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I decision* of the Supreme Court by force and arms* ,1,18 difficulty has arisen out of the passage of a bill i-i a blot upon our statute book, and which I think . rcssed upon Congress for tile sole purpose of grati , the b»d passions of weak and wicked men. You j"receive further particulars hereafter. At present, ■ consternation and confusion in both cabinets. Si 'eand secrecy arc the watch words. But they shall sail, 1 promise. The Spy is Washington. Xot so fast, if you please. v Washington Globe will insist upon it that the p ] c of Georgia are under obligations to General L> n for his espousal of their cause upon the ln- icontroversy. It is the first time we have learn cftcially, that the President regards the discharge his Executive duties as a special favor, and ;re he allows a suspension, as in our case, we indulged, in his opinion, ought to make a grate md submissive return. If this be not the mean of the Official, the only reasonable construction tit will bear is, that the President has not dis rfred his duty and thus the people are to be in to him for the extension of his indulgence and icarance at thu expense of a flagitious violation ; s oath. Georgia never has and never will ask nor of the President, because there are none c h h»* can bestow upon her. and if there were, we t that sht? is too high-minded and independent to K r hands with the cords of gratitude. All Geor doiros is an acknowledgement of her rights and privilege of exercising them, which the Presi ; can neither give nor take away. It seems that i. Jackson has been coaxed into the belief that it favor to discharge the official duties of his sta- M d that he is at liberty to exert or withhold cutive action at pleasure. What gratitude can State owe to Gen. Jackson as President? None, a degrading and slavish doctrine and should be ned down by every friend of liberty. Lay a e under a debt of gratitude, if the position of the :ial is a good one, and you make her people neu or passive followers of whatever arbitrary mea s the President may choose to pursue. the southern bv\m:u. ic have read witli a great deal of attention the v ui the Southern Bunn* r, devoted to ourselves. did not receive that paper, until the evening bc our own went to press, and therefore have but time to reply to so w .de a field of discussion as Editors of the Banner have occupied in meeting >oiats which we proposed for their considera and which were narrowed down to a few sim ucstions. It docs seem to ns, from tiie chasten ine of the Banner that it has said much, which ould willingly retract, but that it is too late. Wc ot hereby mean to question the honesty of the ical principles which have governed the editors e Banner in the conduct of that paper, but sim to urge upon them the impropriety, nay injustice icirown State and to the whole South, whose est', feelings and principles are so closely idem I, of rendering so much homage and heaping so censure upon the President for the abandon t of principles, which the Editors of the Banner, n fullness of patriotic feeling, declare their de lation to sustain at the hazard of their lives, if be, that the extremity should come. r e ask the Banner to point us to the time, when lights of the States were ever in more irnmi hazard ? Was it in’9B ? It cannot be.— laws, then passed by Congress and which ck at the root of liberty, were annulled by' the onerful influence of that fiat of destruction :li the Banner now so furiously, and we must be wed to add, without designing offence, blindly igns to irretrievable ruin. We did not find fault i the Banner for its grateful sense of Gen. Jack s services to his Country. Noflt was not : n our it to do so. We complained only of such un lificd laudations of his public conduct at other oils, passing over his late treachery (we can not ■ ita milder name, but could a much harsher one) ilcnce, and venting indiscriminate censure upon >e who undertook to combat his Federal doctrines to expose the malignant spirit which had engen id them. This was the complaint wc uttered a istthe Banner which we then thought was just, we have not been able to find much in its dc- *of itself to mollify it in any great degree, lutfor our motto, nil admirari , we should scarce st faith in our own senses revealing to us the page of the Banner whicli sets Gen. Jackson’s practical opinions in opposition to his spccula notions of our government. It can not be that Banner is serious in this belief. Where, wc a i a--;. the conflict between his practical and iillative opinions. The Proclamation, the Ban seems to admit, contains his speculative doc es, then surely his message calling, upon Gou ts to cloathe him with authority to reduce S. 'olina to obedience to tyrannous oppression, st contain his practical opinions. Do they con ■ The Banner will not hazard its reputation for Sernment by affirming that they do. The priuci iot both are the same. But the Banner may deny that the message is practical. Will it de bat a law is so? Has not the President signed Force Bill, embodying every principle both of Proclamation and the message? JFould the Banner have us believe that the President took Ibis pains to procure the passage of that Bill for tr speculative purposes? Does it think the sta ! vox,et praetcrca nihil? Do not insult the un standings of the people, if you have lost all re d for their rights and liberties. "® ha ;e only replied to a small part of the no • taken of us in the Banner, and shall reserve at we have to say farther in reply for our next )cr - By-the-by we hail the appearance of the Bner >*n att enlarged and new dress. The Georgia Jouraal m 'tilth the hare and holds with the hounds.’ e can not subscribe either to (he principles or policy of the Journal, if their last paper furnish tr| ie standard of their political course. We lu °l no cunningly devised scheme so well suited bewilder and mislead the people as a middle lrse in the principles and policy by which our 'eminent should be regulated. This seems w the determined purpose of the Journal. Wc cot deny the right of that paper to pursue the lrse its own judgment may dictate, but wc have equal right to admonish the people of the dan i following such timid counsellors, and we are 'lately determined to exercise it all hazards, here are hut two sides to this question. In the !S( , al difficult and nngcrous crisis,no vacillation, rolling from side to side, can be tolerated. The ' 11:1,11 ‘ s > are you for or against us? Be fearless candid, that we may put our trust in you or bui,aw our confidence. Have the States sove ■o bights ! Have the States the power to abro ' altw which they deem unconstitutional? Has the Federal government unlimited, discretionary control over the States? Has Congress the power to make war upon the States ami coerce their obe dience to the mandates of an arbitrary government* There is no middle ground between the affirmance ol these lights on one side and the negation of them on the other. The Rights of the States are not derived from the Constitution, and we can not look to that instrument for the particular cases in which they may exercise them, nor for their extent or lim itation, when a State decides to resist oppression by virtue of them. If the power to resume her sove reignty, which has been violentlv assailed and un righteously abacted, exists in one instance, it belongs to her in all cases. This is an undeniable and sim ple position, and must either be affirmed or denied by every man who pretends to any knowledge of our government. But the Journal seems to he more disposed to fol low than adhere to principles. This is no un fair inference from the article upon which we are commenting. It still retains its confidence in Gen. Jackson, and sustains his course as far as it dare do in Georgia. Ihe Journal yet professes to be in doubt as to the character of the late views of the administration, whether they really be Federal or Republican. It shall speak for it itself. “But he (the I resident) is said to have since proved recreant to the principles that won the confidence of the Re publicans of this country, and gone over to the Fed eral Consolidationists. If this be so. it is plain his iriends can not follow him.” Here is a doubt so strongly expressed, which taken in connection with the tone of the entire article, as to amount to a total disbeliefof the President’s apostacy? Can any sin cere, true believer in the Republican doctrines doubt for a moment, that Gen. Jackson, has been regular ly confirmed in the membership ofthe Federal Church It can not be, that such doubts do suspend the judg ment ot the great body of the people. The Journal says, we ought not to pronounce a hasty sentence against an old friend. las it been more speedy than the emergency of the case deman ded? The same rule can not govern us in our pub lic relations as in our private friendships. It would he treachery to ourselves and to the country, to practise upon the maxims of private life in our pub lic conduct. But we deny that the sentence is a hasty one. Gen. Jackson has furnished the plainest and most satisfactory evidence from his own pen of his guilt, and we have pronounced sentence upon the strength of that testimony. Was not this fair? The presen leading supporters of the administration, instead of denying have confirmed the justice of the judgment. The Journal says farther, that the President should bo judged by his measures. llow else could we conclude upon the character of his administration, hut by his measures? We have only tried him by his measures acted upon, and do we err in affirming, that John Adams himself never was more Federal in his principles than Gen Jackson? The Journal makes very light of the doctrines of the Proclama tion. It says, Gen. Jackson does not stop to weigh such matters in golden scales, like Mr. Adams. Is this language for a Republican Editor in Georgia to indulge in, when the State is in the jaws of this mon ster Proclamation? The Journal never had much confidence in Jackson’s polemics! Does that print regard the principles of our government of no great er magnitude—of no other use than to he a subject of polemics? Have they no practical utility? Are they powerless in the preservation of liberty? Do we examine into them only ns a matter of amuse ment or excitement? If this be the Republicanism of the Journal, it is not worth the naming. The Journal says that the consolidation principles were admittedinto the Proclamation without much scrutiny. Does the President ofthe United States take up opinions of our government, which involve all the rights of man, without any examination, whether they he right or wrong? Is this really the Opinion of the Journal? Ifso.it is more degrading to the President and to the Union than every other wicked act of his life. The excuse is far worse than the act itself. But is it true that the opinions of the Proclamation were taken up without consid eration or examination? ’• hat document itself tells us differently. Wc must all know that its doctrines were deliberated upon for months previous to ts ap pearance. The position that Carolina would as sume was well understood long before her ordinance of nullification was passed. But admit that the Proclamation was hastily digested, what becomes of the principles of the message which succeeded it? Was there not sufficient time between the appear ance of the two for a careful examination? Are not the doctrines of both identically the same? Did not the President in his message ask Congress to carry out his principles into practice? And were they’not acted upon? It is needless to attempt to excuse the President. There can be no apology for the violation of the Constitution and the annihilation of the Rights of the States. The Journal derives great consolation from the Inaugural Address, and says every republican must approve it. That <pceeh acknowledges that the States have Rights. Every Republican will coincide with that doctrine, and so will every Federalist. But has the President told us what those Rights are? Has he defined them at all in his speech? He has not. JFiiat consolation then can we draw from his Inaugural Address? The Federal papers have all lauded that speech, and they arc entirely satisfied with it. fFe arc sorry that the Journal worships in the Temple of Janus. Wc did not intend when wc set out to say so much, and we have not said half what we could say upon the course of the Journal. We can not be silent,when the best of our people are hood-winked and made a prey to the worst; when our government is in a corrupt, decaying State; when our liberties arc vended and the people en slaved, and no man safe, who will not practise the evil and infamous means of flatten' and bribery to sustain himself. The man, who docs not acknow ledge his principles and sustain them to the extent thathc is able, will incur guilt equal to that of Judas. ittore ISiirKiuK! A few weeks ago, we announced (rather than publish a communication relating toil) the hanging and burning of Mr. Forsyth’s effigy, at Hillsborough. Wc then said we did not approve ofthe mode of dis pleasure, which it manifested: we have since re ceived a communication from Laurens, describing a similar exhibition by many of the citizens of that county, of the same individual, and also ot Mr. Wayne. Although we respect the source from whence it comes, yet we reserve our right to with hold the communication. It is sufficient to be known that these two individuals arc branded with the mark of the strongest censure, which disappointed con stituents can inflict upon their faithless Senator and sentutivc. FRESHET. In the last week, rain has descended iti torrents, and raised the rivers and- recks to a great height. ' he Oconee at this place, was near the highest wa ter mark, and the Ocmulgee, at Macon, was as high as we have known it. We have heard of conside rable injury of Bridges swept away, and other de struction of projierty. The most material, was a part from the centre of the Macon Bridge, caused by a boat having broke loose from above, and lodg ed against it, which forcced it to give way. Passage across the river at that place, is now effected by a cotton box converted into a flat. The regular arrival of the mails was stopped, but they are again running. This will account for many of our papers not coming duly to hand last week. Executive .nomination. J. P- Henry, Esq. was nominated as Navy Agent for Savannah, which has been confirmed by the Se nate. JIDGE CLAI'TOn. We find in the United States Telegraph, an able and eloquent speech of our distinguished and faith ful representative, Judge Clayton. It covers nearly eleven columns of the Telegraph. We shall take great pleasure in laying it before our readers as soon as we possibly can. Speeches, such as Judga Clay tons, can be read with interest and advantage long after the occasion which called them forth lias pass ed away. THE BOO.\-C,UF. If the President really designed to be just and true to the Republican party, as some will insist that he did, be has fallen far short of the mark. We can not search into his bosom for the hidden impulses which moved him to beat down so unmercifully the land-marks of principle, and can only arrive at our conclusions by an examination of his acts. Is there any justice or honesty, as they stand out exposed to the naked view, upon the face of them ? The An cients in their Iconography paint Justice in the fe male shape with a fillet over her eyes—with the sword of retribution in one hand—with the equipois ed balance in the other—with a brilliant luminary shining upon her bosom, as the just representation of her snow-white purity—with a calm, hut coura geous countenance—sitting in the midst of the tomes of eternal truth, as the guide of her judgments—and to complete the picture, with the horn of Amalthca. the emblem of prosperity and plenty, placed by her side. Can the President realize the resemblance to this portrait in his breast ? Has he placed a ban dage over his eyes and looked not upon men, when he pronounced judgment upon principle? Has he not trampled upon the sword and the balance and grasped with violence and treachery the cadeceus and the purse ? Has not the grim visage of war and Tyranny, in the place of serenity and moderation, imprinted itself upon every act of lus life, when op position rose up to thwart his ambitious views?— Does the sun of truth illume his bosom ? Or is he guided by the light of her decisions,shed upon a pure and lofty mind ? Has he not aided in the oppres sion of our people and sought to bring desolation and misery upon the South ? This is our President, and yet lie is called just and honest. Impious profanation! Degrade not those terms by bestowing them upon the hungry wolf! SOUTH CAROLINA. The Convention of South Carolina has adjourned after repealing her Ordinance of Nullification and responding in cordial and respectful terms to the mediation of Virginia. The Convention reiterates the attachment of the State to the Union and re minds Virginia, that in the great contest which Ca rolina has waged with the general government, that she has but acted upon those conservative princi ples of the Federative System, which gained that Mediator State so much honor in the conservation of the Rights of the States and the preservation of the Constitution. The Convention makes known the resolution of the State to stand by Virginia in all contests, which involve those great principles for which she has long fought and in whose defence she has so gloriously triumphed. The Governor in the Proclamation of the Ordi nance requires that the foliowing oath shall be taken bv all the officers of the State government, before en tering upon the discharge of their several duties : “1 declare myself a citizen of the free and Sovereign state of South Carolina ; l declare that my allegiance is due to the said state, and hereby renounce and abjure all other allegiance incompatible therewith, and I will be true and faithful to the said State, so long as I continue a citizen thereof : So help me God. 11. 1.. Pinckney, Esq. We take this method of returning our thanks to Mr. Pinckney of S. Carolina for his pamphlet, re viewing the Proclamation of the President and the measure adopted by him to enforce the execution of the revenue laws. Ihe Pamphlet comprises the en tire numbers of the communications which appeared in the columns of the Chs. Eve. Post under the signa ture of “a S.Carolinian.” We read them as they appeared and were struck with the ability and elo quence with which the false and arbitrary positions of the Executive were refuted and the principles of the Constitution vindicated. There are few men in the Southern country to whom the people of the anti-tariff States are more indebted for the'decrease of our burdens and the restoration of our rights than Mr. I’iucney, and we hope there is sufficient room in every bosom for impartial justice to give him his full share of credit for the overthrow ot the Ameri can System. HR. CUT. Mr Clay has sinned ; but he has made some n toncment hv his magnanimous and tearless aban donment ofthe protective system when he saw that its existence would certainly dissolve the Union and plant the standard of civil war in the heart of our country. He deserves, and we hope will receive the gratitude of the Southern people for the sacrifice which he made of his popularity upon the altar of peace and concord. Bad motives are assigned to this good and memorable action of Mr. Clay. Wc are of a different opinion. We believe that he was incited by the loftiest patriotism and that no selfish consideration prompted him to pursue the course he did. Wo have thought that the genius, the good spirit which presides over the destiny of our Repub kc, like the two angels who descended from Heaven upon the mountains ol the Moon, where Mahom et slept, plucked from his bosom the black bean from which all the evil of his nature was supposed to spring, and washed his heart in snow, has in like manner enured the mind of Mr. Cmy and cleansed it of its impurities. We feel inclined to do him all the honortnd reverence to which his late patri otic services to eminently entitle him at our hinds. Foreign Hews. The only fore ign intelligence, worthy of note* brought by the latest arrivals from Europe, is the information, given in a letter to the Editor of the London Times, that orders had been received from the Dutch government, by the commandment of the Dutch fleet in the Scheldt, to allow the vessels of every Nation to pass up and down the river, except those bearing the British, French and Belgian fugs. This order is said to be unconditional. It is hardly probable that those governments will submit to this exclusion. The measure*, however, is alledged to be retaliatory on the part of the King of Holland. The collection of the rents seems to have pro duced some disturbance in Ireland, which made it necessary to call out the military. Nothing serious is likely to come of it. The excitement was partial and must necessarily be short lived. The contest between the North and South upon the Tarifl’question seems to have excited considera ble interest in Paris. Much speculation was indulg ed as to the mode which would he adopted for the final settlement of our differences. Great reliance seems to have been placed upon Gen. Jackson’s mili tary address to silence all the discontents ofthe mi nority. Thus, we see what ideas first strike the sub jects of a Monarchy, when people complain of op pression—the res •rt to the argument of the sword, to restore harmony raid contentment. This mode may suit slaves, but not freemen. We are put in possession of the intelligence by the Charleston papers whicb| arrived last night, that War had brok"n out jbetwei n France aud Russia. The in formation came from London, by the way of Havana. [From the Alabama Journal.] The “bloo.ly Bill” has passed both branches of Con gress. If there was any step In tier calculated than any other to keepalive the ill feelings that now exist in the country, and produce hostility, it was the adoption of this Bill, it was wholly uncalled for by the existing state of things. It is a gross outruge upon the rights and sovereignty of the States, and does equit violence to the spirit of tire Constitution and the genius of our Go vernment. It is emphatically a Bill Mo subvert the sov ereigntv of the States of this Union—to establish a con solidated Government, without limitation of powers, and to make the civil subservient to the military power." Whether the people of the respective States will sub mit to hold their rights at the discretion of any single individual, remains yet to ho seen. The Government hag never passed an act, which exposes the rights and li berties ot the people to such emininent peril as this Bill does. The riot act of Great Britain, which was passed to enable the King to disperse the riotous and disorder!} mobs, which occasionally collect in the popolous cities, confers but little more power than this “revt nuc collec tion Bill”does. It completely arms the President with the land and naval forces of the Government, that hi may enforce every act, however unconstitutional and op preseive they may be, which an interested majority in Congress may pass! If this Bill should be engrafted upon the statute Book of the country, and receive the sanction ofthe people, it requires no prophet to fortcll the fate of our republican institutions. The Constitution will be buried, and the Government will become whatever the President aud the majority in Congress may will. [From the Va. Times and Jeffersonian.] Tlicfiftli section. This potion of the Bloody Bill is like to become, to Georgia, more tcrribl-■ than the “2d section,” of which we have all heard so much—and which in past time fur nished Mr. Ritchie with such a fruitful theme for ridi cule and abuse of Jackson. By ttie bye. we should like to know what the Editor thinks of the “2d section” now. Has he changed his opinions about that too? or dots it savour as much of the “ ignoramus” and “ Tyrant ” as ever ? We re-publish ths sth section, in order that our friends in Georgia may see how much they are indebted to Atr. Forsyth’s hatred of South Carolina. If Jackson and Van Huron could give the whole State a Foreign mis sion, or a seat in the Cabinet, the thing would not be so had. But as it is, Georgia is certainly in a bad way. It will be seen that the sth section utterly abolishes her courts, and puts her nose to the grindstone. Fine and Imprisonment’'] ? Take care Mr. Lumpkin ! “Sec. 5. And be it farther enacted. That either of the justices of the Supreme Court, or either of the jud ges of the district courts of the United States, in addi tion to the authority already conferred on them bv law, shall have power to grant writs of habeas corpus iri all cases of a person or persons in jail or confined, where he or they shall have been commuted or imprisoned in pur suance ofanv sentence of any State court for any act done in pursuance of the revenue laws of the United States, or any order, process, or decree, of any judge or Court of the United Slates; any thing in anv act of Con gress to the contrary notwithstanding. And if any per son shall disobey the commands of said writ of habeas corpus, be shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof, may he fined not exceeding six thousand dollars, and imprisoned not exceeding three years, at the discretion of the court.” Deferred A rtides. FROM THE T. S. TELEGRAPH. Mr. Randolph tells his old constituents that he is willing to come to Congress and see that their “ head man does not cheat them.” He ought to know that our “head man” has got past “ cheaterv.” We have been cheated so fu'ly and openly, that it iias embold ened him. We have been cheated about reform. We have been cheated about appointing members of Con gress to office—about serving a second term—about Executive Officers interfering with the freedom ©f elections—about the tariff’—but as he has cheated both parties, wc will forgive that;—he has cheated us about his republican principles and his regard for State Rights—but as that is about to kill, politically, him aud his, we are strongly tempted to pass over even that. But it is impossible to forgive his pre sent attempt to rob the people of their rights and liberties, and murder under the scmblanca of law, our fellow-citizens, acting under the authority of a State. | From the Aigvsta Courier.] DECENCY!! “Georgia will sec them [the nullifiers] in hell before she will join any such a set of damn’d rascals.” We give it up. When the pious Jerebomn Goliali Mcwhortcr is induced to exclaim in such pathetic terms that Georgia is not in favor of nullification, it must be so. We would only request the gentleman to correct the falsehood which he published with regard to the Jackson Resolutions in the Alabama Legislature more than 12 months ago, which he refused to do at the time. If he will do this, he will have an ad ditional chitn on the public credence. It must have been an oversight—as a man capable of using such polished and pauu language as the above speci men would uot designedly misrepresent any thing, Ala. Times and Jeffersonian, j [F,em the \orth Western Car.vino rt.] M T MEN.” There Is no safety for liberty in a Government without blacks: give unlimited power to any man, or to any set of men;, and it will not be lent* he sere you see it grossly abused. These abust s \v;a cuniuac to increase until the people can no longer bear thrfn, and then revolution must follow. Owing to the want of proper checks, the government of Ancient Rome, from the foundation of the city to the usurpation of Augustus, say 724 years, underwent no less than eleven changes,—one change in about every 65 years. Owing to the want of these checks, the Re public of Venice, experienced a convulsion of the people, about once in every fifteen or twenty years, until it was finally overthrown:—in fact, without sale and poweiful checks, no government can be kept within the limits at first prescribed to it. A know ledge of tills fact, taught by the bloody pages of his tory, made Patrick Henry exclaim, on seeing the Federal Constitution, “W here are your checks, your checks.* The Republican party contended that the States are the checks.—and under this idea the Constitution was adopted. But how is it now? We are told that the States can furnish no checks against usurpations of Congress, and that the Major ity of Congress is the only check. General Jackson tells us that he is the check—and the Supreme Court, is, by others, set up the check; —but we see what kind of checks these are, —against their own abuse of powers, and this is the quarter from which the danger comes. The Union will never be in danger from the States for the reason that the States have an interest in preserving the Uuion; but the danger comes frpm the Federal Government which always is struggling to get more power,—says Dr. Johnson, “ Power is always stealing from the many to the few.’' And the only salvation for the few is always to be watch ful of their rights. “ Pkincikles, not Men,” should be the maxim. Manworship, is as fatal to Liberty, as Idolatry is to true Religion. “ The Spy in Washington,” in an account of the debate in the Senate, on the introduction of Clay’s Bill, says:—“ Mr. Forsyth, in what appeared to be a prepared speech, opposed granting the leave ask ed. I refer you to his speech. Respect for him, as a Senator of the United States, pr eludes comment. All eyes were placed upon him. Astonishment was depicted in almost every countenance. Dissatisfac tion, for the moment, was seen lowering upon every brow.’—No wonder that in his second speech “ the Honorable Senator” said that lie felt himself most awkwardly situated, assailed b\ both parties— fired upon from boih sides of his ditch at the same time, —poor thing! Wiiliain .IrfllTMin .louts, ATTOfINEY AT I.AW, VET 11,1, still continue to practice I.aw. Any business con * * filled to iiis management will be promptly ud f.tilhftilly attended to. Miliedgeville, March 22. ISSS. IDAtTii IIDMItV. rjxHK undersigned having entered into -o-par ersbip in * the above line of business, at the stand recently occu pied by JONHS Hi MH’KI.KJOIIN, on Wayne Street, ip posite the Masonic Hall, will conduct the game under the name and style of Cook s feickiejohn. They will keep constantly on hand a general assortment of snch articles as are usually found in establishments of this kind, and they use every exertion in procuring the best. At tached to this establishment, is a spacious billiard room and s good Table, which will be kept open every day and night (Sundays excepted,) lor the aociT.mudaii nos those whir may please to cali. THOS. M. HOOK, ROBT. MICKIjRJOHN. Milledgevillc, March 27. I”—7w •Macon Hook Minitcrfj, tnllß subscribers haying pmeured a patent Hiding Mcbirte, and supply of a'l articles necessary f>-r carrying on their business extensively, are able to execute blank bn k work for any pattern of Ruling or binding. Also, the binding f I'rinteA books, in any style, with neatness and despatch. The patronage ofthe citizens of Macon and the surrounding country, is respectfully solicited. March 20 JOHN CLARK tfc CO. .V. •IBeUIIHIIEPS LOTTERY AMD EXCHANGE OFFICE, MILLEDGE VILLE, GEO. THE foMowintr are the drawn numbers of the NEW VOItM CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, Class No. 4 for 1533- y 0—6—41—57-4—432 —42—31—61. Whole ticket. 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