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THE MACON GEORGIA TELEGRAPH. Hr. Via Suren an the Texae Tj the £tltljr if the Globe: Hocss or Representatives,'? April 3Jl«. 1844. ) Sm:—The enclose i Inter frum Mr. Van Buren, which t hard ihia day rezeivetl. in reference to a matte' on which Hep italic min I is at project morn excited, I beg that jvu wilt nn nediate.y p tbl • t in the Glub£. Very rei.ie i folly. Your obedient servant. W. H HAMMET. House or Representatives, ? March s7th, 1-?41. J yiVPTARSlli:—Under the belief that it is the right of every free : dsen, in a trra Government, to know the opin ions >l'i om who aspire t-> public station, upon great pahlic tjuedtioas, as one of your wsramst sopp-irters in 1836 and 1 a til. am as a i unpledged Delegate to the Baltimore Co"- venllun I retire particularly to know your opinions as to t'i • muItitnuonaiiur and expe liency • f immediately annex ing Texas to the United Stair* so soon as the eonseut of ‘lexjs 111 IV1 e M So I'lrh icxatioa. The O term of Mr. Webster and Gen. Jackson on thesub- jeet-tl e refusal of the L gislnlure of Kentucky to pass ap probate r\ rssolut'ina—tin* votes taken in the Leg slatures of Pent j, Ivanin, New York, and, as I am just i f irtne I. •Maine—’-'nil the impression t tat Mr. Olay wi 1 oppose ike ftniipratii-n.—give great importance to your opin-nns. It il bh leve J that a full and frank declaration ime you. f vornlde t a t.is great object, will bo • f great service to the etuie, st a irtotno.it so critical of its destiny; end should ynu rco'u se my right to inquire, and your duly to answer, J ahsll bs gre itly ul> ige I tnynn for a letter, setting forth ynur opininr.s—promising that, if it he favorable to annexation. I will, nr. account of the great effect it must have nn the issue of tiii* question, give to it early publicity; and if otherwise, that I will publish it only in time that your opinions miy be folly known Wet'ire the action of tke Baltimore Convention unless pit rc'inire its immediate publication—in which e- veil. I will also comply with yourreques . Pardon me fo» suggesting, that, should your opinions be favorable to annexation, the weight ami influence of those o lini' is will be doubly enhan ced, in the estimation of al true friends of the measure, by the earliest possible putd. avowal of ihem before the country. I am, air, with great respect. Truly your friend and nil's. serv’t, W. H HAMMET. Hon. M. Van Bures, LiodenwolJ, N. Y. Linden wold. Vpril S3,1941. Mr ntiRstR:—Your letter of l .o a7tb of Marcu last, was duly ratcivel. . Aciiiijj aa an uuple.lg# 1 Delegate tn the Baiti nore Con vention, you ask my ovuiiua in regard t» the constitutionali ty and expediency of an immediate annexation of Texa* !■ t ie United States, or s< ao-tn ns the assent of Texas may bi lls 1 to such annexation. Upm thd receipt of your letter, I caused you to h» forthwith informed, that yonr reque* • i iu d ue complied with in full season for the C invention. Tuis promise : shill now perform. But. le.l my motives, in m iking a public avowal of mv opini ms. whilst a negotia lion is suppose I to be pen ling, sh mid be misconstrued. I •shall semi this to a friend, who will delay its delivery aa loug as that esn be done consistently with • faithful eoinpli an -e with thn re |uireraents of your letter, and the generjl objects for which it was written. V <u have by no means over*rated the importance of the subject upon which you have been pleased to address me. It Is sot oa'v a qsMmi of intense interest to every part of the country, but is unhappily also one in regard to which we mitn it pruuiiss oursetves mat unanimity of opinions which is so impirtant, when great national questions like this are to be decided. That those which l am about to express, will, in at le ist one imnortinl particular, differ from that of mu; frenIs. political and personal, whose judgments and purity of views I hold in high and habitual respect, ( can well imagine; an i it is quite evident. Trim the tenor ofyoeir letter, that they will not, iu all respects, correspond with yoorewn. If. lio.eever. such of ray fellow-citirens as are neither influenced b,v nreindVes nor wsrped by aelt'int-r- est, concede to my opinions the merit of be ving been formed under views directed Mine preservation and advancement 'of the honor and best interests nf our common country, as a whole, and expressed with a sincerity which has overlook ed. as far as our r eeb'a nsln-cs wll perm t us tn do, all pci • sona' considetatioos, my most favorable anticipations will be real zed. It has already been made my doty tn act officially on at least two several occasions, but in different firms, upon tbe subject m ttier to which your questions hare reference. Having charge of the Department nf State in 1029,1 pre S ired, by the direction of t ie President, instructi ms to our liuister at Mexirn, by which be was directed to open, with out dels v a negnliitino with tke Mexia.ni Government, lor the purshise of the greater part of the then nmvinse ol Texas, and by which he wsa likewise aulbirized to ini rt in the Treaty, a provision similar to that in :he Loumitna and Florida trusties, for the incorporation of the inhabitants of-Texas into the Union, ex m»n aa i* could he done consis tently with the principles of tbe Federal Constitution. The reasons in favor of this measure. I stated at large in tt.at document- in timing this step, the adrainistrat'an nf President Jack- son renewed (but. as was supplied, under more favorable rirenmstam-es) an attempt to accomplish the same object w'lieli had her-i made by iis imme lute pre iecesssr. In fist propositions oftbatcharacler which were submitted to | and treaty stipulmhns of the United Slate,, desirable < • 1 . i . I'.l i.. mil .1 variktt nplisar**. 1 to t II 111 It i will t n#a f :ih >11111 ■ Sim i la r <1 <4I>| vrh* ordered to b»- luid uj was made the lie wuich bed been referred to the Committee on Foreign Ke laliotH. and that Committee discharged from ihe farther consideration of the matter, upon its own-application. Nor were tbe friendly relations then existing between that re- nc yadrafh it was proposed thaflhe Legislature shall hare public and the United States—to its honor be it said—in any pwerM admit new States iuto the Union, on the same perreptible degree impaired by this decisiom it, me power in q je-tion waAdesclibed as Inflows vii: provision ought to be made for the admission « f States hi to- fal't/ arising within ihe limits of the Untied Stale*. wnether arising from a voluntary junction of government or ot *er witu the consent of a number of voices in the Legislature, less than the whole." In Mr. Charles Pink r »in a manner the most n the table; and a similar I beraelf constrained, b.. »— • of the papers upon the Subject, I ence the coi duct of a nation, to regard the fact of annexation * ~~~ " ■ * tj . a.. a,« ,.c .... .1,a f .11aa TTaaiti*.) and that — 1 I believed that tlie incorporation of Texas into the Federal >st formal and solemn, that she w'll feel , ^ wo(jld ,, e aljke ;,, vantageo us to her, to Mexico, and I, by every consideration that can Ultra I jjnited State'- and »:> ever ready to adopt all prop- 1 il,e 1‘nctsif annex.t,"U toltaUmm! e* a(;COIIiplisbin e„t of that nhjeet. But !hey knew v.ry little of Gen. J.ckson s true character, who t-rms wi.h the original Slates, provided tw.*-tbirds «'f the Members pre-eul in both Hoaxes agree”—leaving out the clause iu respect to tlie character of the territory. Mr. Randolph's proposition,containing the restriction confining i e power to States lawfully anting within the limit* nf Ue United State.a, was atone time adopted in Committee o ' the Whole, and. in that Stale, referred with others to the Com nittee of detail. In a draft of a constitution, report'd by thst cjtuniuee. the article upon this subject contained the fin.owing pr -positions: 1st. That new Stales, lawfully con- at! uted or established within the limit» of the United S.a e*. anight be a ltnitte«l by the Legislature in this Gov- e mnent 2.1. That tn such admission, the consent of iwn- inirds i/the members present in each House suould lie ne ces-ary. 3d. Tuat if a new State should arise within the limits of any of the present States, the consent oi the Legis lature of sach States should also be necessary to iu admis sion. 4th. That if the admission was consented tn, tbe new Stales should be admitted »n the same terms with tbe origi nal States; and Stb. That the Legislature might make condi tions with the new Stales concerning the public debt then subsisting. The 2d. 4th, and 5th clauses were stricken ni;t by the votes of the convention; and after that bad been d ne. the following wsa lopted as a substitute fnr tbe wh de. vix: '-New States may be admitted by tlie Legisia- tu e into the Union: but no new State shall be erected with in the limits of any of the present Slates, with:,ui the con* -entnftbe Legislature of such State, as well as of the gen era! Legislature"—leaving nut that part of the first clause which related to the domestic character of the territory; a id thi, substitute was subsequently revised and amended, Standing in this poiitian bet. .re the ciuiiiry.il becomes my duty to consider whether eiihei tlie nsturv ot tbe ques tion. or the circumstances of the case, have SO far changed as to justify me in now advising a policy lrom which 1- then, in the must solemn form, dissented. In giving to yon. and through you to the public, the result of a very careful and dispassionate examination of this grave, question, I should neither do justice to yourself, to tbe pat riotic Slate which you, ia. conjunction :*wilk others, are to represent in ttin Convention, to the people of tbe U. States, nor to my own position, if L failed to accompany it with a brief exp- silion of the grounds upon which 1 have proceed- ed. It is in that way only that justice ran ba done to my in tendons; and that is all 1 desire- The annexation of the territory, and the consequent assumption By as of a respon sibility to protect and defend iu inhabitants, would, in re spect to tbe consideration t* which 1 am about to refer, stand upon the same looting with that of its admission as a State. The recognition of Texas ns an independent State, was a measure which received, in various and appro priate forms, tbe sdhdion of every department of the Gov ernment, whose co-operation was necessary to its validity, and h id my hearty concurrence. F rom this act of our Gov ernment, just and'proper in all respects as it was, an infer ence has, however, been drawn, and brought to bear upon thn present question, not only very far beyond its real bear ing, but by which its uue character is entirely reversed — M tnv persons who enter upon the consideration of the sub ject with the purest intentions, and arc incapable if know- lugly giving a false interpretation to any thing connected with it, take it fnr granted that the United States, in recog nizing the independence of Texas, dec ared to.The world. s > as to make itconform in its phraseology to tbe section as =, — - , - — . . it now Stands in tbe constitution. These 'proceedings s |,„ w not only that she was independent inf net. bat also that she that the p o.Kisition 'o restrict the power to admit new States • was such of right. ^Acting upon tbts errontutils o'Rftroc- th" terihnrv within the original limits nf the U. Stales, was di >(n clly before the convention; once adapted by it, and ri-u.ly rejected in favor of a clause making the power in this respect general. Whatever differences of opiuinu may exist asm the propriety of referring to extraneous matter to inti en-e the construction of the constitution where its lan guage is explic.'.t. there can certainly be nn objections to a resort to suc.j aids to test tbe correctness of inferences, hav ing no other basis than supposed impmbabi ilies. I hare n it. therefore, been able to bring my uiind to any other aat isfio’-nry conclusion tha" that it was tlie intention of the con- vat iti ,n to give tbe power of admitting new States to Con ;re<s. with no other limitations than those v hich are speci fie I in that instrn.nent. Tbe language employed, the spe cifications nf certain restrictions, tbe adoption and aubse- q-ieut exclusion of that which is now referred tn. together w tit the subsequent and continued action of ihe new Gov ernment. all -eera in combine to render this interpretation >f the constitution the true one. Propositions for annex ation can certainly lie imagined, nf a characte' so unwise and improvident as to atriae the minds of all with repog- naice. Hut if we look ovei the conceJed powers of Con gress. we shall also find many others, tbe abuse of wliicb inig it involve, to an equally great extent, the well-being of ths republic, ami against which abuse the Constitution has p - ivi le I no oilier sale-guards than the responsibilities to l.icir c mstituents ami to tbe laws of the land, of those whose sanction is necessary to the validity of an act of Ootigre-r. N >ris >t unreasonable tnsupp >se that those wh 'ha«e ftbe'r Girernment upon ihe great princi; Is that it ia the right of t is pen, le to alter or abolisU it. and to institute new ones, in suclt.fnrma as they think most iikelv to effect their safety an 1 happiness, should feel themselves secure in trusting to their Representatives in the House, in the Senate, and in the Gxe -utive Chair, the right lo admit new members into the confederacy, with nr. other restri< lions than those which they have thought proper tn specify. It was un '-ertbis view nf tlie constitution that the purchase of Louisiana in 1C03. only fifteen year* alter the adoption of the en- slilution, promising ibe incorporation of the ceilrd territory into the Union, and the admijsirn. as soon as pos sib'e. of the inhabitants to tlie enjovme it of all the rights, advaut iges. and i uinunities of citizens of the Untied Stales, was r itifie 1. confirmed, and finally executed by every bram b nf-tlie Federal Government who«e co operation is tequired by the constitution -It is true, that Mr. Jefferson, in tlie in- | terval between the negotiation and submission of tbe treaty tn the Pen ile, threw out the opinion that the constitution had made no provision for o-tr holding foreign territory, nor f ir incorporating foreign S'ates into the Union. The fact of his approving the treaty, and the laws necessary to its exe cution. tnuat. however, be regarded as ec ndusive proof thai, upon looking fu'tlier into the matter. Ilia opinion was chang. e 1. The attempt ro convince him of his e r rnr was made by his frien I. Guv. Nicholas, as appears 4>y Mr. Jeffeison'. 1 -tier to him; and. I have bat liule doubt that, if Ilia letleri to Breckenridge and Nicholas had been published in his life-time, or his attention been in any other way directed to tliric contents, he would, from his habitual care in such in met a. have avowed U.e change, and explained ike grounds s i which it was based. It ia equally true that tbe arrept- ance of the cession, as well as the admission of the Stale, became party questions, and were contested with partisan warmth. Of the v t d importance of that great acquisition to the safety, prosperity, and honor of the whole Union . , ,, , , . . there can however. n->w be no diversity of opinion. But atruetton, similar in their general object, bad, id tlie second the councils of the nation, in the course ohiroe ceased to t.e year of me latter administration, been sent from tbe Depart- stall divided upon t ie question of constitutional power to men! of j'Ute to the same American Minister at Mexico. I am not aware that there were any material differences be- twee i them, other than ihnse of 1827, proposed an aeq-iisi lion of territory, aa far West aa the Rio del Norte—being, I believe, the extieine western bnendary nf Texas—wbi e tbe cession, asked for by President Jackson, extended only is far West as tbecentrn of the Desert or Grand Prairie, whick lies Gaatnf the river Neuces ; end that, for the for mer, the payment of one million af dol’ars, was authorized whir,by the administration of President Jacks m. the A meriesn Minister wax permitted logo as high as four, and. ifindispcnstble, five millions. F - ' — fjr smaller portions of territory, modified aecording’.y. In lespect to the proposed stipu.'a lion f*ar the ultint ite incorporation of the inhabitants into tbe Union, both instructions were identical. In August. 1817. a po-p isilio.-i was received at the De- pxrtmrot of ^laie.fmm t ie Texan Minister at Washington. nro;i tsing a negotiat on for the Annexation of Texas to the Uni .'- I States. This w.is the first time the question of the Aaoextt an of a fn-eign independent fitate had e--er been pi evented to this government. In deciding upon the dispo sition that ought to be made of it, 1 did nnl find it necessary In consider tho question of Constitutional power, nor the manner in which tneo-jectshnald be a'complialied, if deem e 1 expedi *nt and proper. Both these points were there tire in terms, pissed over in the reply oi the Secretary o S xte to the Texan Minister, as subjects tbe consideration of which h id lieen ente.-e 1 uimn b. tee Executive. upon t ie question of constitutional power s-cept a cession offireign territory, with a view to its uhi mate admission into ihe Union. In 1818 tbe Spanish treaty fir the cession of East and West Florida, containing the us ia! stipulation for ultimate incorporation into -ne Union, was ra ified ; and, upon the call of the name* el the Sena tors present, it appeared that every one voted for the ratifi cation. Upon the question nf constitutional |mwer. so far as that case went, the Senate of the -United States had,-there fore, become unanimous. Certainly no remarks are neceatary to show that then- can be nop ixsilde difference produced <u the constitution t! Tee first of these—viz: constitutional power—is now pre •ecnle I *>v y iur inquiries; not. however, in precisely the s une form. The 11 ie application was for the immediate a lraissi'in of Texas int ■ the Union as an independent State; your quest inn I inks only to its Annexation as part nf the territory of the Uni'ed States. There is nn express power g ven M any department of the government to purchase ter- ritiry except f >r the o >,e-is specif ed in me constitution v x: for arsenils, Ac., but the power has. on several very im nriantoccts'on, been .eganted as embraced in the t ea t • m thing [O ver; and territories have been soaniesed with a view mid ui.dcr tngigeinents for tbeir ultimate ad- misrion Into the (Nina as States. If there be nothing in tie ri'.uitian or condition of the Territory of Texts, which wiu. i miner us udmiisi >n hereafter iuto the Union ns a n.-w State improper. 1 cinn u perceive any objection, on c *1311101101111 genua Is. to ns anuexalinu ass Territory. In (.leaking of the rieht in al nil new Ststes. 1 most, nf course, bs un lerstood at referring tu the power of Congress. Toe Executive and Senate, nuy.as Ibsve already observed, by the exerriieol tue treaty mss ng power, acquire territory: b it n'W Statesesa only be admitted by C ingress; and the a ile authority over the subject.-which is given to it by tbr cons' tution. is c mtamej in the lollnwiug provision, viz: "new St ties in ty be admitted by the .Congress into this Un ioa." Tue only leatrictinns imp used upon ibis general pow er are: 1st. That no new Stiles shall he lO'ined or erected within the juris li uiun ofouy mber ikatf; nor, 2ndly, “Any Kt ite forme 1 by the jun ttkin ot tw > or more States, nr part* of Slates, without (he consent of ihe Legislauirescoiierriied as well as nf C ingress"—re -motions which h ive no bearing np-iu the present question Tue matter, therefore, stands as it woul I do if the constitution sail "new Sates nmy be admitted by the Cungrca* into tins Unima," without additio i or restriction. That these words, taken by themselves, a e broad enough to authorize the a linissiou of tbe Territoryof Texas, cum ir, ltiins.be well doubted; nor do I perceive u *on w'nst principle we can set up limitations to a power so unqualifiedly recognised hy the constitution in the plain simple words I have quoted, and with which no other pro vision of that instrument contlicts in the slightest deg en. But if. *wi'!i no other guides than our own discretion, we assume limit itions upon a power so general, we are ai least bound t > give to them mine iuirllig blr and definite charac ter. The m *st it uunl. and indeed the inly one of that na tore lit it U is been suggested, and which was presented be Mr, Jefferson whilst he entertaiand doubts in respect In tli • onoa'ituiiocnl power t> admit Louisi.-ina. is. tha: the ta v rilate* to be admitted must be formed out of territory, not fureizn. but which constituted a part of the United States, at the tlecliraii >n of independence, or tbe adoption of the con stitution. t<o Iur from there being any thing in the language of the cnastiiuii in. or tn be found in the extraneous and co- temp iraneous circumst mn»s which prroeded and attended its adoption, tn show that such was the intentions of its fra mm, they are. in my judgment, all strongly the other way. Iu tlie ftrat place, the articles aafconfederation, U'.derwhich iheU'iou was originally formed, and which gave place to the present co stitu-ion, locked directly to a broader exten sion of ihe c infedericy. it contained a provision that "Canada. acceJine tn the confederation, and joining in the me iiurea ,»f the United fitiira, .-itall die admitted into, and emitted to all the a Wantages nf. this Union; hot no other COLONY shall be admitted into the same, m/i/c" such idrnis- ion l#e tree.l to hy nine ritaies.” Toe prirt cabil *y os well a - ex ted eocy. of making Canada a me in hr r of the U n i -n. tli 1 certaiidy, to some extent at lend ncoupy the minds o ' u- public men, as well before ihe rinse nf the revolution, s' betwe'n ih it event and f irma ion of ihe new constitution. Ti.it is. however, only a imk in tlie chain nf evidence, t» nuke riosble whal subsequent events make certain, that the framer, of tli* cunstiluiton hid their exes upon this eery question, when this section was finally settled. That part of tli- mn dilution, aa appear, hy the j turnal of the pro ceeding' of the conven'd -n. was presented in a variety of fo- in-, be ore it assumed the shape in which it was finally adopted. Iu me resolutions offered bv Mr. E Imint 1 Randolph, as a basis for tha new constitution, and which contained tlie Both authorized agreements I question by the relative positions of the territory, com -i is f* 1 t *' e payments were ing Louisians, the Fioridas, and Texas, in respect t-s the old United 8 etes. 1 have gone that fully and minutely into this matter, as well fr -m a deep tense of the vast impoitanre of tne ques tion, es lrom a^sincern desiieto satisfy those ol ,»y friends ur'.m may differ from me on this point, and wbr se opinions I hold in the b ghest respect, that I have not viemed tn.v aa sent hastily or unadvisedly to the views I have here taken on the subject. Haying thus givenyou my views upon the constitutional queuiion, I will, with the same frankness, answer the re maining portion of your inquiries, viz: the expediency of iii'inedititely annexing Texas to the United ignites, or so soon a* her consent tnsuch annexation may be obtained. I have alreany referred to an application fur ihe accom plishment of t eaime nlject '.hat was made to ibis Govern ment by Texas, whilst I was President. The history of the Texan revolution, and the then condition of that republic, as well as the probable a Wantages to result to both from the proposed annexation, were placed before us in an elaborate and abla communication. It can scarcely he necessary to sty that tb • application was considered with that attention and care which were due tn so grave a pinposition.ard un der tne full influence of feeling-, of sincere so icitudr for the prosperity and permanent welfare n| a young and neighbor ing State, whose independence we bad lieen ihe first tn ac knowledge—feelings which constitute, and I sincerely hope, I ever will constitute, the prevailing sentiment of the people of the Uuited Stiles. In enmingto the decision which it became my duty to make I was aided, in addition to the other members of my cabinet, by the counsel and ennstilo tonal ad vie of two distinguished citizens of your own sec lion of the Union, of the first order of intellect, great expe rience in public affairs, and whose devotion to their own, as well as every other section of the Union, was above all question. The result if our united opinions was announced ■n the Texan minister, (Gen. Hunt j in a communication from the late Mr. Forsyth the substance of which I cannot better express than by incorporating one or two brief ex tracts f om it in this letter- Upon the general subject, mv o vn views, as well aa those of my cabinet, were thus stated: “S * long es Trxas shall remain at war. while the United States are m | e ire with her adversary, the proposition nf the Tcxsn minister plenipotentiary necessarily involves the question of war with that adversary. The 'United States ore bound to Mexico hy e treaty oj, amity and commerce, which will be scrupulously observed on tbeir part so long s it esn he reasonably hoped that Mexico will perform her duties, and re.qen our rights under it. The United Stairs might justly be suspected nf a disregard of the friendly tnthe laie Mr. Upshur, (>xhose melancbolly fate is so justly anti generally lamented.) has every S cretary of State, act ing nnder the direction of the Executive, deemed it suffi tence nfber independence, but also upon her right W ita en- cient tn place the Government and minister employing it in • 2.; : /—j :-n- -/*.— .. _ i ~r the wrong, by showing its injustice as well as its futility.— lion, they very naturally conclude, that, having g r, ne thus far, having examined int« and passed not ouly upon the exis- joyinent.it is now (and more especially after tlie lapse of several years) too late to hesitate upon the qaestion of an nexation on the ground of any existing controversy upon ihose points- The fallacy of this reasoning will he apparent when it is considered that the usage of nations to acknowl edge tbe Government, de facto, of eve/y country, was es tablished for tbe express purpose of avoiding all inquiry into, or the expression of any opinion upon, the question of right between the contending parties. They acknowledge no o'her power in any uountry than that which is in fact su preme. They cannot inquire br.vond that point, withoutin- t-rferins with the internal concerns of other nations—a prac tice which all disclaim, and a disclaimer which it has been our invariable usage n it only to make, but to enforce with scrupulous fidelity. To recognize t(ie independence of the Government de facto, is also a matter of state necessity; f tr, without it. neither commercial nor diplomatic inter- cou-se he ween any such power and the nations of the woill could be carried nr with success, and the social in terests nf mankind require that these should not b* arrested hy quarrels between contesting parties, in legard to their respective right to the supreme power. In respect to all beyond this, the laws and usages nf na ims require the oh- ser .-ance of a strict neutrality hetweenthecontendingpat- ties, as long as the war lasts. It is due. also,'from every G ivernmeut in its own citizens, to deblare when a revolted colony shall be regarded'aa an independent mien- Be cause “it belongs to the Government alone to make the Hc- clcation;” and because “until It is made, or the parent State relinquishes her claims, courts of jast.ee must consid er the ancient state of things a« remaining unaltered, and the sovereign power ol the parent State over that colony as still subsisting.’’ But nothing can he farther from giving to tbe act of recognition its true character, than to suppose that it has the slightest bearing upon tbe rights of tke parties: it being, as 1 have already said, resorted to for the express purpose of avoiding any such construction. Such is not the •inly law and usage of nations, but such also have been the reiterated avowals of our own Government. I do not re member that the recognition of Tex*an independence gave ri*e in any correspondence between Mexico and our Gov ernment ; and if it did, I have not the means of stating-its characier. But the pnnripl.s upon which all acts are based, were fully set forth by this Government, upon the occasion of tbe recognition nf tbe Spanish American Slates. Iu the message of President Monroe to tbe House of Representa tives. suggesting he propriety of that recognition, it wasex pressly declared, that, in pioposing this measure, it was *- not contemplated tn change thereby, in ihe slightest man- ner. our friendly relations with eitl er of the parties ; but to observe, in all respects, aa heretofore, should the war be rnn-inued. the most i erfect neutrality between them.” Tbe Committee on Foreign Affairs, in tbrir elaborate irpnrt. sav: " Our recognition must necessarily be coexistent only with tbe fact nn which it is founded, and cannot survive it. While the nntinns of South America are actually indepen dent, it ts simply to speak the truth to acknowledge, them to be so. Should Spain, contrary to her avowed principle and acknowledged intereit, renew the war for the con• q iC'tof esoutk America, we *hall. indeed, regret it; but «re a‘in It ob’erve, nt we hare done between the imU/irndent parlie*. nn honest and. impartial neutrality.’' The Se cretary nf Slate, in defence of the act of recognition, said to the Spanish Minuter: “ This recognition is neither intend ed to invalidate any right of Spain, nor to effect the rm- p’nyment nf any meana which the may yet be dttpotrd or enabled to use, with ihe view of re-uniting those piovm- ec» to the rest of her dominioht." That these avnwa's were in alricicoiiforiuity to the true principles of the law nf nations, there can be no doubt. They were, at all events, those which this Government has solemnly announced as its role of action in regard tn contests between rival parties fnr the supreme power iu foreign States. That the admis sion of Texas as a member of this Confederacy, whilst the contest for the maintenance of tbe independence she had acquired, was still pending, and a consequent assumption of the responsibility of protecting her against invasion, would have been a plain departure from the laws and usages of nations, and a violation of the principles to which we hsd avowed oer adherence in the tare of the world, was too clear to be dcubted. Thus believing, I had. on tbe ocraaion tn which I have referred in tbe faithful discharge of the trust which the people had reposed in me, hut one course to pursue; and that was prnnip.ly,but respectfully adopted. I return now tn the question. Has the condition of the contest between Texas and Mexico, for the sovereignty of the former, an far changed as to render these principles now inapplicable T Wbat is the attitude which these two States, at this moment, occupy towards each', other T Are they at war or are they not I We cannot evade this ques tion if we would- Tn enumerate all the circumstances heaving upon it, in a communicati' n like thii, would be im practicable, nor is it necessary In respect to‘the parties thmnie'ives, there would serin to be no misunderstanding upon the subject. Mexico has been incessant in her avow ais as well to our Government as to others, nr the continu- once of the war, and »f her determination tn prosecute it.— How does Texas regard her position in respect to the war with Mexico f Three ye-rs subsequent to our recognition of her independence, we Cwl her entering into a stipulation with s foreign power, to accept of her mediation to bring about a cession nf hostilities between her and Mexico, enga ging tn assume a million sterling nf the debt due frum Mex ico to the subjects **f that power, if she, through her influ ence, claimed from Mexico an unlimited truce in respect to the war then raging between her and Texas, within one month, and a treaty of peace in six. As late as last June, we sec a proclamation of the President of Texas, declaring n suspension of hostilities between the two powers, during the pendency of negotiations to be entered upon between them, issued on the supposition thst a similar proclamation would he issued by Mexico; and actual hostilities are now only suspended by armistice to be continued for a specified and short period for the sake of negotiation. Nor a'e our own views upon the point less explicit. In the published letter of the late Secretary of Slate, to the Mexican Minis- ter at Washington, written in December last, he says: “ Nearly eight years hare elapsed since Texas declared her independence. During alt that time Mexico has asserted her right of jurisdiction and dominion over thst country, and has endeavored to enlbice it by nrmr.” In the Presi dent's messags tn C'ngress, it is stated, “That the war. which has existed for so long a lime between Mexico and Texas, has, since the battle of San Jacinto, consisted, for the most part, of predatory excursions," which, while they have been attended with much nf suffering to individuals, and kept the bonier.' nf the tw.* countries in a state of constant as atiact of war on the part of the United Mates, and that she will, notwithstanding, prosecute her attempts to regain Texts, regardless uf consequences. Exceptions are, how ever, taken by the Preaident. and Itbiiik very justly taken, to the maimer in which this determination has been announ ced, The Mexican Government should certainly have ap plied in a becoming spirit to ours for explanations of us in tention. If it found this Government under the lA-pYrsston that Mexico, although it might not be willing to acknowledge its independence, had abandoned all serious hope of re-con- ouering Texss. Mexico should have assured us of our error, and remonstrated against any action on our part, based on thaterroneous assumption, declared firmly, if it pleased, but in that courteous and respectful manner which is alone suit ed to the intercourse between nations who prolessto be friends, its determination to oppose us. Instead of taking a course, the propriety of which was so obvious, she first as sumes. upon grounds which were neither proper nor safe for her to act upon, that this Government had designs on Texas; then denounces the annexation as a great national crime, and forthwith proclaims instant war as the penalty of our persisting in such an attempt; end all in language bear ing certainly, (although subsequently disavowed,) every ap pearance of menace. But this is a besetting, and very ancient foible of the mo ther country, as well as ol her descendants. in their dip*<>- tnatic intercourse. Every one conversant with tho aubject ot Spanish relations, knows that, at least from the lime of Don Luisde Onis to the present dsv, this Government has been frequently—not to say continually—subjected lo this species of d ptninatic dogmatism. Partly in consequence o' the genius of tbeir language; partly from their peculiartem prrament; much from habit, but more from radical defeci of judgment—they continue the use of language in their state papers, which better tempered, if not wiser d'ploma lists have almost everv where laid aside as worse than use less.. But at no time has our Government suffered it* ac tion uoon great national que>lions to be influenced by such petulcuce From the lime of the modest, yet firm Madison, We hare then heretofore, as I hope we shall now, decided to act in the matter under consideration, in a manner wbirh was deemed lue to justice and to our own characier, with out being in any degree influenced by such unavailing men aces. It is foreign to my habit, and 'epugnant to my feel ings, to say any thing that should offend the pride of any na tion, if the declarations of individuals could possibly have that effect, being sincerely desirmis that the United States should cultivate friendly relations with all. But, with a population not equal to half of the United Stales, and labor ing under many and serious disadvantages, fron which we are comparatively free. Mexico could not. with propiiety.be ed bv the assumption, that this Government may act offended by the assumption, as it would have done, bad no such menace been made, without the slightest danger of being regarded by the rest of the world.-as having been intimidated by threats of war from that Republic. So at least I should act. if tbe direc tion of public affairs were in my bands The question then recurs, if, as sensible men, we cannot avoid tbe conclusion that tbe immediate annexation of Texas would, in all human probability, draw after it a war with Mexico, can it be ex pedient to attempt it 1 Gf tke consequences of such war. the character it might be made to a; suras, the entanglements with other nations, which the position of a belligerent al most unavoidably draws after it. and the undoubted injuries whirh might be 'inflicted upou each, -notwithstanding the great disparity of t eir respective forces. 1 will not say a word. God lotbid that an American citizen should ever coutit the coat of ani appeal to what is appropriately dennra inated ihe last resort of nations, whenever the resort be comes necessary, either for the safe*y or to vindicate the honor of his country. There is, I trust, not one eo base as not to regard himself, and all he has. to he forever and at all times subject to sach a requisition. But would a war with Mexico, brought on under such circums ances. lie a contest of that character? Could we hope to stand perfectly justi fied in the eyes of mankind for entering into it: more espe cially if its commencement is to be preceded by the appro priatinn to our own uses of the territory the sovereignty of which we are to join in tbe struggle ? This, sir. is a matter of tbe very gravest import—one in respect to which no A m-rican statesman or citizen can p jaaibly be indifferent.— We have a characte' among the nations of the earth to maintain. All our public functionalies, as well as those who advocate this measure as those who oppose it. however much they may differ at to its effects, will. I am sure. be equal)* solicitous for the performance of tics first of du'ies. It has hitherto been our pride and our boast, that, whilst the lust ol power, with fraud and violence in ita train, has led othet and differently ennstitutad Governments to aggression and conquest, our movements in these respecis have always been regulated by reason and justice. A disposition to de tract flora our pretensions in this respect, will, in the nature t.f things, be always prevalent elsewhere; and has,at this very moment, and from special causes assumed, in some quarter*, tbe most rabid character. Should not every one, then, who sincerely loves his country—who venerates its time-honored and glorious institutions—who dwells with pride and delight on associations connected with oar rise, progress, and present condition—on the steady step with which n-e hare advanced to our present eminence, in despire of the hostility, aud in contempt of the biiter reviling* of the enemies of tr'eedom in all pans of the globe.—consoler, and that deeply, whether we would not by tire immediate an nexaiion«f Texas, place a weapon in the hands of those who now look upon us aud our institutions with distrustful and enrious eyes, that would do us more real, lasting injury, as a nation, fhan the acquisit on ol such a territory, valuable as it undoubtedly is. could possibly repair ? It is raid, and truly said, that this war between Texas and Mex- tro has already been of too long duration. We are and must continue to be more or less annoyed by its prosecu tion. and have undoubtedly, as has been remarked, an inter est in sceiug it terminated. But can we appeal to any prin cipte iu tbe law of nations, to which we practise a scrupu lous adherence, that would, under present circumstances, justify us iu interfering for its suppression, in a manner that would unavoidably make us a party to its further prosecu tion ? Can this position be made sufficiently dear, to justi fy us in committing the peace and honor of the country to ei, cy. its support? - In regard to the performance by us of that duty, so diffi cult for any Government to perform—the observance of an honest neutiality between nations at war—we can now look through our whole caieer since our first admission into tbe family nf nations, not only without • blush, but with feelings .... fora moment pern it themselves to believe him capable of doing, countenancing, or advising a single act which he believed, or had even reason to apprehend, would violate the plittlned faith of his country, or infringe upon tlie duty which it owes to the great family ot nations. To prevent our people from going to Texas, and embarking in the war. was an impossibility which neither he nor any oilier Chtrl Ma°isttatccould have accomplished. II they **.it there without military organization, or armaments, and choose to place themselves beyond the protection of this Government, we had m> right to control their action; nor do other Govern ments exercise anv suc.i right in similar cases, i or the suppression ol military enlerprises. organized and armed here against a nation with which we are at peace, the pro- visions of our laws are ample. But ol the difficulties of en forcing them with a frantic and seaboard like those which aspen our communication with Texas, no sensible and well informed mind can be : gnnrant. Foi the voluntary action of our Government in regard to the subject of Annexation, we ran have no such explanation to gi*e. The acquisition of so valuable a territory by means which are of questionable propriety, would be a departure from those just prii ciples upon which this Government has ever acted, and which have excited the admiration »nd se cured the respect of the dispassionate and enlightened friends of freedom throughout the world. But I ain very- sure that we shell all. In tbe end. so set upon this subject aa t<> put it out of the power of the natural enemies of republi can institutions to make any plausible charge ol infidelity to our avowed principles in respect to it. No one was more deeply sensible of the necessity of the greatest prudence in this particular, or more anxious to secure iis observance, than Gen. Jackson. As late as December. 1836—only a few ra rath# before the recognition—be thus expresses hiinsell, in a special mesiageto the Senate: “But there are ci-cum- stances iu the relations of the two countries which require ustoact,en this occasion, with even more than our wonted esution Texas was once claimed as a part uf our property; aud there are iliose among our citizens who. always reluct ant to abandon that claim, cannot be*, regard with solicitude the prospect of the re un*on of the territory lo this country: a large proportion nf its civilized inhabitants are emigrants from the United Slates, speuk the same language wiih our selves, cherish the same principles, political and religious, an I are bound to many of our citizens by ties of fti tndiliip and kindred blood; and, more than all. i' is known that the people nf that country have instituted the same form of Gov ernment with our own. and have, since the close of your last session, openly resolved on the acknowledgment by us of their independence, to seek admission into tlie Union as one nf the Federal States. This last circumstance is a matter nf peculiar delicacy, and forces ui-on us considerations of the gravest ehsracter. The title of Texas to the territory she claims, is identified with her independence. She asks us to acknowledge that title to the territory, with an avowed design to treat immediately of its tiansfer to the U. States. It become." us to beware of atoo early movement, as it might subject us. however unjustly, to the minulalion of seeking to establish ihe claims of our neighbors to a territory, with a view to it* subsequent acquisition by ourselves.” It has been urged, from a quarter entitled to greatrespect. and reasoned, too, with nn iucousiderable degree of cogency, that tbe acquisition of Texas now in the mode proposed, would be liable lo no greater objection than tlie accomplish ment of the same object would have been either in 1827 or 1829, when it was attempted by two successive B'tmin'sira tions to purchase it from Mexico. If 1 were to go into a di' cussinn of this question, and the facts necessarily connected wiih it, I should be writing o: n bonk instead ot a letter; nor is it necessary that 1 should. 1 will therefore content my self with saying, that with every disposition to look at the subject in all its hearings with an impartial eye, 1 have not been able to see the analogy which U claimed to exist be tween the two cases. But if it were even admitted that the able men who were, at those respective periods, st the head of tl.e Government, un -er strong canvii-tions of the im portance of the acquisition of Texas tc tlie Uuited State*, so far p ecipitated their measures for tbe accomplishment of that olject, as tn hare endangered the good faith and pa citic relations nf the United States, (which I do not adtuil.) we could still only felicitate ourselves on their failure, but could uol thereby justify tbe present movement, if it is not eight in itsell, and capable of justification on n*ber grounds. 1 by no mean* contend that a formal recognition of the inde pendence of Texas by Mexico is necessary to justify us in assenting to ber annexation to the United Slates. Time and circumstances may work such a change in tlie relations between those two countries, as to reader an art of that t-hdr avier, on tbe part of Mexico, unneiessary and unimportant. What I mean tn a ty, is. that from all the information 1 havt been able to acquire upon the subject, no change has yet liken place in tin se relations that would make'the objec tions. which 1 have here detailed, inapplicable. It is said. also, that if Texas is not acquired now. the rp- p.iitumty will be forever lost—that some other power will acquire il; and. indeed, some of the rumors of the day have gone so f.,r as to sa^ that the Texan minister is already in structed iu case of lailure here, to proceed forthwith to Eu rope, with full aulbnriiy fnr ihe accomp.isbineiil of thst ob ject. We must not target, that besides great public consid- eratin s. there are extensive private interests involved in ibis matter; and we may therefore well be distrustful of the thousand rumors which are from day to day p t afloat upon this subject. What a comparatively few indivtauals, acting under me influence of personal interest, may not desire to have done. 1 will not undertake to say. or to bonjecture.— But that the people of Texas—somaiiy of whom carry in their veins the blood ol our revolutionary ancestors—thous ands of whom are thoroughly imbued with democratic prin ciples—who achieved by tbeir own gallantry that independ ence which we were the first to acknowledge—who have established and subsequently maintained institutions similar tn our own;—that such a people and such a G"verrmem will ever be found capable ol sending a Minister to the crowned heads of Europe, to barter nway' their young und enterpris ng republic, and all that they have purchased with their bl»ed, to the highest bidder, is iviist I cannot believe; in tbe possibility of “so apostate and uunatural a connexion” l can have no faith. It is also apt rehended by tnanv. that the British authori ties will attempt to make Texas a British colony or depend ency. _ 1 fin 1 it difficult to credit the existence of ouch in fatuation on the part of any European power. 1 cannot bring myself tn believe that any European Government which has not already made up itssnind to provoke a war with ibis country, will ever attempt to colonize Texas, ei ther in form or in substance. If there he any such pow er, the considerations to which 1 have adverted, would soon Texas, and in destructive but fruitless efforts to rZ ' that State, so far as to produce, in connexion wUb. 2?** cumstances, a decided conviction on ;be part of >' ■ c ®- of tne people of the United Slates, that rife nertr.. ln,J0ri 7 fare, if not at solute safety of all. make it m cess»- v pri posed annexation should he effected, be ih c co “"'^4 ces what they may. The question may be asked tier such circumstances, would be the "use you woeLi of the Executive power, il intrusted to jour handsi it be wielded to defeat, or to carry into effect ih U14 tained wishes of our people ? My reply to taeb a * Crr " tinn is. that I can conceive of no public question.', to which it is inure eminently ptoj-er that the ,..’;..;^ r * 5 P*rt wishes of the people of the different States should; ,J d suited, and brine ascertained, treated with fretlrr * ec *" than those which relate either t>> the adniisskm 0 f t, ?*3 member into the confederacy, or the acquisition oftd * ■ 5t * territory, with a view to such a result; and thst.if, n ° mo:i, l cation for annexation, under such <-ircuin4taticei,- t ' r, Wi- to me, 1 would feel it to be my duty to submit e **ds Congress fer a public expression r.f their opinio,, *• upon the propriety of annexation, as in regard tn ,(** upon which it should take place. If. after the * b j!* n ** ject ha.l been brought before the country, and foh.jV t * ) " sed, as it now will he. the Senate and House of fl P *, 'f 1, tives. a large portion of the former, and the wh 0 ' ( f latter having been chosen by the people, after the a? of annexation had been brought before the country (?•'' mature consideration, should express an opinion i a V, *• annexation. I would hold it to be my farther duty to the Executive power to carry into full and fii r efWi? wishes of a majority of the people of the existing thus constitutionally and solemnly expreised. 0 There msy, notwithstanding, be those, on both tti* this great question, who are unwilling to confer ibeiritF^ ges on one who is not prepared to give them sprcifii-oLT’' in regard to the course he would, if elected, |u, J* 1 sped"to the various asuerts in whirh this matter mul *' after be presented. To all such I have only to sj,— do so with the greatest sincerity—that I have rot ite ,':.v * est disposition to question their right so to rego’are il • conduct, and will be the last to complain of j|J If there be any one who they believe can be more trusted with their interest in this or any other o(tk e :. questions of public policy which ore likely tiun*;^* 1 administrate n of the Government, nr whose SMunoeeT' to his future course are more satisfactory to then,, -v." will, without doubt, be well warranted in givirj preference; and they may be assured that no ore wi!i cheerfully acquiesce in a decision, made from such metim than m.vself. 1 hsve expressed a willingness todijehtw' to the best of my abilities, the responsible duties rtf the office in questinr, should the Democracy of the l T . be able and willing to re elect me to the some. Hat i ci . take no steps to obtain il by which niy ability to dUdur,, its duties impartially und usefully to every portim of c .,. common country would be impaired; nor can I. ia am «. tremity.be induced to casta shade over the mrairriof Bt past life, by changes nr. concealments of opinions Olttriij formed upon a great national question, for the ottsertiv purpose of increasing my chances for political protnctico 1 I am, sir, very respectfully. Your obedient servant. M. VAN BUHEh* Hon. W. H. Hajimet. From the A". Y. Journal of Commerce. Annexation of Texas, We will feel obliged to you to publish tbe snbjoicrd rt- marks relative to tbe Annexation u: Texas in tbe U.Stste,. The letters of both C.ay and Vat- Bureu adrst re bctoce single objection t r difficulty against the tmuadiate intcit- lion, that Iras the lea -t apparent weight, and that u, that * a sin uid first obtain the consent of Mexico. Iu asking 'eave of Mexico tn mike a Treaty whs store, leign State, whom are we loask 7 The halM-reed pttuwu aud herd-men. the victims of tyranny and pnettrraii? Kin at all. We are to ask- that blood stained monster, the «i|. lul murderer of 407 unarmed and unprotected Cfrt-ku Excellency, par excellence. General Santa A ana. Uncut, gra, Anui'iiie. Ac. To ask the consent ot Santa Acu, it, virtually, asking ihe eonseut oi England. Will wiuirgn gain the consent of Lord Aberdeen, through Saris Ami, ever be likely to gain us Texas ? Will not delay incrnit the difficulties of Annexation ten fold, if not forever nAi it impracticable? Will not England move beamed earth, during any delay or parley on our part, to puita, aud that torever, the annexation? Is it come toibii? An justly be suspected of a disregard of i ... purposes of tbeeoinpnet, ifthe overture "of Gen. Hunt were alarm. have failed to approach lo any drjinitire rr,uil." to be even reierved for future consideration, as this would imply a disposition on our pa.l to espouse the quarrel nf Texas with Mexico—a disposition wholly at variance with the spirit nf the treaty, with the uniform policy and the ub vinos welf.re of ihe United State* “The inducements mentioned hy Gen Hunt for the Uni ted Slates tn annex Texas tu their territory, are duly ap preciated; but. powerful and weighty as certainly they are, they are light when opposed in tlie scale of reason to treaty obligations, and respect for the integrity of character by tvhiclrthe United Slates have sought io distinguish them selves since the establishment of their right ti claim a place in the great family nf nations " The intinislion in Gen. Hunt's letter that Texns might be indteedto extend commercial advantages toother nations, to the prejudice of the United Slates, was thus noticed: “It is pretamed, howerer, thst the motives by which Texas has been governed in making this overture. wi!l have equal force in impelling tier tn preserve, as an independent power, the most liberal commercial relations with ihe Uni ted Slates. Snclt a disposition will be cheerfully met, inn correa,“nn ling spirit, h.v this Government If the answer - w -i'-h the undersigned has firm directed to give tilhe pr p isition nf Gen. Hunt shnaid unfortunately work such a cos g • in the sentiments nf that Government as in it dure an attempt to extend commercial relations elsewhere, upon terms prejudicial to die United Stale*, thi* Govei unreal will he consoled by die rectitude of its intentions, and a certain- ■y lhar. although die hazard cf transient mates may he iu Curre-I hy a rigid adherence to just principles, no Is'ting p.-o*p -riry enn be secure I when they are disregarded. ’ That these views were not alfpether satisfactory to Gen Hu it. nor probably l < Ids Government, has been seen.— Bur I di nk 1 may safely say that seldom, if ever, lias tite derision, by this Government, of a question of rqital magni tilde, been more decidedly or more unanimously approved by the peojl » of the-United fita'es. The cnrrcspondenc* si-, very aom after it t,„>k place, cmama idea led io <’on gresa.and a.though the public mind was al the time in r stale the highest excitement, and die administration daily assailed ikrough every avenue h.v which il was deemed so pioac-tsole. lam vet to see the first sentence nf complain upon that point, in sov quarter of the Union. Even • rrsn latino offered in the Senate, declaring annexation, "when ever il could ba effected .consistently with the public faith And after commenting with much truth upon the insufficien cy nfthe armaments which Mexico has fitted out for the subjection of Texas—on the length of time which hss e'aps- ed since the latter declared Iter independenee—on the per severance. notwithstanding, in plans of ie-mnquest by Mex- iro—on her refusal to acknowledge tbs independence of Texas and on the evils ef bonier warfare, the message adds: ’• Tne United States lrave an immediate interest in seeing an end put tnthe state or hnstililirs between Mexico and Texas;” following up ibe remark with a furrililo re monstrance against the rontinuance or the war, and a very just and impressive statement of the reasons why il should cease. This remonstrance is, in my -opinion, entirely just and perfectly proper. The Government of the U.' Slates sh uld be st all times ready to interpose il* good offices to bring about a speedy, and, as far as practicable, a satisfarto ry adju Unerit of ibis long pending emnroverry. Its whole influence should be exerted, constantly, zealously, and in good fiith.tn advanre an desirable an* object; and in the process of lime, it can. without doubt, be aecomplished.— liut wIiaL my dear air. 's the true and undisguised charac ter **f tlie remedy for these evils, wliiyh would be'applied by the “ immediate annexation of Texas to the U. Stales ?’’ Is it inorepr less than saving Jo .Mexico, We feel aggriev. rd by the continuance ufthis war between you and Texas ; we have an interest in seeing it terminnied ; we will arentn- pliah that ob;ert, hy taking the disputed territory to our selves; we will make Texas * pari of the United Stales, so that those plans "f re-conquest, wii’ch we know you are ma turing, to he successful* inn*-tbe made-re against the pawer that we can bring into the contest; if ihe war is in lie con- limied. si we understand to be'your design, the U. Stales are henceforth io be regarded as one of tbe belligerents? We mast hmk at this matter as it realty stands; We -hall act under ihe eye of an intelligent, observing world ; md tire affair enneot he made m weir a diflerrnt aspect from what it deserves, if even we had the disposition (which we have not) io throw over it disguises of any kind. We -hould consider whether there is any way in which the i eacc of this country can he preserved, should an immediate innexntion take plnce, save one—and that is, according ti ire-enl appear*! ces. the improbable event that Mexico will ne deterred from the farther prosecution of the war, by the appreher.Mon of our power. How does that mailer stand 7 She has caused us lo be informed,both at Mexico and hers. IH1AII1V HI liaiiuiioi IMS* "IHY "HMUUt - U.UOHJ wsa* " - . . . . , . of honest pride and satisfaction. Tbe way was opened by | I*»e most of their importance; for opportunities would not President Washington himself, under circumstance* of the lh , cn beslnw in presenting themselves for tbe conquest ■/ — - _ - ■ • * whatever territory might, in that event, he deemed neces sary lo our recur.tv. hi legitimate self-defence. Commer cial favors Texas has, to the same extent as other independ ent powers, the right to dispose of as she thinks proper; sub ject only to tlie penalties which are certain. sonnCT or later, to follow in the wake of national injustice. But European colonization of Texas is another and a very different matter —a mutter tn respect to tbe ultimate con-equenre* ofwhich no European nation can possibly deceive either heraelf or us. I have no access to the sources of true inf -rotation in respect to the degree of credit which maybe due in these rumors: but our Government ooght. without doubt, to exei- cise a most jealous vigilance against the extension of British influence, and in "eed foreign influence, or dominion of any kind, or from any quarter, cither in Texas, orin any portions ot ihe continent bordering on the Gulf «:i Mexico. If the time ever comes when the question resolves itself into whether Texas shall become a British dependency or colo- njr. or a constitutional portiob nf this Union, the great prin ciple of self-oefence, applicable ss well to nations as to in- djviduals, would, without doubt, produce as great a una nimity amongst us ill favor of the latter alternative, as can ever be exDecied on any great quettion of foreign or do mestic |mlicy. Having now replied, in tbe fullest and frankest manner. most difficult character, and at no less a hazard than that of exposing ourselves to plausible, yet unjust imputations of infidelity toireaty stipulations. The path he trod with such unfaltering steps, and which led to such beneficial results, ha* hitherto been pursued with unvarying fidelity, by every one of his successors whom it becomes me to speak. If our sympathies could induce a departure from a policy which has so much in its commencement tn consecrate it. and such advantages to recommend its continuance, they would doubtless draw us to the side ol Texas. That the happiness of her people would be promoted by the mainten ance of her independence. I have no doubt. Few. if any, efforts for the extension of the blessines of free Govern ment in any part of the world have bAen made since the es tablishment orour own independence, that have failed to excite our earnest and sincere wishes for their sucoess. But they have never been permitted to withdraw us from the faithful performance of our duty as a neutral nation. They were excited, and deeply, too, at the commencement of the French revolution; they were revived in the struggle •of the South American States for the establishment of her independence; they have beer, pul to their severest trial in this very contest between Texas and Mexiro. Yet, in that whole period of time, amidst the convulsions of empires, nnti the lawlessness of power by which many of its posses sors have been distinguished, it hss been a cardinal point in the administration of the affairs of this lepublic tn ad here with the strictest fidelity to the rule -which was laid down by Washington, enforced by Jefferson, and respected, with unabated sine *rity, by their successors. There is another circumstance which is well calculated tn mislead us upon this subject. Many, if not most, of the persons to be affected by the decision of this question, were once citizens of the -United States, and have still their rela tives and friends among us. I am not unaware of the haz ard to which I expose my standing with the latter, in apeak in* thus unreservedly upon a point so well calculated to excite deep feelings. This is perhaps more particularly applicable to that portion of my fellow-citizens, of whom It was aptly and appropriately said by one of their own num ber, that “they nre the chi'dren of the suo, md partake of its warmth.” Yet. whether we stand or fill in the estima tion of our countrymen, it is always true wisdom, as well as true morality, to hi-ld fast lo the truth. Jt is, moreover, a consolation to know, that if to nourish enthusia'tn is one of the effects nf a g*nial climate, it at the same time seldom fails to give birth to a chivalrous spirit, which will not per* mil itself to-be outdone in the extent or sincerity of its sac rifices at the shrine of patriotism. To preserve our natural escutcheon untarnished, has. consequently, if reliance can be placed u|ion our public archives, been an object of un ceasing solicitude with Southern Statesmen. Nothing is either more true or more extensively known, than that Texas was wrested from Mexiro. and her inde pendence established tin ouch the instrumentality of citizens nf the United Stales. Equally true is it that this was done nut only against the wishes, but in direct cnmiaveuiion of the Best efforts of our Government to prevent our citizens from engaging in the enterprise. Effort* hive.nevertheless, not been "’anting nn the part of those who are not overanx ious for the credit of republican governments, to misrepre sent the views of ours in this respect—io cause it to lie be lieved that our efforts tn prevent unlawful participation by our citizens in thst struggle w-ereinsincere; that weeovmea this portion of die territory of Mexico; and having fai'ed to obtain it by fair purchase, or by negotiation, we saw in this movement a'prrlimiuary step, which would, in the end, be equally subservient lo our views np"n Texas No one cun have had better opporiuniiie* of knowing low unfounded these injurious imputations were Ilian mVM-lf. As earlv as ihe United Slates so poor, so humble, so worthless, incia- significant, that the* cannot arrange their own bovadiria without obtaining tbe assent ot Lord Alerdeeit.ihnturltliii pliant and despicable tools in Mexiio? Allhough the tmre Gen. Clark and Lewis explored the Oregon, and Hrri there a whole winter before a British subject ever p'tnri his foot on the soil; although our hardy seamen bad entered die Columbia river and feasted on its salmi n long befetet British sail ever appeared on its host m; jet, we steam told by the same grasping Government, that they own «« ha f rf the entire let ntory. And w e sup|>ose, uule^ Lwd Abertteen penults, w-e must submit to give it up.. Wecin not an atom for men or parlies. Tliej are pa grstnsofuad on the sea shore, compared with our boner, independent, and future prosperity as a nation. Wecarennti! snu'i talent* are but a little lower rban tlie angel*’, we will nerar vote for him, it be truckles to Lord Aberdetn, or SsnliAt- a, his tool. We would as soon be teinied with the ireasea of Arrc’i. as to take sides with a Mexican tyrant, and his tdviser, aid er and alienor. Lord Aberdeen, against our native coaatry. When did we ever get any thing oy w ailing for the count* of England ? Never. When has England ever refund tn make conquest and aggrandize bcrteil.when shebubid it in her power, as in the case of Mexico? Was r. vita she opened a war upon the w eak and defenceless Cbbra people, because they refused the Opium, grown bj ber slaves subjugated in the East In Jies? Did she cooritii it* nation, i>r wait lo their advice and consent, when with hit gun? pointed upon Cautou and Naukiu, she cutnpelW C> ua to give her Hong Kong and dill tan ? YetfersoA she must interfere iu prescribing our boundaries, tell ng cj our country i, too large. Too large? Me»in 1 n om large countries small. Bombay and Madras ‘J*-?* neate - to England bv means of steamboats on the Red Set. than London and Edinburgh were, in tbe bine ol Htarjut VI11. And Texas is nearer to New Yorkn .w, tbinB*- timore was duringthe revolutionary war. The world lit been clit ng d b> steam, and politician mast wake up im expand their views with it A large Hepubiic on Ui'i-tP - resenutive basis, is more secure from invasion streegrr it heme, aud more respected abroad, than a sntsllow. » England did not think so, why does she with to cl tu*' scribe our limits to the Southwest and in Oregon t t| Air. Clay's aucgesiii n about a Canadian ltrpthtu un stuff. it is well known that during and at tie eta' r " rcr war, fur independence, latge masses of Royaiitn ft* 11 country and went to Canada, aud pianti d ilojs!t> tb®j* s0 firmly that il can uever he shaken. Have not tbe CsntcisJO three times had an opportunity to join the AntencssJ»“ become free? W ere they not so invited hy Cm- B 1 **" gotnery. who gloriously tell at Quebec? Were they tf* invited at the late war ? Did they not in each instineej’-’ Indians and British in desolat.igour frontier? JJta Canadians and Indians massacre a whole Kentucky Jfp- mental the lliver Raisin? No; our word foriL Rajjltyti as strongly pl.uttd in Canada and an one thp Scotch ijir™ in Nova Scotia as it is in England itself W'baC*™,*" are the Textans? Their principle men are ibe dejreotjt of the Hancock,. Henry* and Lets of ourcountry, forefathers signed the Declaration of independence' n* many of whom were side hy side w ith ua in our . l,t f. * against England. Texas e. loreign nation forsooth I 11 1 so, we imagine it is the ouly foreign notion in tb f which celebrates the 4th <f July and keeps WathixpU birthday. ~ Jt has been said the Texiana irtroduced 1 "„ Texas, against the laws of Mexico. This esn he P . from documents to be false. So anxious w ere the , cans to have Americans emigrate thither for tbe pr tecting tbeir frontier against the Indians, and to r , . - i er. pr-tecting tneir frontier against tne tnoiiita, «i-““- jj to both the questions which you have propounded to me, I a valueless wilderness 10 them, that they permitted F, ' might here close this letteij but being sincerely nnxinus to from the Southern States to carry with tkrro put you, and others occupying the same position, in jmsaes- 1 — —A ’— ** ! - J J " •nm-ennr sion of my views and opinions upon the whole subject, as far as they can with propriety be now formed and expressed, 1 will go a few steps farther. Occasion* do sometimes present themselves, in the ad ministration of public affairs, when the decision of great questions can be safely anticipated by those whose subset quentduty it may become to pass upon them; but to justify such a course, those ques ions must be such as arc unavoid ably dependent upon circumstances and consideiations of a fixeit and settled character 1 have not been able to regard ibis as being, in all its aspects, a case of that description. It i* a matter affecting our foreign relations, tu respect to which every enlightened nation makes it a rule to avoid, as far as practicable, public annunciations of its ptoceedings and intentions beyond what is-derraed necessary either in justify its past course, or tn make Olliers sensible of its de termination to resist aggression, whether present or pros pective. As the action of the Executive npon all questions that affect our relations with other countries, must be mote or less influence t by their conduct towards ua, it is. in gen eral, desirable that his future course should not be embar rassed by assurances siren at a period when no safe opin ion could be formed nl what that conduct would he In re spect even to motives of a domestic character it could scorcely be deemed consistent with that prudence and eshn discretion which, in public as well as private affairs, is of such inestimable value, to bind ourselves in advance in re- spectra tbe particular line of ronduct we will hereafter sdopt in a case of auch magnitude as the present. When the period for definitive action shall have arrived, the con siderations now taken into view may have li st the weight they at present possess in the estimation of the public; and odiers, not now regarded os of ony value, may. in the mean time, arise to affect maienallv.if not in change, the whole asitci nf the suljert. The present condition of the relations between Mexico and Texas may -soon be so far changed as lo weaken, ami perhaps to obviate entirely, the objections against the immediate annexation of the inner lo the United States, which I have here set fortli and to place tite ques tion nn different grounds. Should such a stale of tilings arise, and I be found in charge of the responsib!e duties of I’resident,you may be assured that I would meet tbe ques- wlien President Houston first w ent In Texas. 1 believe in lion, i( then presented to me, w ith a sincere desire lo p 1629.1 was consulted hy Gen. Jacksoa upon tite subject of mete tite result which J believed best calculated to advance iruin itio ouunicrn oiatca io carry will into Texas, and to have them indented or apprenttf . ninety-nine years, which completely nullified somei^ law they had against slavary. The qua relbelweeji^^ and Mexirn did not grow out of slaver;: but tie ^ mem under which the Texians entered the c’vaUJ. 7^ jealousy of the priest* was subverted, and 6sal* Au ^ mane Dictator,-and placed at the head of it • Teiu, was he iu authority, than he sent an armed forrett 1 '.’’^, and demanded that the people should deliver up “** with which they had defended their homesaga*** ,^ and swear allegiance to the Catnolie religion, fs ^ port die Central Government in the c ty of Mw** ,- :[a they refused, they we era be exterminated or 10I y, the country, and forced to abandon their houses tan" ^ leaving desolate tite fields their enterprise and lttnO -j. made fruitful. It was an alternative about whirh ^ ,y f tryinsn of Washington could long hesitalC' q- a xi*s‘ choice rested between Ixlerly aud slavery, the ijjj most righteously resisted. Eight years ago they — ed their sovereign independence, upon tbs W* which we gained ours. When the United Di**** jjud- edged the indeppndei ce of Texas. Spain hod 1! , t ;'»de* edged tlie independence of Mexico. Texts p ir tj pendent of Spain, as well as Mexico; while “P***; Jj.hsl to whom Texas was tftcon'ltlulionolly , J* ins ‘ -, isbe not yielded her claim; so that, if any t nrd p't. Consulted.! should he Spain, if nal Mexiro. i- r( . c $ti!** If cur limits permitted, we could prove rAkfl - by i* 14 . won Id run no possible risk of losing politic#* v fC 5niw» annexation. The population and growth °* i‘ lC , lire Northwest will l:tr outstrip ti e wb«*le eluded. Examination of ihe t/piiSus for c ** will priv’e this. . After Florida, no new $<> ut <■ <\:kan** s •* be formed except Texns. ns the lei rUorv guarantied t«> tlie Cherokee oud other 2r 1 he5 j, c j-j- occupy il forever, while Free State# e»n he® ‘ jf Tex* 4 pirllv multiplied from Iowa to the Parifi l c ” is admitted. Virginia. Morvland. N. <* rohn >- * e c«:ef Kentucky, and probably Missouri, would ' ,rc( * 1 Tf** 5, which would in themselves he equal in extj» ‘ — and hold ihe balanre in ih Slates which are soon to spring op part «fihe -Missisippi valle\ liMH eoate «idiom thf ^Tif \Ve»t fr * in tite North » private letter addressed by 1 im to the honorable Mr. Ful- fon. now Senator of the l/n’ted Stales tiien Secretary of the Territory of Arkansas, requesting him tn cause the move ments of Gen. Houston to be watched, and to apprit-e the President of the first indication on his part of an intention to violate the laws of the United States by an armed incursion into Mexico. From that period to the end of Gen. Jack- son’s term of office. I ain as well satisfied as I can he of any fart, that he was sincerely desirous to perform his whole 1 duty as Chief Magistrate of tl • country, and to prevent, in 1 this respect, the slightest violation of the laws, with the ex ecution of which he was charged. He no doubt sincerely the permanent welfare of the whole country. In th* di.- charge of this, the common duty of all our public funciiona- ries, I would not allow myself to be infijenced by local or ufactures, for these thing of the Misai&ippi valley.* *i.r *” is use’e** to speak of the const 1' " it i* u;C ' ltion. That is admitted by Mr. V an > - tnspeakofits utility end many P ecu *• * a n<i n ‘ ?r . « o/ar, Tcse i}jw)?J COIIlUlCr R_. sectional feeling. 1 am not, 1 need hardly aiy to you. on StUl*, ala* ! they both ... . ^ , untried man in respect to my disposition or ability to di-re- a pesr. till# vve “ ve a »kcd Lord. A *. > <■ pard any feeling ot that rbararter in the discharge of official Anna ! ! nexatton. ind of lie benefits it would confer npon ro..m.e ^ aunnttea oy * . n^’ and ought not . ^ Kew York, April 30:1 duties. You. as well as all others, have therefor© at least some grounds on which to firm an opinion as to the probnble fidelity with which these assurances would be observed. ] fhall add a few wdtd* on another aspect of the question, and then ^dismiss the subject. Mexico may carry her per sistence in refusing to acknowledge tbe independence cf State, or Stales ,1841. * It is sairl on goat) author t> tha' '^."cana"^ Texas (come into the confederacy w lnlitIt d ai * ' otherwise than settled by free labor, aim