituents, so thoroughly and extensively have they persuaded lbcw that the non-receptiun of their petitions is a violation of tbeix unalienable righta, that unless we carry out their views, the relation between us, of representative and constituents, will be dissolved. Sir, such a suggestion scarcely deserves a passing no tice. Any man who legislates here with a view to get back into this hall, will of course not he guided, by reason. Such a member >s unworthy of his station, because, he legislates for himseif, and not for his conn try. Their'constituents think the right of petition abridged, when we are daily receiving pelhions with out objection, over which Congress has jurisdiction and reject only tboso over which Congress has no con trol. Cannot they understand the difference between the abuse and use of an important right! The same amendment which guaranties the right of petition, guaranties also freedom of speech and of the press; ami because those rights are secured, is there therefore no such thing as slander or libel 1 If tbeir constitu- c«ts cannot now he brought to understand the differ ence between a proper and an improper petition, upon a subject ol which Congress has cognizance, and one where it has no jurisdiction, bow is it pru|>o»cd to make them understand the difference lit tw. to the re jection of a petition and tbe rejection of the prayer of a petition! How can they be made to comprehend how it is that a petition is of so much cocsequeuce «> to be received, aud is yet, at the same time, ot so little consequence as lo be rejected I I trust thst our friends DEMOCRACY. NACOIV TCEHDAV M3RM.X«, 32ABCII S, IS4-1. Democratic Candidate- for President. ITIARTIItf VAX 55*11232IS, of IT. X LEWIS CASS, ol*Ohio, RICH’D. 31. JOEIXSGIY, ofKy JOIIIY TYLER, or Virginia, To bcdecidctl by a National Convention in may, 1844. tflncou Cotton JIarkct. Our market is dull, with an irregular and down ward tendency in prices. Dealers appear to have lost confidence in the article—consequently, trans- ne>t actions are limited. We quote as extremes Gj lo 8j cents—principal sales 8i cfents. The receipts are light, and evidently decreasing. tricl u iff n of fugitive slaves ! Ye-', sir, tbe truth can not be suppressed, that if slavery is touched here, a blow will be struck which will be felt throughout tire lenath andbreadth of the slave holding States. These suggestions, thrown out for lbs consideration of others, ate but some of the difficulties which have nf the North will not sutler themselves to be alarm by the delusive cry of a “ false issue” being made, or he deterred from pursuing their true course for fear of consequences which do not and ought not legitimately to follow. The gentleman from North Carolina has attempted to illustrate this matter of -false position,’’ by a “simile of a battle.” Let rue tell the gentleman that he has himself assumed, in tbe outset, •• false positions ;” and in some cases, fi!»t characters for his pailies in that battle. He represents a general to bare taken a posi tiou with nis own troops behind a secure breastwork but has stationed his allies on exposed ground, where they are rapidly falling by the enemy’s fire. Tbe sc cure breaslwurk is the Constitution. I suppose. But where, I ask, are the allies—where the exposed ground! Who are the contending parties in this en gagement ! The enemies and the friends of the Con stitution ! The gentleman can make no other an-wer, Who aro the enemies! Uf course the abolitionists. Who arc the friends of the Constitution! The anti- abolitionists. Where, then, are the allies ! Are the anti-aholitiunLts of the North any less the enlisted soldiers and interested defenders of the Constitution, than wc at the South! Surety not. Where the ex posed ground ! We are behind the breastwork, (as the gentleman considers the Constitution.) Have wc pushed our friends of the North beyond that Consti tution! No, sir; we'both stand together upon the same ground—tbe battlements of the Constitution. Tha enemy—the abolitionists—-are alone without they are striving to enter the citadel, slavery is the weak point iu tbe fortress. It is there they design a breach. We have there constructed a hairier: that hairier is the rule. Whilst that remains, the fortress stands. When it is gone, the fortress falls. That harrier can Ire removed only by some one within. The fortress can I* taken, the citadel lost, only by treachery in the camp. I will puraue the simile no farther. But let me tell the member from North Carolina, that if this rule is lost, from the relation in which he stands lo, and (he part which be has borne in this transac tion, hr may go home to his constituents, and lo his grave, covered with the unenviable immortality of hav ing betrayed the interest of the South, in having sur rendered tho Constitution of bis country. I hoped to have had time to have commented upon the motives of ibese abolitionists. But whatever they •re—whether to destroy the institution of slavery, or, by their petitions, only to annoy and insult the South —will not the rejection of this rule by tiie House be to them n triumph ! No one can dispute the point. Are not the abolitionists the enemies of the country ! No one will, deny the assertion. Are our friends in the North willing to contribute to accomplish thr tri umph of the enemies of the country; end especially when their victory would be over the Con-iitulion of the land, the liberties of the people ! Sir, let me tell gentlemen of the North that on this subject there is no neutral ground. There are but two parties iri this eonlcvt—the friends and the foes of the Constitution. They must take sides with one or the other; and wherever their influence settles, victoiy must perch upon (hit banner. The whole responsibility is with the North. Let them not shrink front their high des tiny: let them glory in the occasion; let them meet it like men; let them do their duty, and leave conse quences to take care ol, themselves. Sir, will gentlcmin lu-sttato Is this a lime for hesi tation, when tho government is agitated to its very centre! Is this a time to cavil about terms, when the foundations of tbe nation arc shaken ! Is this a time to make haii-brcaJth distinctions about the extent of rights, when our very days seem numbered ! I tell gentlemen of the Noilh tbe South is in danger; and will they hesitate! Was such the conduct uf the $oulh when the Noilh was in danger—not from a feeble band of fdliatics. but from tbe most powerful nation in the world! Sixty-eight years ago, when the report of the musketry at Lexington gave token of the danger of our brethren of the North, a cargo of powder was captured off"Savannah, by Geoigia enter prise and Georgia vatcor. Was that ammunition, at at the tnoe so scarce in the country, retained at home to await the arrival ol the enemy on our own shores, and to defend our own firesides! No sir; I am proud to say, that with that disinterested patriotism which has ever characterized the South, it was immediately shipped to Boston, and it arrived in time to thunder from the heights of Bunker’s bill defijnee lo oppres- ion. And in our late war, waged for “free trade and sailors’ rights,” did the South stop to inquire whether the owners of the ships, or the impressed seamen, were natives of a southern latitude! No: it was enough ftrr them to know that the flag which had been di hon- Pcniutmsliip ant! Rook-Keeping. It gives us great pleasure to announce to onr cit izens, the arrival of Mr. R. Me Helm, formerly Professor in one of the Northern Colleges, and who now enjoys the reputation of being the ni09t skillful Penman and Instructor in Book-Keeping in theU niteri States. It will be seen,*by reference to his advertisement in another column, that he has taken Rooms over the Book Store of Mr. J. M. Boardman, on Mul berry street, where we advise ail who write badly or wish to become master of the highly important science of Double Entry Book-Keeping, to call once, ami place themselves under the tuition of Mr. McH., as it is a rare thing to see so accoin plislied a Professor among U3. Cour t martini. A Court of Inquiry is now sitting in Augusta, for the trial of Brig. Gen. Geo. W. Summers, and Major Dancy Adams—for what offence, is not stn led. The Court is composed of the following OiTi ccrs: Major Gen. J. W. A. Sanford, President, “ “ R. M. Echols, W. B. Wofford, John N. Williamson, *• “ L. II. Feathersione, “ “ Robert N. Bledsoe, ** •* D. M. Bqfns. Judge Advocate—James Gardner, Jr. Provo. Marshal—A. C. Caldwell, Clerk—Jos. B. McKinne. Brig. Ohio. The Whigs of Ohio held another Convention on the 22d ul»., lo nominate a candidate for Governor —the gentleman selected at the previous Conven tion, having wisely declined the nomination. They have at last found a man who is willing to stand defeat—Mordeica hartley, of Richland county.— Set him down as a gone Coon. Tom Corwin, the Abolitionist, was President of the Convention. oreil, was the American flag; that the seaman who haJ been oppressed was an American citizen; and they were at their posts, and ready to lose their last life drop for the protection of the one and the defence of the other. Sir, the people of the South love the Union. They •* the udvocales of reception 1 Clearly not; because, ! presented themselves to my tntud, in the way of any venerate the constitution as tho bond of that Union, iu the outset, they agree that the prayer could not be j exercise of power over the subject of slavery is this and will be the last to enage in its infractions. But granted, because, if Congress would, she has not the ' District; and I humbly ask that, if they art-oat of suf- I they love the constitution at it is ; as it was construed power lo grant it. If than, reception Carrie* jurisdiction, I ficieot weight to convince ua of our want of power-by those who made it ; as it has been approved by they ara opposed t* ik If ou the other band, tbe pro- J over the subject, whether they ara nol calculated et j near half a century’* successive legislation—sufficient The Uon. John Leeds Kerr, lute United States Senator from Maryland, died at his residence in that State, on the 21st ult., after n long and painful illness, in the 65th year of his age. Heller Save your .Strain. The Whig jockies are determined not to be heat lor the want of a good start. Long before tbe race has commenced, and before they know what nag or how many they may have to contend against, they are using whip and spur, threats,coaxings attd promises, to raise the mettle and keep their jaded party to the track. This brag game, is well un derstood by old Turftis, and is most too stale to take in any but very green ’uns. These bragging jockies, and rip-tearing, cavorting nags, that threat en to beat creation, nt the outstart, are frequently frightened at the tap of the drum, and the cool, cal culating, steady nerve they have to contend a- gaitist. If they do not bolt the track at once, it is not unusual for them to fall doggedly in the rear, and with humble crest and drooping tails, see their adversary carry off - the honors. True, it may not be so, at the approaching Na tional Race : the Whig jockies may keep up the steam from now to the end of the race; the Dem ocrats may not arouse, and their candidate may be beat, after all. But wait till Sleepy Davy is fairly on thelrack! and the drum taps’—then, if you don’t see enthusiasm dart \Yiih electric rapidity through the Democratic Phalanx, from Maine to Arkansas, over valley and hill, from the ocean to the lakes, you may set us down as no wizard. It is understood liiat Mr. Clay, who is now fol- lowitig “in the footstep® of his illustrious predeces sor,**—the Buckeye Blackguard, or, as the Whigs have it. “the Buckeye Blacksmith”—will reach this city about the 17th inst. IJe will, no doubt, be cordially received by his party friends, especial ly those who “ belong neither to the house of York ot of Lancaster.” For the benefit of those whose principles trill not permit them to support either 1 an Buren or CLAY, we are induced to fe-piiblisW the following “Beautiful Extracts,” which the Clay Club of this city should have printed on white sa tin, and with the likeness of their idol, suspended in a conspicuous place in their Club Ilootn > “ Mr Clay, has long since forfeited All claims to the suf frages if tlie South, by his zealous suppoit of the Tariff; and his advocacy of the Force Bill, wilt afford an additional reason for his receiving the determined opposition ol tho Statu Rights Party."—Ga. Journal, Dec. 25,1338: “ We can never support the distinguished Orator, whose powerful eloquence, has in so many instances been direc ted against the interests of the South. We can never sup- port an advocate of the “ Force Bill”—we cannot support *• Harry of the West.”—Georgia Jour nal, Feb. 2G. 1833. “We were among those who believed Mr. Clay was tredded to a United States Bank, but events as they have transpired, convinces us that we were in error.’ "We are pleased that he has abandoned the project, ami sincerely nope that the energies of his great nnd powerful mind, will be directed to the support of what we conceive to be more beneficial to the country.—Ga. Journal, May 28,1639. “The opposition which is made to Henry Clay by the States Right Party, is one of principle. They have no predilections for him as President of the U. States, nor love for k is political creed. He has always been the open nnd avowed, but generous opposer of their doctrines. They eaiffot, to be consistent, cast their suffrages in liis favor, and opposition to his election, will be ns firmly persevered in, as will be the opposition of the satne party, to Martin Van Bu- rea.’’—Georgia Journal. June 11, 1839. •• We will strive to promote die cause of State Rights, by-placiug before the people, the acts and opinions ofa dis tinguished son of Georgia. (G. M. Troup.) iu contrast with those of Martin Van Buren and Henry Clay.” Georgia Journal, July 9,1839, Mr. Clay lias identified himself with a course cfpolicy cn the part of the Federal Government, which is in our opinion no less unjust than injurious to the best interests of the South ; against his views, we have! warred hitherto, and shall continue tu war uncompromisinglySouthern Re corder. April 3, 1838. We consider that a choice of either (Van Buren or Clay.) would be a great evil; therefore we shall choose neither.—Southern Recorder, May 7, 1839. “ Our correspondent with all his zeal, rannot arrive at the forced construction, that we necessarily, because Mr. Cal houn is in favor, ond Clay and Webster opposed to the Sub Treasury scheme.are tinctured with Clayism, Websteristn. Federalism, the American System and Abolitionism. Of these sms we have never been accused by our enemier, -and it is too late iu the day for us to be catechised by our friends.” To answer our correspondent categorically, we have to say, that we are neither a Clay nor Webster man, and so far as the Sub-Treasury is concerned we aie not a Calhoun man.”—Georein Messenger. April 20.1838. “As m the other charges of minor consideration, but no less false, viz: That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of a National Bank. That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of Henry Clay. That the Georgia Whigs, are penegvrists of Daniel Web ster. ‘ We would express our denial in a very emphatic mono syllable, were not the use of ic offensive to “ ears polite ” Georgia Messenger. August 23, 1838. To the Editor of the Georgia Messenger> •• My best reflections and most careful investigations have confirmed the opinion, that Congress has no power to char ter a Bank.” “Opposition to a National Bank lies deep in the elements of our party organization We shall in vain expect the re spect due tin consistent politicians, if we become the advo cates ol a National Bank.” “ I belong neither to the house of York nr of Lancaster My principles will not permit me to support either Van Bu ren or CLAY."—E. A. Nisbet, July 24, 1838. Hrmpacy J. Janice, Who was imprisoned in Twiggs county Jail, for the mur der of tlie Penitentiary guard, and escaped from prison, has been arrested, in Randolph county, and is now in Jail in Cuthbeit. He will, in due time, be returned to Twiggs, to take his trial at the Superior Court, which aits on the se cond Monday i.i April. It has been published iu some of the papers, that Mr. Clark, who first had Justice arrested in Alabama, bas recently been murdeied at bis own house, and tliat it was supposed lo be done by Justice or bis asso ciate Brown. We leoru that tin's report is incorrect, and that Clark is still living.—Moron Messenger, C9th nil. Corresponded: Charleston Transcript. WASHINGTON. Feb. 26. From the Southern Miscellany—ffff AWFUL CATASTROPHE! Inslantcous death of Hon. Abel P \ tnry of IIV. Hon. Thomas IT. ’ v- • | ry of the Navy, Commodore Kennor rV ! ' v fill Mircy. Hon. .if.- G tnh.,r. , ' ' ■ “tttietplanon of one of Stockton's We hasten to lay before our readers the - the heart-rending catastrophe announced nboij'* V mcated to us through the columns of the « J; c ^ gcncer," of Thursday last, received by tlm ir.or • } j “ In the whole course of our lives it has n ° s j our lot to announce t j our readers a more shot'-' 1 :a 4 ty-*shocking in ell its circumstances •ad^j“5Ei l al than that which occurred on boaid the Princeton, yesterday afternoon, whilst under river Potomac, 14 or 15 miles below this c ii. **!• i»T “ Yesterday was d day appointed; .by fe c - J hospitality 04 CapC Btockton. Coinman-iei of for receiving ns visitors to his fine ship. >Ivin<» a . *, ®k,l a great number of guests, with their families Hi j numerously invited to spend the day o* hmiiSf« most favorable, and the coArpsny watflarreesd i ■ M both sexes; not less, probably, in nvnber. tin. whom were the Pi esulent of the Uni.Vji 8« tt , , . I of the several Departments, r~t thri»nifli*s/1 ^1 hoar, after the arrival of the 'jf pets the '^*1 underway and proceeded d \b,ts's ( w'?M below Fort Washington. 1)< v**wrtj ***1 '*>eiMge 8“ns on board ....hf553 I fired more than once, exhibiting tbe great power j *1 city of that formidable weapon of war. The bdi , t| M taken of a sumptuons repast; the gentlemen bad '"M*! them at tbe table, and some of them had left it • was on her return up the r ve-, opposite in the Jv!I Captain Stockton consented to fire another shot satne gun, around and near fehicb, to obserte in many persons had gathered, though by an m ,.,.”*tl on similar discharges in the morning, the ladies thronged the deck, being on ibis occasion ahm* vji'f'l tween decks, and out of reach nf harm. '“*1 “The gun was fired. The e.-.plosi.m was folWi, I fore the smoke cleared away so as to observe iaef 71 shrieks of woe which announced a dire calami*'id® gun had burst, at a point three or four feet from t ; tb ■ and scauered death and desolation around. Mr S.I Secretary of State. Mr. Gilmer, so recenUv placed head of the Navy, Commodore Kennon, nee of ia officers, Virgil Maxey, lately returned from a dip]®? residence at the Hague. Mr. Gardner, of New York if* merly a member of the Senate of that Sure,) v , t " rt the slain. Besides these, seventeen seamen were *,?! several of them badly and probably mortallv. • r ' those stunned by the et ncuodon, we learn b,h all tm. injured, were Capt. Sioiktnri himself; CoL Benton, Senate'; Lieut. Hunt, of the Princeton; \V. D. of Georgetown. Other persons alto n-errperhjf, fil less injured, of whom, in the horror and canfosioi, moment, no certain account could be obtained. Tbt * are believed, however, to comprise the whole of iltJ! sons known to the public who were killed or danjenst or seriously hurt. * J - The scene upon the deck may more eaailv be iEi--a| than described. Norean the imagination picture:o r'r-1 the half of its horrors. Wives, widowed in an inawt,] the murderous blast! Daughters smitten svh lie lnil rending sight of their father's lifeless corpse! Tbe of agonized females I The piteous grief of the uiari lc I heart-stricken spectators! The wounded teutm I down below ! The silent tears and quivering lipidiitjI brave and honest comrades, who tried in vaio to sobdtc eI to conceal their feelings ! What trords can adcquaiij, I pict a scene like this!” I “Thebodies of the killed remained on board dedal last night They will tie I rouglit to the city this mcraiq." | Death of Nicholas-Biddlc. The Philadelphia papers of Wednesday last anna j the death ol Nicholas Biddle, Esq. He diedatbiicaiil residence, Andalusia, on the 27lh ult, “after a nuns I marked by excessive pain, borne with manly conrtun r I long as it was borne, and yielded tost length withont ftp I mug.” He was about 58 years of age. ' ■ PENMANSHIP AND It mcHELK, of ffevr York, PROFESSOR OF PEAMiSSBIP k EOOE-KElMl ESPKCT FULLY informs the citizens of ltKn.it | IV he has opened Rooms over the Book Store o( M:il M. Boardman, on Mulberry Street, where be wi-lbrbtjp I to receive pupils amt visitors, and guarantees to inwn*| all, in t2ori8 lessons, his higb’y appreiiaied syncs J mercantile and epistolary Penmanship. Ladies are taught a neat amt beautiful episto’trt. ri I Gentlemen a free, bold, and expeditions business tu: I writing. I Mr. McHs system is formed from a prartiral eJfe.-itsri I or fiver years m one of the first Literary Institution inXev I Yoik. ond be has no hesitation in asserting, that it ijcfcl ent and superior to any thing ever practised it tb'ifty.o I respectfully solicits from the public an eurzirui ut ds-J only his own, hut also ot his pupils' specimens, 10 p rate us I truth of his assertion. f ....... „ - .. .... .... ..... “■ ---;-• --— | To anv who are acquainted with the science of Tfold I It ns.sot at their bead, (pointing to Mr. Adams.) should make Emrv U^k-Kecping/h h nnneressarv ic s»v, Umtb y*1 the bouth a Continental Havti. *c. ciplei upon which it is based, 1 * " During the debate on the 21st Rule, on Saturday. Mr. Holmes, in the course of some eloquent remarks, expressed his ardent wish that eiery inan uf the North and South, shot Id shew his hand on the abolition question. He said Northern Democrats and Southern Whigs, were as well prepared to do il now as at any other period, and it was on this shewing that further resolves would have to be ta ken. It was upon this action that they of the South must act, and he wauled to see at once the question brought to an What wi s the question before the iI >use ! Jt was ig more than this, whether the Abolitionists, like the ars noirs. the friends of the blacks of Paris, with This morning, with a view of procuring this shew of his hands, he offered a resolution to the effect that the South has the right to a peaceable enjoy meet of her property, nnd that any attempt, either by petition or utlterwise, to disturb that peaceable enjo inent. is a gross outrage. &c. This resolution, requiring all the pretended friend- of the South, to come to the point of the bayonet at once, caused the greatest imaginable confusion. They hardly knew what fn do with it. At last. Mr. Cave Johnson moved to lay it on the table. This failed Alter further rather ex- trnnrdinary proceedings, notice was given of debate, and thus the disagreeable intruder was got rid of for the pres ent. it lying over till to-morrow—a day, which, in legislative parlance, seldom cmnes. Mr. Belser offered several resolutions, declaring that it is wrong for Congress to make laws for the benefit of one por tion of the Union at the expense of another, (referring to the tariff,) which wese adopted. l’ntcnt OtUcc, From the annual report ot the Commissioners of Pa tents, which was presented in the House of Represents lives this morning, we learn that 534 patents have been is sued during the year 1843, including 11 re-issues. 16 de signs, and 2 additional improvements to former patents. During the same peiioa 446 patents have expired. The application! for pat* n:s during the year amount to 819. a ; npplic nd the 1 number nf caveats was 315. The receipts of the office for 1843 amount to $33,315 81 from which is to he deducted, repaid on withdrawn appli cations, $6,026 85. The whole number of patents issued by the United States up to January 1844, was thirteen tiioasaod five bun dreil and twenty five The patents granted for the yenr. exceeded those fm the previous year 24, aud the excess nf applications was 58. Washington Spectator. CIEOj In this city, this morning, ot liver complaint, JOSHUA G. MOORE, Esq., aged about 45years. In this city, on the 1st inst. after n long nnd distressin; illness, of Scarlet Fever. JULIA A. PAYNE, adoptei dauber of J. P. and R, A. Evans, aged 3 years. In Twiggs county, on the 10th ult. Mr. P. R. JESSUP, aged 28 years. Them Picture.—The last Macon Telegraph contains nn editorial article, under the head of" Clay Clubs,” which reflects the precise image of its illustrious Editor. Albany Courier. [Prrity goal, Mr. Courier 1 nan!—When we go down to Albany, which we expect to do before long, we’ll treat you to a ginger-cake, for your smartness—provided we can tind one in your city. Ad interim, should you travel this way, and have anv spare change, please to go with us to New- i lll ° Market House Council then adjourned Attest. CoimciS Chamber, I MACON, Mnrch 1, 1844. j REGULAR MUTING. Present—The Mayor. Aid. Collins, Ellis, Denton. Holmes, Freeman. Absent—Aid. Rylandtr, Ross, ll’tnn. The Minutes of the last tegular meeting were rend and confirmed. The llridge-Keepet reports tolls for week, ending this day, " $130 32 Deduct amount paid C. Campbell k Co. for Oil. 13 75 $117 17 The Committee on Public Property, having ascertained that the use of the Lot applied I'nr by Mr. H. K. Evans, as a Brick Yard, would, in the opinion of many citizens, en danger the health of the city. Report adverse to leasing the same. (Adopted.) Miles G.fitevens presented his Bond, as Street Contrac tor; which was approved. On motion of Aid. Holmes, Resolved, That the Marshal be directed to purclicc a Lamp, and suspend the same every meeting of Council in comb’s, and—tteat us to a plate of oysters!} The receipts of Cotton in Griffin, up to the 22d tilt., a- mounted to 12,228 bates. We have not obtained the re ceipts of the preceding week, but supposing them to amount to 8t)U bales, which is not far from the truth, the total re ceipts in Griffin, up to this lime, amount* 13,000 bales. Jeffersonian, 1st inst. Central Rail-Road. A. R. FREEMAN. C. C. T City Treasurer’s Office, I MACON. Feb. 20,1844. ) NOTICE. HE Book* of the Assessor will be open from date, un til the 1st day of April next for receiving Tax lletui A double Tax will be imposed on all delinquents, after the above date. Persons returning Ileal Estate, will be required tn fur- The non-arrival of the rars on Thursday evening, was in nisli the Number and topiare ol each L“tor parts of Lots, consequence of the breaking of one of the connecting rods of And nil persons having hired Slaves, whose owners reside the Locomotive, near the sixty mile station. Mr. Ball, of out of the city—or Agents for owners of Slaves livin" in the Messrs. Bail & Co’s. Express, arrived late at night, in a . city, whose owners live out of the city, are required to re- handcar, and the train reached the depot yesterday after-j turn them. A. tt. FREEMAN, Assessor. noon.—Savannah Republican, 2d inst. Feb 90 31 are so inerring. nsl tkr as by which it is governed «o infallible, that the sitsi* who adheres strictly to these principles, cannot pcJfilite in his practice Mr. McH. has so simplified his systrm ofBook-Knj* as to ren ter it an easy nud delightful study, end wv 1 stead of devoting years oflabor to gain a correct Iw'-N 1 of this highly important useful science, the student »«-* thoruuchly qualified in a very short time to ^eep tie B™ of the most extensive i-stablislm-enr, and thti tw. *n - s little real study, as Mr. MrH'a. method of isstranii** chiefly by explanation and example. Rooms open day and evening. Gentlemen the morning aud evening, and Ladies in tbe sl’.tn'w'- HEFERENCE8. Drs. J. M. &. II. K. Green, i Messrs. Uka k Conor. Dr. Wood, \V. A. RoMrtsoi. F. H. Welman, j MWssrs. Scott A CsVi e March 5 23 JOfliV BillTIIEliFOBD, Commission and Shiitpi*f MERCHANT, NA V V.VVkSi. «.l \\lILL do a general business on the usual t«*•* V f principles of other respectable booses. March 5 53 3! r^T ■^S5L7 1 SR7' A-NId SHOES J l'.XT' Rldivcl) at I lie *Ggii “I iho b MULBERRY STREET. Q Trunks of Gem’s. Fine Philadelphia Calf ip A\ do do do do do *2? Kid Husk* do StipP^ 1 *’ >ters< I white Gn-e* v«», j With various other kinds of Men’s Boots sssj a'i* dies’ Kid and Leather Shoes ; Misses’, Boy ». ' Children's Shoes &c.—which will he sold 1°*'',\.p03- March 5 23 STRONG kff f 1 do Ladies’ do do 1 do do do do 1 do do do col. white C 1 do do do black and h 1 do do do eol. Slippeti &PLESD1I) C;;A.\CE FOR ,1 W , rww -| TO BE DRAWN IN THIS CITY', NEXT - 1 March 8th. GEORGIA TATERATVTjV^.. CLASS 74, JA31KS PUALEJ & CO friae do do do do of do do do do Besides many other splendid am0J Any two numbers $12. Lowc.-t Priz TICKETS, Orders eithe Tickets in the above L lass, either s S age or in other Classes, oonslantlv dra« "'b ' Columbus—For sale at PRIZE L’nitiVSON. A?" GEORGE March i *