Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

POLITICAL. From thf I'nited Stotts Telegraph. ItBTLY OF MR. DAVIS, OF S. C. On t!;e prc;,< -\ . (ogive precedence to the bill for the collection , ,ne, i.. r tii hill to reduce the du ties on linj ort.--. Mr. VAJIft’"t ... DANIS ‘aid, (he House would do him the j mii . ' those with whom lie acted, to own that tin y were in i u w y rt sponsible fir (he snail pace of the- lurid i.iil, they fiad not impeded it by the frivolous amendments ailu .-cd to, or I-v propositions of any sort. They acquiesced in and billowed the sug gestions of friends on this floor, ntid remained silent oil this deeply interesting subject, lest to their participa tion ill the debate should he attributed whatever of a dilatory or stormy character it might assume. Nou have all witnessed, he said, that we submitted, in silence, to the reading and discussions of public documents, con taining false, inai.cious and defamatory libels on the State and people of South Carolina—to language of con tumely and reproach upon our public functionaries— (friends w hom we dearly love) —that shot like fiery ar rows through our veins. Vet we were dumb. Still more, sir, the bitter cup was not yet full—it might not even thus pass. We felt (l our duty to let the sacrifice he complete. We remained incur places: we kept our scats, and bore the toiture. You all knew, fromthe beginning of the session, that such would he ourcourse ; yet we were baited at the start. What friendly voice of truth or justice, was heard in our vindication during these hours, days, weeks) of burning agony? What did we hear from those who ought to have defended us? Why that South Carolina was precipitate ! After ten years of petition, prayer, and sufi -ring—after witnessing all our southern sister States taken up last summer with the Pre sidential election, as if the shirt of Nessius were not up on their backs. Piccipitatc !* away with such stuff and nonsense. And w hat, sir, do we now see ? The tanffqiicslion, that lias been crccpii.g, loitering, drivel ling, dragging itself through six weeks of the session— the very bill wo were desirous to abstain from discussing lest we might shake too rudely the leaves of its Olive branch—a hill entitled, by all Parliamentary right and Usage, to precedence, is to ho shoved aside, and this firebrand to be flung before it. Why? Because, for sooth, the President wills it! And by whom is the at tempt made, to substitute this sword in the place of the Olive-branch I By the organs and fast friends of the Pre sident on this floor. Can I he mistaken ? That I may not he, J dcsiro now to ask of the honorable chairman of the Judiciary Committee (if lie be in the house) —I do not see him in his seat—Here Mr. Bell rose from a dif ferent part of the House] to ask, and the terms of formet kindness between us entitles tnc to a candid answer; whether it is the intention of the party, with which he acts 111 irivr* im praliini'i' :unl .liu-ful-unnn In llio bill for tolfecf.-ng revenue ? Mr. BEI.L, of Tennessee, said lie would answer the question in the same spirit of candor in which it was ask ed ; it was desired to have this measure passed as soon as practicable, and, for that purpose, to give it prece dence. lie exonerated the delegation of South Carolina from all responsibility for the delay of the tariff bill, and approved their course on tire occasion. riien, said .Mr. J)A\ IS, wc understand it now. The President is impatient to w reak his vengeance on South Carolina. Be it so. Pass your measure, Sir, —unchain your tiger—let loose your war dogs as soon as you please ! I know the people you desire to war on. They await you with unflinching, unshrinking, unhlnncliing firm ness. I know full well the State you strike at. Sire is deeply enshrined in as warm affect ions, brave hearts, and high rninds, as ever formed a living rampart for pub lic liberty. They w ill receive this bill, Sir, whether you ■pass the other or not, with scotri and indignation, and de testation. They never will submit to it. They will see head of your Executive. They will see in it the scene upon the Lupcrcal vamped up and new varnished. They will see in its hideous features of puins and penalties, a declaration of war in all but its form. 'J i'l“y cannot, (for •they arc the .est informed people on the face of trie •A.'!* l ! or that ever have been on it, on the great principles of civil and political liberty, but see in it the utter prostra tion and demolition of State Rights, State constitutions, eye, and of the Federal constitution too. But say gen tlemen, and I am surprised at their blindness and hardi hood, it is all a mistake, it is a mere lull for collecting the revenue—intended for the preservation of peace, and to prevent civil war. Civil war with whom? Sir, all usurpations are attempted on such mild lovely, and beu < volant pr. texts as thpse. Peace is it! Shame, shame! Von pour fir. and brimstone on our heads, and hid us, in tlv. lac; uage of a departed friend he quiet, it is Ma c r oil, : yrrh, fr ;ok;license ! You tell us, with this bill 01 ;• -in-- -oid t -s, of army and navy and militia, in your list, t: t it is -. in e matter of revenue collection theqxunt of tut >aynn. t, and call it ricil process!! t, h t I u iil not oppose the taking up this bill by any idirect means, I am ready • . I only ask that you ous question. \ ouch t.ife me that, y i may go your ways; but that you can ' la lifest, since the cordial junc tion lira pinto ot two hostile parties; the one opposed to the President, and who declares that he is not worthy of his office, or of the trust arid confidence of the country; and another that seems w illing to graut him any tiling he asks. I heard a gentleman somewhere near me say, that :he whole question is one of dollars and cents. To bo sure, it is the very girt and marrow of it; if it were not that there were such things as southern dollars and cents, we would never have heard the question made. The nefa rious system would never have grown up. All govern, mental oppressions, exactions, and tyranny throughout the world and through ail time, have been perpetrated for the dollars and the cents of honest people, earned by the sweat ol their brow, for thepurpo3eof giving them to the powerful or rogueish wlw> ilxl not cam them. If, however, it is meant to say that South Carolina makes a question of the mere amount, the more or less to he con tributed for the support of the Government, the short answer is, it is not true. What does her bright and glo ttous history tell you? To coin her heart for money” to drop her blood for drachuns! Iler objection is to your taking her dollars and cents, not for the support of the Government, she jointly made with her sister State, hut for the purpose of putting them in your pockets, or the people or Stales you represent. The amount even then, she might ha* i ionic as a temporary injustice had von not declared a perpetuity. The gentleman from Georgia, (.Mr. Wayne,) has informed us, that this bill will be harmless, as a tarill project, not vet submitted, willjcertainly be adopted that is better than cither yet proposed- I ant deliglitod to hear it; but whv, in the name of liberty, is it not offered to us instead of this outrage on the Constitution? \\ by arm the President with powers so dangerous to peace and freedom ; and in the face of a recorded refusal by your predecessors, to give the pacific civilian, the mild, virtuous, humane, Jefferson, the much lesser power of suspending the habeas corpus act? Is this tiling so coveted by, amt grat ifying :o, the President; in this bloody bill, this Boston |>ort bill, so delightful to him that it is to he preferred to that which is said to be pacificatory? Why, s : r, if he must he gratified, must b- assumed and plcasurcably employ cd, buy linn a tee-to-tuin, or some other harmless toy, but do not give him tie- purse and sword of the na tion, the army ami navy and whole military power of the country; as peaceful playthings to lx; used at his disco, tion, if, however, this bill must pass— if there he no suh- A.il tte so palatable as blood, I withdraw iiiv op|K>snion to its being taken up, and only ask the privilege oft*. posing its iletails; although 1 clearly see that the inter ested passions on one side, and a stiplc subserviency on another, will ensure its passage by a very large majority. In what I have said, no individual allusion was intend ed. I fired at the flock. .My allusion was to a state of tilings as notorious as noonday! Our situation is pecu liar, and some allowances should he made- Our Repre sentatives on thisfluor are small in number. Our peo ple love honor as they do liberty; both have been assail ed. Wc value highly the opinion of the wise and good, many, very many of whom wc recognize in the ranks o! our adversaries. It is when tiiey show a disbelief or suspicion of the interity of our purposes, or purity of our motives, that we feel the iron enter our hearts. One word, sir, to the gentlemen over the way—en tirely over the way—who says this bill is necessary, be cause South Carolina has not yet repealed her ordi nance. Has not yet, I presume means, notwithstanding the President’s proctnalation. Sir, South Carolina has re ceived :>n insolent mandate of the President, command ing her to retrace her slops, tear from her archives one of the brightest pages of he r glory, and alter the funda mental principles of hcrconstitution: and she sends him hack for answer, (though her humble representatives,) the message sent from Utica to Ctcsar— “ Bid him disband his legions; Restore the Commonwealth to liberty; Submit his actions to the public censure, Abide the judgment of a Roman Senate, And strive to gain the pardon of the people, That, Sir, is her answer! •Excuse haste said thcTarrapin to the Snail SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION. Monday, March nth, lS.'ib. The Convention met pursuant to the Proclamation of the President and was opened at 12 o’clock, by prayer from the Rev. .Mr. Ware. The President on calling the attention of the mem bers to t!io business, which would be submitted to them, delivered the following address: Gentlemex —In exercising the power of calling you together, which you were pleased to place in my hands at your adjournment, I have both regretted and been I sensible of the inconvenience to which I must have sub jected many of you in being compelled to leave your homes at a season so essential to the success of the agri cultural labors of the whole year. It must however have been manifest to you from the nature of the proceedings of this body at its former meeting, that its reassembling after the adjournment of Congress, was an event of high ly probable occurrence. Before however this necessity was demonstrated, I was officially apprized by the Gov ernor of South Carolina, on the sth February, of the ar rival of a commissioner on the part of the State of Vir ginia, bearing certain resolutions adopted by the Gen eral Assembly of that State, respectfully solicit ng of this Stale, a suspension or rcscinlingol the ordinance of her convention until the adjournment o£the next ses sion of Congress. These resolutions were accompanied by an application on the part of the gentleman in this commission that this Convention should he convened at an early moment. The high source from which this mediation eininated, the friendly dispositions by which it was obviously dictated, borne too and advocated by a gentleman so long and so advantageously known ns among the most able and devoted champions of the rights of the States, left me by what I was quite sure would be your own decision, no other alternative (if my own inclinations had been wanting) than a compliance with the wishes of that distinguished Commonwealth as communicated by her worthy Representative. As I was however perfectly satisfied that no decision on the prop ositions of which he was the hearer could bo made prior to the adjournment of Congress, the period of your as sembling has been arranged to meet both contingencies. You have thus assembled, gentlemen, and the propos ed mediation of Virginia concurrently by the pas modifying the Tariff of the 14th of July last, and by an act entitled “an act “more effectually to provide for the execution of the Revenue Laws.” In bringing both these laws to your view, and invok ing your mature consideiation ol their provisions and objects, it would not become mo to make any sugges tions as !C the course it behoves you to pursue in refer ence to these measures. If the first is not in all respects satisfactory, as coming up to that measure of justice, to which the Couth had a fair claim, and is liable to some important objections, it, nevertheless, provides for the commencement of a..’ oarlv, though gradual amelioration of that system, against v» hicli wc have so Ipng complain ed and for an ulterior recognition of the constitutional principles upon which our rights are assumed to rest. In forming your estimate, however, ot whatever may he its intrinsic value you will not be insensu..' 9 *° fact, that it is a compromise of extreme, vexatious a’’d con flicting interests made in the spirit of peace, as an purr ing to Ihe concord and tranquility of our common conn- I ">• to »»!* a our Representatives in Congress voted for it. amLin such a spirit must we consider it, whatever may be our final decision on the measure. This adjustment, however, coincs to us., at least with this compensation for the justice which it yet withholds— that all that has been beneficially accomplished by it for the counli v, is to be attributed to the action of this Con vention, and the energy, decision, and love of Liberty, ol that people, by whom our proceedings have been sus tained. We may surely say this without an unworthy vaunting, when the most able of our opponents, has borne testimony to the truth of this fact. It is greatly to he regretted, with a single view to the harmony and repose of the country, that this adjustment should be accompanied by the other measure to which l have invited your attention. If wo could regard the act, which provides by its title, “for a more effectual execution of the revenue laws.” but which, infacl, piovides for the coercion of a sover cign State in this Union, as an empty defiance got up as a mere salvo for the wounded pride, or to gratify a worse passion of the Executive, vve might permit it silently to pass by, with that reprobation with which, not posterity alone, but at an early moment, a contcnipormj ugv, «iil visit it, standing nnpotently as it will stand, a dead let ter on our Statute Book,but *s a mere precedent engraf ted on our Laws, it is of the most serious and p or tentous import furnishing as itjdoes, the most unequiv ocal evidence, that as far as the authority of the Law ex tends (independently, thanks be to God, for the spirit of a free people) by asingle act of legislation, the charact er of our Government is changed and a military despo tism placed at the disposal of the executive, when lie shall determine in his own discretion, that a fit exiu gency has arisen for its exercise. The broad usurpa tion in this law of the right on the part of Congres to coerce a Sovereign State in this Union, when this power was solemnly withheld by the Convention, that formed the Constitution, the utter anmhiliation of our jtidiciurv in casesclearly within their exclusive jurisdiction, anil the still more revolting circumstances that in obeying the laws of their own State, and executing the mandates of their own Courts, the lives of our citizens are placed at the mercy of the standing forces of the Union, all con cur to present an epoch in the public liberty of the country, which ought not to be allowed to pass without your animadversion. And you will permit me further to remark* whether the adjustment of the Tariff be deemed satisfactory or not that much remains fur vou to do, in making of constitutional record in an enduring form those great conservative principles, which have borne us yet through this contest.to say nothing of the | necessity of providing those securities which may in all future time, command the fealty and obedience, of those i who receive the protection of our laws. \ou will now I tilist, allow me to refer lo a matter | which is personal to myself. The distinguished station ' | I now occupy, I owe to the accidental circumstance of! my having been U*c Chit f Magistrate of this State, v. 1: i j the Convention first assembled* Another individual now oil tiis floor fills that post. I j feel that I am not alons payings proper deference to an established and • valuable prep-dent) but a just homage to superior personal claims and more eminent qualifica tion, when I signify to the pretence es this Conventi n, that it is my purpose,- alter tio reading of the corre.-- denco I now communicate, between the Commissioner from Virginia and tlie public authorities of this State, to resign this scat. a mk~ lu making this declaration, permit me to superadd to it niv unfeigned ackno-.l -dgernents for your past kind ness and confidence, and my fervent prayer, that the God of ail mercy ami truth tnay so order and govern our proceedings that they may rebound totlic liberty, peace, ami happiness of our Country. From mi: Ar. vhama Jointval. GOVERNOR TROUP’S LETTER, JJUed December 20, 1832. Me. Mays Hoping your readers will be put in pos session of the Lttcr of the above date, I shall content myself with a fw remarks on it, leaving the public to fill up for tlietnsel cs, what must bo wanting in this short notice. TlirGovernor fully sustains his character as a Statesman aid Patriot, not a word nor sentence can be tortured or misconstrued from its obvious meaning. He blinks no question—He shuns in responsibility—He fearlessly meets every difficulty and attempts to point out as with a sun beam the proper course to be pursued. Tbo’ within a few hundred yards perhaps of the osten sible author of the Proclamation, lie boldly and trium phantly overturns with patriotic fin or almost every posi tion taken in the document. You recollect how deli cately last Session in a siiort letter he proved himself the friend of General Jutkson on the subject of the Su premo Court, yet now that the emergency requires it he does not shrink from hr; duty—private friendship and political enmity, seem to have nothing to do with the opinions of this Patriot. As earnestly as Mr. Crawford has laboured for a Fedora! Convention, and to whose agency much must unquestionably he attributed in the various movements made for its call, yet Gov. Troup comes out firmly against t. His reasons are powerful and truly alarming. Mind sir! lie does not refuse the call from the sickly reasons which some have advocated, namely,that the majority sre righteous and will do jus tice ; tiiat the Government is doing- well enough ; no the very reverse arc his reasons. It is because the op pressed States arc in the minority. It is because the majority will send them back despoiled of their sover eignty of shorn of tiieir rights. For says he, “ the indi cations of public sentiment at this moment are unerring that an overwhelming majority favours a consolidated Government, and it may behoove you in all wis !om to prepare not for an improvement in your condition, hut for a Crrsar and. the purple." This letter is written on the heels of the President’s Proclamotion, in the midst of the righteous majority at Washington City. “ It may behoove you in all wisdom to prepare not for an improvement of your condition, hut for a Cresar and the purple !” What think ye Alabamians of tins.— Are you prepared to began to think of this State of tilings!—A riiaa who never deceived his countrymen tells you. Georgians what think ye of the matter ! F.iends of Liberty what think Ve of a Crcsar and the purple? lie asks “if that power, which decrees its own supremacy perseveres to enforce it, must every thing yield to force?” Here sir, is the great question now to be solved by the Southern States and bv the friends of State Rights. All minor points yield at tin present crisis to what is involved in this question. Hear the answer of the immortal Patriot to this question, ye friends es Consolidation, ye friends of State Rights in name, at least ye complacent gentlemen who condemn only some minor points of Federal Legislation and the Proclamation. Read his answer, and if there.are any strong arm of power as set forth by the Proclamation and the bill reported in the Senate by the Tariffitcs “to repeal the Constitution,” and to establish the Sword in its stead to govern us—let them read the answer,“Foret may vanquish every thing—reason, right, truth, justice, and it is because force may do so, that vve have created barriers to detend. reason, right, truth, and justice. These barriers arc the Sove reign States of this Union, which whatever the old Federalists and monarchy men may sav of them, were absolute Sovereign- son the Decla ration of Independence, an Sovereigns now, and will re main so until by the voluntary surrender of their sove reignty, they please to mate themselves slaves, but I trust of all who shall make hat surrender, Georgia will be the last.” Governor Troup does no make an unmeaning thing of State sovereignty, a sounl by which Demagogues de ceive but to betray, it is tot the “Will of The Wise ” of the Political Charlatan! who clamour about State I Rights and mean that wc fyve norcrnnd.es but force ~'je sword and the bayonet ind a master, in a President no but the opinions of the majority. “ l’ or exlraordiriv. ’ v alK * extreme ones (grievances) there is no remedy but ilit. ereigii power of the States, and in ex treme cases yau re). 9 ’ 0 )ourselves upon the sovereign power for thq very rcuse.’ constitutional remedy fails, i\ic. of the exercise of >. '‘R’h * s the sole judge, because in this re-pect it is indepfc.'^ ent ns well as Sove reign.” 'Pile idea that this action of sovereignty will ho too frequently exercised, which is we’. 1 'mown to he the great aid Icadingcty against the exercise m'.Nul lification, is fully disprove!! by a variety of cogent rea sons. He stems rather toidoubt from the oppressions to which the States have n ready submitted whether it does not require some frightful tyranny driving them to despair, to drive them front the Union! He says “we hear the cry of Union ! Ijnjon ! from all quarters as if there were nothing in this world worth preservin'* but Union ! So that the frienls of Liberty and Union mav well doubt w hether the peiplo love liberty least or the or the Union most.” He eomplainsjustly of tlie manceiivres of factions ma king 1 residents and overleaping the Constitution, spen ding the peoples money, and doing all manner of tilings never mtended by the framers ot the Constitution, ‘df (says ae) a single State frettedand tortured by such ah ominations shall by any unwise and hasty movement re solve tt\shake off,” suppose for instance South Carolina even adiliit the movement to be unwise and hasty, yet he asks, Ms she to he bound neck and heels, and con signed to \he care of Trcphonius or the Cvek ( >s ? The aline, ■ universal answer is yes, jes! down with the Re bels, down with the traitor State. But whose turn come next.' A v\ry interesting question, one at least worth something toN slave-holder; one worth at least somethin'* to the fricrnk of the rights of the States. He says “ extreme cas\g (and supposes many,) require ex treme remedies, and if these are to be sought in the power of the States, it is because the States, are sover eign and uay protect and defend themselves.” Bit does this consist wall that unity one and indivisible claimed for the Unittd States as a nation? Certainly not, “those who make the claim must make it good, for ourselve wo protest against it as most wild extravagant and lallacious. ’ —He di-olarcs tlie Government is the strongest in the world,that it is the departureofthe (.Jen etal Government from the,Constitution that has ever brought about collisions, adl that tlie idea of coercin'* Slates was an absurdity.” jit would take up too much of your columns Mr. Edit* to go much into detail it inay not bo nnii-s to uoticojtlmt the following distinct proposition made by Goverlor Troup, covers the w hole ground that any State Right man could assume “The States in virtue of their soireiglity, when evils arte no longer supportable, must julgej the cril and the remedy." I lie whole letter abound}! with plain and undeniable truths, and tlio'lie may not in theory < ,ury out hisopiu. ions in the same train as ionic of the most eminent men !:-v» done recently, yei inti, final result and cn the fundamental principles of our Government there is nu material difference of opinion. ! am glad that lie has -poken out, and unless run worship hus carried away our hopes and unices they prefer the mere cry of Union to liberty itself, thc people will listen to thc opinion of this "real .Statesman. ]f e is no aspirant ufte office, tlio’ confessedly one of thc Greatest amongst tiie Groat. True to the Constitution, true to thc rights of the People, they can listen to him without prejudice or passion, and if they will, we may yet escap : “a Ctesar and the pur ple.” ’ ' NO MONARCHIST. , • iMwff iztftP&irkWi '-'C . AVI* STATE RIGHT’S ADVOCATE. Mi LLEIK SEVILLE,'" DC/ 3 We have ohs. rved, since wc christened our paper, by the title of “ l'he Times,” that there are several others of the same cognomen both North and South efus. We have therefore thought pro per to superadd, by way of distinction, “Georgia” to j our head. The title of our paper is now, “ Georgia Times, and State Right’s Advocate.” The Governor’s Psendo-lacksonhm. It would have amazed tis very much, if indeed any thing could excite astonishment in these days of po‘ litical degeneracy, to hear of Governor Lumpkin’s reconversion to Jacksonism. We have learned with Horace and Randolph nil admirari. Two years ago, when Mr. Calhoun published his cotrespond cnce with Gen. Jackson with a view to repel the charges of duplicity'and baseness, which the subsi dized presses so unceasingly made upon his conduct while Secretary at war, in the Seminole alliiir, thc present Governor of this-State, then a member of Congress, was as'prodigal of his censure and denun ciation of Gen. Jackson’s illiberal and ruthless per secution of Mr. Calhoun as he is now lavish of his commendation of thc President for his treacherous attempt to undermine the liberties of the people, and to exterminate those principles which elevated him to the Presidency. Thc Governor is marvellously fond of discoursing about Republicanism before the faces of those whom he knows to be attached to its principles, and never fails to pronounce their eulogy. We should be pleased to know what had become of his republican .~..»u0u, mitiaiug tmr mis sionaries, he runs riot in bis laudations of the most corrupt and I'cdcral administration that ever breath ed from its pestilent lungs upon a free people. here were his views of Republicanism ? They must have been in bis heels not in his head. Where were his former opinions of Gen. Jackson’s malig nant and disingenuous conduct towards Mr. Cal houn ? Has lie so soon forgotten his reproaches of thc former and his praises of the latter ? What has occurred to change his opinions of either, except Gen. Jackson’s treason in endeavouring to involve thc country in a civil war to wreak his vengeance upon that distinguished and persecuted statesman, to whom Gov. Lumpkin was formerly so much at tached, both personally and politically. We use his own words. The change cannot have resulted from any revolution in Mr. Calhoun’s personal or political character. lie was then what he is now. The man and his political opinions were as well known to Governor Lumpkin then as now. What powerful motive could have operated upotl the mind of Gov. Lumpkin, who was so devotedly attached both personally and politically to Mr. Cal houn and so sickened and disgusted with the foul machinations of Jackson and his Pet, to produce so unexpected a change in his opinions ? Has the Gov ernor laved his mind in the waters of Euripus,which ebbs and flows seven times in a day ? Was it to step into the Curule Chair that he thus shamelessly abandoned bis old personal and political friend and seeks now to degrade him as a man and a states man ! Is mortal capable of such dissimulation ? Docs the breast ofunan harbor such insincerity ? - „ . “ Sincerity, I hou first of virtues ! let no mortal leave The onward path, although the earth should oape, Au<l from the gulf of hell destruction cry, 0 To take dissimulation's winding way.” * * Carolina Convention. I iio Convention of South-Carolina met on tlic 11th ins Land proceeded to tlie consideration of the mediation of A irginia, for whicli purpose that body was convened. 'J'iie Committee of 21 have repor ted favorably and drawn up an Ordinance rescind ing that of their late Convention, nullifying the Ta nfl laws. The reasons assigned in the Report arc the gradual reduction of the Tariff to the revenue standard w hich Mr. Clay's hill provides for, and the distinct abandonment of the protective principle.— I'he amount of present reduction and the time fixed (or 1,10 adoption of the revenue standard of duties do n, ; : 1,1 thc entire approbation of the Com mittee, hut to evince their love of union and harmo ny and to repel the slanderous imputations of their enemies, they have agreed to sacrifice something of ih''ir in!* rests to restore the government to its equal ity mid purity and thus save commotion and blood-1 shed, in which they were charged to be ea£, r . volvc the country. The Report is full 0 f kj, and moderation. We copy Gen. Hamilton’s upon resigning the Presidency of the Convent;, It is short, but it is fluent of eloquence and triotic feeling. Gov. Haync was elected P a , of the Convention. T!k* passage of the Tunip yrc Bii , ITark to the knell! whoso frightful beat anj the premature decay and sudden fall 0 f At V Liberty! Its last sad funeral note has been in the proud dome and lofty capitol of thc most' mising and aspiring nation, whose name is rt . in the annals of time. The last terrible pj echoes thro’ every vale of this extensive butill-f Empire. It is with a sorrowful heart that ire' nouncc the mournful and appalling event that Liberty of man is stricken to death and lies u the dust! What would the Fathers of the glorious Btj tion of ’76 have thought, if, upon the day the. auspicious and the most pregnant of impLnant, sequences in all time, it had been told to them listening to the patriot eloquence of Jefferson, but a little more than the half of a century hence the liberty of that people whom they had freed J he subverted and destroyed—that it should J we are no longer free ! Like Cassandria, the J loved of Apollo, a man might have uttered tj phecy, but not even youthful credulity or the J gloomy disciple of that sect of Philosophers, J dulge in doubts and misgivings of the stability* human concerns, would have lent a seriouse* the prediction. Yet upon this day and inurl before the living witnesses of the scenes oftliclfl lutiou have rested from their labors mid been cat* ed with their fathers, the dreadful, the appall™* lieart-rcudingintelligence is received, “Libera* more !” Oh ! ill-fated hour which witn«* distraction ! May the day, which marked the* sage of thc Hill of Blood, be blotted out fmnniie* endar of Time ! May it descend to thc A ■ darkness and he forever engulphed in Dfl stream I B Wc have just enjoyed our liberty sufficient!jfl to have learned its value, and it is now nnnhifl and scattered to the four w inds of'Heaven. lH cau wc do to restore it ? How shai! ne destruction? On whom shall the guiltufyH death descend ? Shall thc lasting and proa.-h of such a crime !>c laid to the South? Forbid it Heaven! Let the order ter and light he converted into chaos terror reign every where, so wc but In ■nor. diameter and patriotism of the I rum the guilt of the destruction of thc man: vvnat was it mat lead to tliis event ? The infuriate passion of the the l nion. It is he then upon whom tlr: blood must descend. Eook back and then forward. I The session of Congress just closed in ivß transpired so much that is extraordinary irß amplcd, will not be forgotten io the latest pB I he names of those men, who madly urged tB tion of sanguinary measures to repress cfl plaints of the South against the arbitrary B quitous legislation of Congress and who wcnß to quench with fire and sword thc spirit ofiiß mong our people, arc doomed to ail infamous® 'lying fame. The time rapidly approachesß the minds of men will be exempt from conß and divested of all those prejudices which spiß in the bosom ol the multitude, attaching toB men, and reason will be then left free to B tuose fatal delusions into which the people harl beguiled by a high but misplaced confidence!® public servants. Justice, even-handed justi* unco more elevate her lofty balance and di* to each actor in the scenes that have past lit® reward to which his deeds may entitle him. * then will be found those slavish minions of * who would have bartered Liberty itself 'B spoils of Office. B The moment has arrived when the people ■ determine to act for themselves or slavery*® gradation must mark their future destiny. Tltß which they are hereafter to tread may he one® ry and renown or it may lead them to infant® shame. Will they not mark it well before tit® print their footsteps upon it ? Ought 111°.'"® s urvey calmly every inch of ground before ts* go the moorings of safety, when danger and *® ty threaten them with thc heaviest calami!)* can befal a free and happy jieople? Surely® will look to thc preservation of the Rights States whole and uncrippled, as the only s' l ® they have for the restoration of their tratc Liberties. fl Van [tui'cn at thc helm I I low easily we can discover the wand oft ll *® gician. Had we not known that Aan Huron * Washington,' wc should have found it out upon® ing the Inaugural Address of the President® Papers begin to present a double-face agan ~ - ■ thing for and something against republican P® pics—something in favor of Federalism thing in opposition. Such wasthecharad' 1 I executive ]iapcr.intcjidedforthc peopl«M* suc Mr. Van Ihireii's residence in W ashin,- ,on So soon as he departed there was a progro ** steady march towards thc doctrines ol E