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THE MACON GEORGIA TELEGR A P H • The Ihit* Chil4*« Urare. A correspondent o( a New Orleans paper, j written from tlio interior of the Island of Cuba says: '•Smile time since, I visited tlio grave yard at this place. Wmld there I saw three funer als —o e was a man, the otli-r two children. Happening to be nearoneof thecliildren, I look From Ok Ckirleston Transtnpt. WASHINGTON, April 5. In tlie 8enete an additional regiment ol memorials in fa vor of the prose»l taiitr. were presented and reterred. Mr. Buchanau alone presented tilieeu from Pennsylvania. Mr. Evans submitted a reaolution. which lies over one day. calling upon me President for copies of any correspond ence between this country and Great Britain, on the subject ] o’ tire annexation of Texas. The President is requested to say whether Great Britain has attempted to I I way whatever. It DEMOCRACY. understood tlistthe real object of the cd Ut it. (for the coffin was open,) and was much resolution is to procure a copy of the despatch of Lord Ab- • j • , /• f l. iilthv nn I toav erdeen which was communicated to the President at tie surpris :d at seemgihe f.tceof a healthy and rosy lhe New BritUh Minisler presented his credenuai. J A bystander, seeing my surprise, This despatch will shew that Great Britain d ' 5lre ^ 1 B ° ) P‘^ appearance. _ _ remarked that it was customary to rouge the face of the children just before burial. What mockery! What hypocrisy! A pillow was plac ed in the grave, the child was taken out of the coffin and its head placed upon it, the shtoud placed over it, and the earth « as then thrown upon it by the friends, and then left to its last resling place. Did its head rest more tranquil on its pillow 1 Did rouge make its face fairer or prettier or more acceptable before the Throne of God!” Why is it mockery to rouge the face of the chili? Why is it hypocrisy? Who that treas ures up the memory of the little one that God has called away from the flock, but delights to retain the recollection of its most ple ising looks; the smile that lingered on the lip; the last gl tncc iho eye gave as its lid dropped in death ; the gently budJi gteeih,just pecringthrougluhe ruby of tlie lip; the fine blue vein that lays along the cheek, and swells over the marble front; the silky lock of hair that comes sloping down the temple—these seemed marked upon the mind w't’i the exactness and fiJelityof Daguereolype presentation. And if the sight tinge, which ivast’ng s : ckness had driven ffom the cheek of the little one, is recalled by art, does not help the figure, and keep alive in memory, the per fection of that idea that parental fondness hus- bands in the heart as its treasures of memory— that which is to make Heaven more heavenly, when the family shall be regathcred? And what hypocrisy is there in that? Do men deceive the worms? "Did the rouge make tlio face more accept able before the Throne of God?” Whata ques tion for a cynic to ask! How unparental, how unchristaiu! Surely the heart must have sickened when it asked that question. But if rouging itbe cheek is hypocrisy perhaps (the decency of sepulture of the child is no Jess so. Tlie liitle while robe, die crossed hands cold and white as wax; the lid drawn down to cover the fading »eyc ball, whose hue is marking all the white of t}ie surrounding orb; the liule procession that g ies forth to ihe grave, that very train Uiat fol lows weeping; all these are a part of the hypoc risy. And then when the little firm was lifted fir >m its coffin, and laid on the cold bed, and a pillowplaced beneath its unthrobbingtemple, it is asked did its head rest more tranquilly on its pillow. Who that has sat in ilje broken circle at home when all were thinking, but none ventured to speak, of the little child just laid in the grave, who h id not felt a chill creep over him at the thought that the cold earth was above, ^around and below their lovely lost one; and then the idea of pillow and shroud would bring a mo mentary comfort to the aching heart, far prefer able to the chillng conclusion, that death had made the babe insensible to cold and pain. No, the head is not easier for the pillow, and the face will not be more acceptable before the Throne for the tough. But those who -deck out the infant, make it beautiful for their dove of it here and their hope of its destiny here- Politicnl Catechism Who oppose.! the United State* Bank in 1611, as an in stitution unconstitutional, inexpedien-, and dangerous! Hen ry Clay. Who has been foremost in denouncing and abusing An drew Jackson for puttinir down that institution T Henry Clav. Who, shortly after our last war with Great Britain, spoke .of Gen. Jackson, as one **who baa abed ao much glory on osr Country—'one whose renown constitutes ao great a por tion of ibe moral property of the nation!” Henry Clay. Who has been ew.Circricg f T nearly yar: past to tarnish the bard earned reputation of the patriot Jackson, •‘whose renown constitutes so great a portion of the moral • property of the nation?’’ Henry Clay. Who declared that he would rather war, pestilence and - famine should visit our shores, than that a military man should be elected President of the United States ! Henry Clay. . ,. Who afterwards told his friends that they would do him a particular favor by voting for General Harrison, a military cbiaftain? Henry Clay. Who was held up by his friends as the father of the pro tective system? Who declared that he had cherished that system with paternal fosdness! Who quarrelled with DemJcrat'.c Senators, because they consented to a reduc lion of the high Tariff in 1832 Henry Clay, Who now endeavor* to convince the Georgian*, through Dr. Bronson, that he regards, and has always regarded, a high Tariff at eminently dangerous ! Henry Clay. Wh i disputed the patriotism and veracity of John Quincy Adam* a little upwards of twenty year* ago ? Henry Clay. Who helped to make John Quincy Adams President, and then accepted ollice under his Administration with tLe ques tion of veracity between them still unsettled / Henry Clay. Who joined a masonic society in vety early life, and con tinued a me nber of it for thirty years, attending its meet ings quite frequently during his membership, going through about six degrees, an.l on one important and interesting oc casion acting as orator for the lodge to which he belonged ! Henry Clay. . . . ., . , Who has recently written a letter lo tlie anti masons de claring that. in early life, he became a mason through youth ful rurinsitv, and that lie never had a taste for the mysteries of tlie order? Henry Clay- Who spoke of Francis r. Blair,the p'esentEditot of the Glohe. ss a personal friend with whom he differed in politi cal sentiment with the deepest pain ? Henry Clay. Who declined visiting Indiana previous to the State elec tion in 13*2. upon the ground that it might be construed into an electioneeringinovementon his part? Henry Clay. Who visited Ohio on the eve other State elections the same year for tlie purpose of addressing two hundred thous and citizens of the Buckeye State? Henry Clay. Who has fiercely denounced Mississippi repudiation} Henry Clay. . , ... Who was the champion of tlie late national repudiation act alias bankrupt law T Who was moat active and effi cient iu favor of the annulment of Messrs. Blair A Hives’ contract with the Senate ? Henry Clay Who made a beautiful speech in favor or the Christian re ligion daring the drys of tbe cholera 1 Henry Clay. “Who was afterwards the chief adviser in the duel which resulted in the death or raurJer of Jonathan Cilley T Henry C ‘\Vho is held up by the Whig party as the most consist ent. honest, and patriotic public tnan in the nation 7 Henry Clay !! Late front Africi*—Itsaalt !• onr Flog. Allen, arrived at liuca] connexion with Texas, but one of a commercial char acter only. , Mr. Bavard called up the bi'l “explsnatory or the act to regulate the Navy.” The bill provides that the officers and crews of wrecked vessels shall be compensated for their losses, provided a Court Martial decide that tlie wreck was not caused by negligence. . . . The bill was opposed by Mr. Allen on the ground that it would lead to negligence, and defended by Messrs. Choate aud Bayard. At the request of Mr. Buchanan, it was then laid aside. ill The bill providing for the Improvement of certain harbors and rivers was then taken up in Comm.tiee of the VV ho^e. Alongdebate arose on a motion to increase from 550.000 to $100,000 the appropriation for the improvement ol the Ohio river, above the Falls at Louisville, i mally the mo tion prevailed.- . ,, », nn The debate was then renewed on a motion to add 000 to the sum appropriated for the river below the Falls. Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, advocated the appropriation and enlarged on the extravagant administration of Mr. V an Bu ren. and the debt of 8 millions he left (or the Whigs to pay. Mr. Payne was glad to find one Whig gentleman consci entious enough to admit that the said debt was but 8 mil lions; became during the last Presidential campaign, it was obstinately repeated, in various quarters, that tlie amount was JO millions. Mr. P. then explained how the 8 millions was made up. First, there was the debt assumed by this Government, wliich this District owed to Holland, amount ing to nearly a million aod a half Next was the great amount of treasury notes issued during the last war, Ac. After disposing of this. Mr. P. proceeded to reply to other charges which had been made against the Democratic party. In the course of hia remarks he paid a high compliment to Mr. Calhoun* and said he was one of the brightest stars that ever shone in the galaxy of American statesmen. The debate, which was purely of a party character, was continued, without taking the question, until the adjourn- nretu. It will be remembered that in the summer of 1842, tlie celebrated Mr. Colt, exhibited the power of his submarine battery, by blowing up a vessel on the Potomac, at the dis tance of nine miles. He is again in the city, and is making preparations for another grand experiment. He proposes to explode a vessel, under full sail, on hs way to rnr Nary Yard. If he can accomplish this, the advocates of a reduc tion of the Army and Navv will have something like a tang- ible argument. ' WA8HI?T( >N. April ft The Senate was not in session to-day, it being their prac tice to devote one day per week to business in the Commit tee Room. .. Mr. Choate has given notice that he will on Monday call up the report of the Finance Committee on the modification of die Tariff. In the House, the consideration of the bill malunr appro priation for the improvement of certain harbors and rivers, was resumed in Committee of the Whole, ^wiili the under standing that all debate shall cease at two o’clock. The question pending was still on the amendment of Mr. Ilcge, to strike out #180,000 “and insert $223,000 for the improvement of the 'Ohio River, below the Falls at Louis ville, and of the Mississippi, Missouri, Illinois, and Arkan sas rivers." After a somewhat tedious debate, the amendment was concurred in. Several other amendments were submitted and rejected- The hourof two having arrived, the debate terminated, and the question was put on about fifty additional amendments; nearly nil of which were rejected by acclamation. Mr. Weller moved to add an additional section, appropri ating $75,000 for tbe continuation of the Cumberland Road. Mr. Holmes, of S. C. moved to amend this motion l y ad ding “five millions of dollars for continuing the said Road to Oregon." When this was read by the Clerk, a burst of laughter arose, which lasted several minutes. Every one saw the drift of the satire. The amendment was, of course, rejected, ss was also that W Mr. Weller. Mr. O’Cnnnell moved to amend by jnserting S50.000 for the improvement of Salt River. This the Committee a- greed to, amidst roars of laughter, it evidently being the general understanding that the btllwillbe rejected. Fiaally the Committee rose and reported the bill. when, without taking the question on the amendments, a motion lo adjourn prevailed. On Tuesday, the Tariff Bill will be taken up. and consid ered from day to day until finally disposed of. It is under stood that not more than a week or ten days will be allowed for debate. # . _ As the House is manifesting a disposition to despatch all the important business in so summary a manner, I presume there will be no difficulty in the way of an adjournment by the end of May, unless something unexpected shalltranspire. . nccrai .elections. Connecticut.—In this Slate the election was held on the 1st insi-.for Governor. State Officers, and Members of the Legislature. Tbe Whigs have succeeded. Though tbe Whig candidates for Governor and State Officers are not elected by the people, yet they wiii cerKrrfy b* -c?!es-a by LvKi.iaiure, both branches of which will be Whig. In stead of a defeat, we consider tlie result of this election as a triumph to tbe democratic principles, and especially to the democratic principle of free trade. When we found in the democratic papers of that Stale, that (be party had hoisted the free trade flag, aod that they had made a pro tective tariff and a revenue tariff the test questions for the election, we anticipated a complete defeat, owing to the im mense interest which woald be brought to bear against equality of protection and taxation, not only in Connecticut itoelf but from the whole manufacturing class of the north. The Democratic party knew the fearful odds they had to oppose; but they honorably and manfully avowed their principles, and awaited the issue with the conviction that they were pursuing the path of duty. _ The result has been against them; but by so slender a majority, that they have acquired well grounded hopes of a complete triumph of their principles at another trial. Free trade principles are in the ascendant in Connecticut. In the next contest, which will take place before the present year expires, the Denr cratic party of Connecticut will obtain aoch a victory as will es tablish for many years tlie ascendancy of its principles. The result of tbe recent election is tbe sure harbinger of that re public. New Orleans.—In this stronghold of the Whig party of Louisiana, the Democrats have obtained a signs! victory, on the 1st instant. The triompb is overwhelming and decisive. Tbe Democrats have cauied the city by a large majority; large we say. beeanse it is only a few years ago that the Whigs boasted of a thousand majority io the city; they have elected a Democratic Mayor by about 200 majority, two out o f the three recorders, a majority in the general council, and majorities of members in two nut of the three munici palities, into which the city is divided. This victory ena bles the 8tate of Louisiana to take a prominent rank among the Democratic States of the Union.—Constitutionalist. MACON: Thsrae Ike .*• urdrrer. ‘Thorne, the murderer of Wilson, now imprisoned at Thnuinstown, Maine, awaiting his execution, continues quite troublesome. Tbe officers have recently discovered a plot of hi* contrivance, for the murder of some of them, and thereby to make his escape. His contumacy is astonishing, considering his situation. He seems to be blind as to his true position, and thinks he shall be liberated, when his probationary year expires. He says he has -made up his mind not to marry Mrs. Wilson, when he gets out. His lore (for which he did the foul deed of murder) seems to have turned to hate. He thinks he was not used fairly, when the trial occurred, by Mrs. Wilson. Miserable man! How strangely infatuated—when the light of liberty is never on earth again to bless his eyes.—Boston Mail. The Iupcacknl Jadgs. Judge Elliott of New Orleans, has- been found guilty on the fbur articles of impeachment preferred against him. On two, the vote was 10 to 4—-on the other two, 11 to 3. Reso lutions were psssed unanimously, that he he forthwith re moved from office, an.l that the verdict should not, nor was •it meant, to iffect the legality, or validity of the certificates of naturalization, issued Dy Judge E. The Picayune pro nounces it a righteous judgment. Fatal Dari. A duel, which terminated fatally, took place yesterday morning, near the tobacco presses below the city. The parties were John DeBuys and Victor Castein—the weap ons double-barrelled shat guns. At the first fire Castein re ceived the contents of his adversary's piece in his breast, fell, and expired almost immediately.—N. O. Picayune, 6th inst. how how far they ! tion with impunity, j TUESDAY JIOR.M.XO, APRIL 16, IS44. Democratic Candidates for President. MARTIN VAN BUBEN, ofN. V LEWIS CASS, or Ohio, RICII’D. M. JOHNSON, ofKy JOHN TYLER, of Virginia, To be decided by a National Convention in iff ay, 1844. Haeon Cotton JInrket. Our market still continues very much depressed —but few sales are taking place from Ware Hous es, there being no cotton coming in, of consequence. There is rather a decline in the article since our last quotations, of about £ of a cent in the finer qualities, and a l cent in the inferior kinds. We quote 4£ a 7£ cents, as the extreme of prices. DEMOCRATIC YOUNO MEN’S MEETING. (CT* The Democratic Young Men of Bilb County, and all others opposed to the election of Henry Clay—opposed to a National Bank —high Protective Tariff—abrogation of the Veto Power, and other Whig measures, will meet at the Court House in Macon, on WED- NESDA Y, 24 th inst., at half past 7 o'clock, P.M. Business of importance will be brought for- toard, and several Gentlemen are expected to address the Meeting. of.be RiSt lh Iu“ e ^iVh*p Bar, an. of Philadelphia, had returned to Sevore the remainder of hia life in ptous purposes,... that b *T5^Brii Francis Lord, of New York, had been fired into V nliH.h oKin Alert, on the coast. An outrage, which afterwards endeavored to extenuate, by staling the officers atte . . T ^ e deliberation, accompany- tfcst it arose Irom a mistake. inference is ing this attraction.was. « S V v-ation.and Nava* officer* forego no opportunity to * W 1 . t P ruT :< that'the Administration will properly investigate *he intact, and show the haughty Britons we will redress ottid revenge an insult, no matter at what cost.-BaU. Re- publican. 6th. inst . - Lucky Hit- . , _ An .41 building, about to be pulled down, .o the’ Boweijf . was sold for $ !Q ... two Irishmen, on conditio., they would r- tmove it. They went to work at it. and in B P some of tbe wainsroating. found a jug. which tion. proved to be a money jug ; containing, tt.. said #9,000 •in gjM coin.—-V. i. Paper. mo?: n ;.c. h :^ a j Lip.m of'l'nfo'rmation in relation to the Pungent tie Government of Texas by which he ohtuns trom tat ° M ** lh jy Finrereial »nd Commercial Article. SeV-hc . grant of two tracts of land- one embr.cmg I6.4<W. Monthly j The New York Historical Soctety. CONTENTS OF THE United State* nagaaire Sc Democratic Review. FOR APRIL, 1S44. British Critics and British Travellers, The Land of Dreams. The Study and Practice of the Lavr, The Chatelain’s Wooing. Horace Walpole and Mr. Macaulay. Tbe Scarlet. By James G. Percival. Percival and his Poetry Dream of a day and other Poems. Bv J. G. Percival. Albert Duer. A Sketch. By Mrs. EUct. The Informer. By John Nugent. C‘ nt-nporsry Spanish Poetry. By A. H. Everett. The Unbroken Heart. . Loose Leaves by a Literary Lounger, No 4. Gatherings from the Grave tards- Tbe Texas Question. Lines By Mrs. F. Kemble Boiler. „ Address lo the Public. >f the Society for the_Collection Minister te France. We perceive by the Washington papers, that the Hon. Win. It. King, Senator from A’lnbaroa, has been nominated MinistertoFiance;aadunan imously ratified by the Senate. Mr. Ysut Barra's Y-otc on the Tariff of 1S2I< Mr. Clay, in bis Macon speech, in a vein of pleasantry, charged Mr. Van Buren with voting for the Tariff of’28. But either from a failure of memory, incident to old age, or from a want of proper ingenuousness towards a political adversary, neglected toexplain the circumstances under which that vote was given. Mr. Clay very well knew, that Mr. Van Buren was instructed by the Legis lature of New York, lo vote for that bill; and he knew too, that Mr. Van Buren made a speech a- gainst the bill, although forced by his constituents to vote Jor it. Candor demanded, as he had allu ded to the subject, that he should have told the whole truth. The Georgia Messenger, since we explained the maiter some weeks since, charges that Mr. Van Buren wrote on and had himself instructed to vote ns ne atu. nut they furnish no prooi oi me We demand the proofs. If they expect the friends of Mr. Van Buren to take up the matter and prove the negative, it would be an easy matter foi an in ventive genius to furnish charges like this, against the character of a 6aint, to blacken it. The proof— tbe proof—let us have it! Connecticut Election. Bv appeals to the interests of the population en gaged in manufactures, in favor of n Higii Protec tive Tariff; and bv playing on their sectional pre judice, against the Annexation of Texas, the Whigs have succeeded in carrying this State, by a majori ty greatly decreased since 1840. If, with such advantages, they have been able lo do no mote ftbv, the Democrats who fought un der the Free Trade banner, have everything to hope in tlie Presidential election. The present Congress will, in all probability, put the Tariff and Texas questions at rest. Then, with a fair field, the Democracy will enter the contest, with the most sanguine expectations. New Os'Icana Election, When the bowlings of “ Bear and tlie Sorer,’' had failed to make any impression on the Derrto- cracy of “tlie Crescent City,” and when the ex hortations of Mr. Clay—as usual—had only given strength to the Democratic cause there, to cover their mortification, the Whigs raised the cry ofcor- Tupiion. They charged the Democrats with carry ing the election by fraud. But it turns out that the fraud was committed by themselves. And the hue and cry was only what Hudibras would call a “ tussispro crepitu,"—an impudent, attempt to conceal their own depravity, under the dust and noise of a hubbub against their opponents. The dust lias cleared away, and re vealed tlie fact, that the Judge, before whom the certificates of naturalization were made out, is a Whigt and that a Whig leader, a member of the Clav Club, procured a considerable mrmber of ille gal certificates, and that the ways and means to defray the-ex.penses of the transaction, were Faised by the'Clay 'Club aforesaid. Whenever a Whig cries out, “there’s cheating round this board.” look in his cap, and you will be sure to find purloined cards! Remember that. talk •fake Wki|s. It is contended by-this party, that Tariff duties have the effect of cheapening goods. Or, in other ords, that, adtling on 50 per cent, duty to the cost of an article at the CMstoni-House, makes that arti cle sell 50 per ct. cheaper. According to this new mode of Whig ciphering, if a man borrows of an- othet 8100, and promises to pay 25 per cent, inter est on the money, instead of giving his note for S125, as formerly, he wt.uld receive 8100, in mo ney, and give his note lot 875 only. So that the more money a man can bortow, and the higher in terest he pays, the richer he gets. If the borrower will only promise to pay 100 per cent., he will get the money for nothing. If lie promises to pay 150 per cent., he brings the money-lender in debt to him largely. What a beautiful theory! What a revolution in the financial affairs of the people and Govern ment of this country, will be effected, if the Whigs succeed in convincing the people, that subtraction atxJ 4*Jditk>n are convertible terms. Annexation of Texas. The prospect ol Texas becoming one of the Stales of this Union, seems to be brightening daily. 1 he more the subject is discussed, and tlie mote its im portant bearings on the diversified interests of this country are considered, the more favor it gains. To the South, it is of the first importance. Our peace, prosperity, nay, existence, is intimate’y connected, with preventing Great Britain from oc cupying that vulnerable frontier, from whence she could, by a secret order in council, throw a well- appointed army in our midst, in a few weeks’ time; and while Congress was drowsily deliberating the expediency of war, our country would be devasta ted, our property carried off, and our lamilies in destitution, only left to mourn over the smoking ruins of their homes. These thoughts have occur red to our people, of all parties, and, although the leaders of tens” of one party here, were thinking seriously ofopposing annexation, for party purpo ses, they now discoyer they cannot carry the peo ple with them, and are beginning to change their grounds. The question of Annexation can be no party question in the South, whatever it may be tortured into elsewhere. The South will be unanimous on that subject, and wo to the leaders who are so delu ded and obstinate as to refuse to retrace their erring steps, and act with the people lor the true interests of the South. The traitor’s fame will be his, to whose agency the failure of Annexation is attach ed. The reckless aspirant, who now aids in throw ing Texas under British domination, in order to subserve some selfish temporary purpose, may go hang himself, like Judas, if an offended people de cline performing that last office for him, when he secs Queen Victoria’s sable regiments defiling the dwellings of Louisiana and Mississippi. The Western people see tlie grasping hand of England aiming to seiae Texas and Oregon, and encircle us with a military cordon, extending from the mouth of the Rio Grande to the Gulf of St. Lawrence; their mammoth Navy on the Atlantic, completing the fatal circle. They see the ease with which New Orleans may be surprised and ta ken, by a military nation holding Texas, and a na tion, whose Constitution, unlike our’s, admits of her beginning a war, by seizing an enemy’s coun try’. With that great depot of her agricultural pro ducts in the hands of a power, whose armies are on her «very frontier, she sees every thing to fear.— Tlse West must be favorable to Annexation. Arid the East, what will she do? Massachu setts threatens to leave the Union, if Texas comes into the Confederacy; the motley crew of Aboli tionists, with theit parti-colored hosts, fume and scold; and Daniel Webster, “ the splendid Lazar- roni” of politics, leads the van, with his eye keenly fixed on offices and emoluments. So far, politics and fanaticism have ruled the hour in the East-. But there is yet another voice to be heard from that quarter, and it will speak out in tones that must drown the magpie notes of politi cians, and the whining cant of spurious philanthro py. That voice is interest. Boston is to the East ern Stales, what Paris is to France, it is the focus of opinion. And when the Lawrences and Apple- tons, and other great capitalists, ship-owners and manufacturers, see that if Great Britain gets Texas, they must lose its carrying trade, and the supply ing of th'at country with manufactured goods. And not only will they lose the latter, but England once .!> jnwaession 01 'J sto.. ,1mm ..J- „;n w , great thorough-fore for smugglers, who will flood all the Mississippi valley with British goods, to the detriment of “home industry.” The whole Uni ted States Army, if it was double its present size, would be insufficient to guard such an extensive frontier from smugglers. Look at the tables of the Treasury Department, and see the exports and ini*- ports of Texas, and say if New England is willing to lose such a customer. Look at the number of American vessels cleared for Texas, and compare it with our trade to Mexico; iQ 1840, there were 339 for Texas, and 142 for Mexico. And this trade is but in its infancy. Will they give it up to Eng land? Hardly? The Whig organs begin to open their eyes to these things, and find it necessary to shift their ground, but it is intrinsically the same feeling of hostility that actuates them. At one time, they objected to Annexation, on the frivolous pretence, that it would contravene our relations with Mexico. Have we not recognized the independence of Tex as, and have we not established diplomatic relations with her, on the same footing as with Mexico ? If we yet look upon Texas as a portion of Mexican Territory, and a dependent of that Government, why on earth have wo sent a Charge d’Affaites there ? But they have found this plea too absurd to deceive themselves with even, and changed their mode of attack* Public opinion has swelled to such a torrent, as to make them fear open opposition, on any ground. They now begin to veer round, and profess to he friendly to Annexation, but wish it postponed, until public opinion shall develope itselffirlly. Whose opinion are they consulting? Is it the opinion of Abolitionists or Slave-holders? We can tell them that, in this section, there will be hut one opinion. All are in favor of Annexation, except a few Whig leaders, who begin to tremble in every joint, at having made a false step. But They are used to changing, and can change again. They dislike, after opposing Annexation, To wheel round and advocate it without qualification-, even if they desire to do so; and to pretend to want time for reflection. They wish it postponed. And trembling before public opinion, which is ma turing, here, too fast for them, they say, like Felix to Paul—“Go thy way for this time; and when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee.’> But if the subject is postponed until after the elec tion, that’convenient season, they design shall never arrive. And Texas, like Felix, may find its own ■way to perdition, or what is about the same thing, get into the hands of the British. Let every friend of Annexation bear this -in mind;—that postponement is only another method -of opposition. Every friend of the Annexation-of Texas is in favor ofimtnediate action. Every en emy ofit is for postponement. The Abolitionists will be tlie greatest advocates of postponement. Now let us see who will act with them on this sub ject, and who will stand up in defence of our own “altars and fire-sides!” Come up to the mark! Ctty of Augusts*. An election for Mayor snd Members of Council was held on the 8ih inst., and the result is as follows— Mayor—M. M. Dye. Council—First Ward—McWhorter, Garvin, Crump. Second Ward—Hodlev. Eve, Chew. Third Ward—Bishop, Ford. Hiblet. Fourth Ward—Harper, Philip. Beall, Alexander. Tbe Tariff. The maxim of selling everything and laying nothing, examined. Tlie Messenger has deigned to notice our poor lucubrations, on the effects of a Protective Tariff. We should esteem ourselves particularly fortunate in having been able to say anything, which is of sufficient importance lo arrest a passing notice from him, if his mode of defence had been less Parthian, or if he could have relaxed his habitual caution, and used some tangible argument for us to combat. We should have considered ourselves, in that c- vent, as fortunate, inasmuch as he appears to feel thoroughly versed in matters relating to Commerce, and has taken “commercial men” under his espe cial tutelage and protection. We gather from the Messenger’s article, that he is an advocate of a Tariff for protection, because it would enable us to sell more than we buy. And that he is favorable to the Tariff Act of 1842, for the same reason, with the additional advantage of its having yielded a larger revenue than was anti cipated. If we had any hope of his openly avow ing, and maintaining these opinions,—or any other fixed ones,—which he, evidently, lias for the nonce, defended with the usual arguments, we should take great pleasure in an argument. But we remem ber his course on this subject, too well, to hope to receive a positive expression of opinion, until the party have officially announced their adoption of Mr. Clay’s opinions on the subject. Let us, however, examine the leading idea in the Messenger’s article, and we do so mure cheerfully, as tt is identical with one of Mr. Clay’s, in his speech in this place. He says#—“ We had al ways been given to understand, that it was a car dinal maxim of individual prosperity, lo sell as much, and buy as little as possible;—that the man was in a fait way of becoming rich, who sold more than he bought, and that he was getting on still better, if he received his returns in money, which he might spend as lie pleases. Nations are nothing but aggregates of individuals, and the same max ims are equally applicable.” This sophism is ingenious, and well calculated to deceive any one who does not take the pains to examine it closely. But in the first place, the a- nalogy between the management of an individual and a nation, will not hold good. It may answer for a figure of speech, but will not do to rely on, as the basis of a serious argument. Take, as an ex ample, that, as individuals, we are commanded by the decalogue, not to kill, and that crime is punish able, by the laws of the land, with death. While a nation, although “ nothing but an aggregate of individuals," may levy armies, declare war, and kill by wholesale. Is not the fallacy of such a mode of reasoning obvious ? But to waive that objection, for the sake of argu ment, let us consider the question on its merits, as pertaining to individuals, aud see where it will lead. As a general rule, it is perhaps true, that a man who sells all he can and buys Us little as possible, will get rich. But suppose all his neighbors adopt the same principle, who is there to buy? The planters ofHouston, Crawford, Monroe, and others, sell their cotton to the merchants of Macon, from whom they purchase their supplies. The benefits of the trade are mutual; the planter re ceives a remunerating price for the product of his labor, and the merchant, hv the receipt of a fair profit on his goods, is enabled lo prosper. Suppose, howevei, tlie planters all come to Macon, and sell iticti cotton iu tlie merchant, and carry all their money home, without making any purchases, or very trifling ones, how is the merchant to live? Is it nor apparent that he must abandon his business; that Macon would become a deserted place? Yes, the spiders would build webs across the doors of their stores. And the planter losing this market for his staple, would hove togd farther, to Savan nah, where a similar policy would produce similar results. This is the catastrophe, the astute policy of the Messenger would inevitably bring about,— total destruction to a market for the planter’s cot ton, and ruin for the “commercial men,” for whose interests lie professes Such profound regard. Now, let us apply the Messenger’s principle of selling everything and buying nothing, on a na tional scale. Let us apply it to the operations of the trade of the Un’ted States. Say we export to foreign countries S100,000,000 worth ol cotton. rice, tobacco, lead, pmk, and other articles, and receive nothing in return but gold and silver. If we had the means by us, of ascertaining the exact amount of circulating medium in tlie world, it would be an easy sum in the rule of three, to tell how many years of such a trade, would suffice to starve the population of Europe, Asia, and Africa to death, and transport the wealth of the world here. Can any one suppose, the nations with which wc trade, are so blind to their own interests, as to permit such a trade as this to go on ? Yankee ingenuity is well established, but we must not forget that the English ' and French have some ideas of their interest also. They understand self-preservation at least. The very obvious result of an attempt to carry ! out such a preposterous syst. m, would be a speedy j annihilation of our whole foreign trade. If Eng land, the great consumer of our raw materials, could not sell us a portion of her m.-nufactured goods in return, -hut had to undergo a drain of her specie, for every importation, it would pot be more ! than a year before the trade between tlie two coun tries would cease. Then the planter's eolten would not sell for the bagging in which it was packed.— The merchants, losing their customers, would have to close their doors. Tbe ship owner, bereft of the carrying trade abroad, and even coast-wise, would see his ships at every port, •• Rotting at ease, like the fat weed. Oa Lethe’s wharf.” In discussing this subject, we have endeavored to state our ideas explicitly; we wish to be understood, j If the Messenger has no objection to stating, in plain terms, the length and breaihli of ltis opinions on ‘ this subject, and desires a courteous discussion, all slang-whangery and mystification aside, we will endeavor to amuse him. To the extent of our limited ab lilies and knowledge. For the present, we humbly submit the above hastily penned ideas, for the inspection of himself and friends, and hope they will examine the premises and conclusions, and detect any etror wc may have committed. Yhc Tariff. Cause of the panic. In commenting on our article, in which we en deavored to account for the late speculations in cot ton, and the subsequent panic, the Messenger says: ** Business men reason differently about this mstter.— They know the rauses of the sudden rise and fall of cotton in this country—they know that the advance in this market, from 5 to 10 cents, during the pact season, was brought a- bout by speculators alone—that prices abroad have not jus tified any variations,” Ac. Very well, that is just the idea we advanced in ! our last number, only expressed in different The advance in price was brought about bvT"'' ulatois! But hew came these speculators b ^ money to carry on such operations ? " ‘ ,! For fear the Messenger may forget, wewill - the subslanhb of our argument. The probi!^ 6 ** character of the Tariff of 1842, diminished o J '- D ^ I ports, in round numbers, tn S39.000.000, ■ 1 ^ exports were 3100 000,000—^treating a disi 3r : a in the balance of trade, to the amount of r ;Vc , • Ct 000,000. This balance was made good,bv-)' port of that amount in the precious metals 'fp' went into the collers of tlie Banks, in the im-n,. ' cities, on wliich they were enabled to diseoa'.jji $ own bills Such a sudden and unnaturalstim l produced a momentary abundance, and rr r> . sought every outlet for investment. The bested dence of this fact, is, that headlong speci.V^ could get large amounts of money, to invest ton, at prices ranging from 1 to 2 cer.ts above -, Liverpool prices! The 4th of February accounts by the Hibernia, although bringing favorable advice., to the price, by some unaccountable overs'*, whiclt the forecast of the Editor of the Move*, even, could not have anticipated, failed to . English orders for American cottons The cease- quence, among speculators, was a disposition to re. alize. But this feeling was so prevalent, that to buyers could be found. (The Editor’s favoria idea of selling everything and buying nothing, wai for once effectually tried, and was attended the success it will meet, if his party should ever have the power of trying it in Government affairv) Men read each other’s thoughts in their faces.— Every countenance wore consternation, too p aiolj pencilled to he mistaken. A panic wasthere»{ Cotton now fell below its real value, fasterthas it had previously gone up. Tlie same ronseptn- ces, in some degree, pervaded every business,— And a torpor and inaction has succeeded theumu- tutal animation, as fully and surely as languor in! nervelessness succeeds inebriation. Tlie above is an epitome of what we did say And as to the Messenger’s reminding us that we are discussing the subject in the preseowof “commercial men,” we will suggest that hisrffa- sion on tlie subject may also undergo their scrutiny. As to ourself, we profess not to be skilled in tbe mysteries of commerce and finance, to an extent which any citizen may not attain in a vety short time, by a little patient investigation of tlte official public documents—to which all have access—and our own deductions from the facts therein stated.— We do not affect infallibility, but we challenge scru tiny. If we have committed, or shall commitiny errors on this subject, we shall be thankful to have them made manifest. The Messenger, perils, understands the subject better than we do—if bar- ing been on both sides of the question, affordsabet- ter view—and we only hope he will meet it tu> penly, as we desire to do. Whig Misrepresentations of 1S40, Evpottl. The torrent of falsehood, poured on the admits- tration of Mr. Van Buren, by the Whig patty* 1840, is yet fresh in the memories of all. Their barefaced statements of the expenses of the Gov ernment, under his administration, are not forgo- ten; and their promises of “Retrenchment «d Reform,” if they should he entrusted with power by the people, is yet home in mind. To see their misrepresentations of the expendi tures of Government, under the last Democratic administration, exj>osed; and to witness their fmtt- lessdisregard of their promises in 1840, of reducin' the expenses of Government, the following lucid exposition has only to be read: Tlie expenses o I* llie post and prcfeul Adminii* tra (ions Contrasted. The amount of expenditures in a government dcpfrxs 1 part on its general policy, whether extruvagaot oreconco.- cal, and in part »n the exigencies of the times. Looking to all these, it is manifest that tht expenjwy- ^ the administration of the Whigs have been roach and less justifiable, than those under Mr. \ an Bores--" Though our opponents assailed his administration wita ca- ny gross exonerations on this topic, and made nui-e- •* pledges of reform, it has turned out in this, as in nnot o er matters, that all tho*e pledges have been torfeitefl,*- J J deceived community can safely place no further cc.—*-- either in their statements or promises. ^ . r A moment to the prjof of this The exigencies 1 fected the expenses during Mr. Van Buren’s aaroinisu*- were numerous. Among them, the Florida v '‘ ,r ^ 8 L ... burdensome; the overflowing revenue, and the oanl * pensions of 1835 and 1836, Jed to iargeropproptuUtm»lJ2- usual f«ir the extinguishment of Indian titles out of rivers and harbors; the erection of public bui.dur forts, and light-houses and for several other °hj ert * interesting to many parts of the Union. Under s« r h i- ? impulses, the increased expenses for those objects w * generally voted for by both Whigs and *’3 could not be immediately stopped, though their re-iu-- began the very first year of Mr. Van Buren’s was again and again urged on the consideration of Co| l § re :.j by the proper organ of the Treasury Department, h . be seen by the tubular statement,soon given, that toe*? expenditures were in this way lessened srver * £ {T every year during his term, till,in tbe last one, (l«’ 0, J J equalled only about twenty-two million and a third. ^ As conclusive evidence of this redaction. hibit, olKrially given by the present Secretary ury> in his annual report of Dec. 6. 1843, P a S e *j - g*. It is the whole expenditure for each year of Mr * ^ ren’s administration, excluding only tbe debt and tre -*• note3. as is usual in ascertaining ihe acuul 571 l839 * o 2 *k if 1840, .. - ot if, Indeed it was proposed under that ®^ rn ‘ nT8t ” u J y- much further, and in 1S4I to reduce the expend • * low twenty millions; ard in ^42. anti .iKcf vvari1 ' j them to only seventeen or eighteen millions, (bee 1- “ | nual Treasury reports in Dec. 1839 and 1S40.) ^ % t Reduced *s the expenses thus appear tobave w also a fact that their amount would appear sti* . ; many millions, if the objects which were extraor^” . temporary were deducted. . 9 noci-'» By the following extract from an official tab e. that from the commencement of Gen. Jackson sn-j>- 1339, inclusive, over half of the whole expendita’ ; • ,/ r , was not on matters of a permanent and ordin* r . N ' c “ but on those arising from various exigencies, sue • ^ alluded to, and which, in the opinion of a. rnaj°n 1 .'^ parties in Congress,justified the appropriations, ’. f ji the Executive, however differing in opinion 0 , ^ some cases, no alternative except to execute th® * he had sworn to see carried into effect. ^ (Extra t from Rt port to Senate, Jan. 7,1340, - ^ Aggregate amount for permanent and ordvi^.' ses, cxclud ng payments on account of object - • . traordinary or temporary. .. 1829, VgSl.^ 17 1830, ;679 <i! 1831, gtftg 1832, g aiT-W 5 1833, 9 1834, 9,15 7 ‘ ,S ; 1835, X1.68? 183 6, 13,098.” 1837. 13.831-2 1838. 13.30.'-' 1839. _ an j But if no reductio ade for e^tran under thr D e ™ not rslie ary objects, tlie expenses under tne " ation have been shamefully exaggerate • , ^ Che average expenses, independent of th* a y about $14,000,000 yearly fluring Gen. •> ^ gre oa-f !, taking his an.l Mr. Van Buren s iemP or * * A,, n.tnnnn l.t* ... ^ 1 Ve 1V l ‘ ■ 11 '6 i. -t'ff* T only and, taking his and Mr. Van Buren and extraordinary. (See Mr. E*ving => rf v 'J veS b'o- session. 1841, to the House of RepreseutaU'' making the average only $21.198.2u •) rep ofts° fX Tit s is the naked truth.as proved ojTte P millions» See-etaries. instead of an expenditure of h’“. , , ,.n«- io often rerk!«s!y charged in ■ ^,,1 that, umlf „, re l; P eftVi's vltirh i of 1840. But our opponents be.d -"ah not m etej! reduction of the expenses was to be mao- el ^ twenty and eighteen millions, but to tl, ' rt " m , n v fcit lars, yearly: and this from a 1 a,r j";""’ iv( f w ith tb«'f. , not likely to be gainsaid as not author t* , msj. nsrtv -The annual expenditure (*ei‘> ..'sent •«”' reasonable time. He brought down from its pr«<