Georgia times and state right's advocate. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1833-1834, April 03, 1833, Image 3

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| V h, to live under equal « r# “ ’ laws.” ’ rsy' * 7^*£\ W '* * . * Vi\ /®g / * # * * \v^\ isl'. * _m — / I ' te . STATU RIGHT’S ADV3CATK. . APRIL 1 r ' STATE ACTION. T’, r flit of a. State to interpose to arrest, vliat beficvx'S to be an micoifstitetional latvfeeoms to b\’ the whole Republican party ofGoor ? butViteir "are many who deny that it is a Consti .L r i riirlit. thus leaving it in the power of the ■ ■—ilists to pervert the sense in which the nega mis madv* and to State interposition • the natural right of revolution, which is the en r.twdv the National party admit. When the lAurUioi) is made of what is meant by objecting to . derivation of the power of arresting nneoustitu onal legislation, we have no objection to admit the ° o f Gov. Troup ami ‘others, who say that r ;,,|it is extra the Constitution. We know that ~ instrument docs not colder the right—it only deliberate and solemnauction to what Was >tdenied, when the constitution was formed, but jjpi, it was apprehended by the jealous spirit oi f .y might be opposed by those who favored the sritcfwuoftitofc*tatc gov» niinoutsaiinl thus by two ■'.'irlineuts to the Constiiution were the reserved !ahts of the States made part and parcel oi the impact between the contracting putties by a reli ,!us pledge, that the powers retained by the States be maintained inviolate. Vp know that the origin of this power, ttvgive . giioiip’d legislation its quietus -within the limits •qojc States which might decide to, hurl ilie thun ■rbol! of (le.dructiou against tiie usurpations o| the cdaai govenin.ent, is in tin* people of lire several ut’i,as distinct political communities. It is ofno erbirth than the paternity oi'tlic Constitution could infr upon it. The compact of Union only ro r, : ; /c i l its legitimacy ami the rightful power of the motto use their reserved Rights, as it seemed to em most wise to do. It is u .Sovereign power and mt originate where Sovereignty abides. The overeiguty of the (J. States abides with the people L'j sev. ral members of the Confederation. Such eu sits origin. Is t error to say that the Right to redress griev icesi in posed upon us by the Fetl'-ral government tihitlona!? We think not. Tin-only differ .-(• Lttwreu Cow Troup and ourselves seeuis to : the name by which the Right shall he designated, it- are not particularly desirous that it should be died a constitutional right. We like the word, Sovereign,” much better. Rut why say that it is it Constitutional, because the right is not patent minis lace, and because the constitution could not niertlie power? ll is not meant by this, as Gov. roupliiinselt declares, that the Right is ;U all less ill, less legitimate or less proper to he exercised, 'iieiiuver the emergency may arise which will call >r its protecting inihienee. • Tire Sonlbrru Banner. We liave replied to so much of the aud it of the Southern Ranner, as related to the 'resilient of the United States, in our last paper.— fe will novv proceed to consider that which is of Kireconv'ipicnc.e to the people of Georgia than the - fest-nry nr inconsistency, the speculative o; prac n! opinions of Gen. Jackson, as to w hat we iyider tand by the Rights of the States, how we von ider them constitutional, and expose. as far as we re v i". tiic spurious republicanism of the Banner. lthiwCompt to rectify the popular mind'as to the tarty of the present Stale Rights doctrines with ic i«o>ition taken by Virginia and Kentucky upon I "Alien and Sedition Raws," we do not wish to lie WKiiered the advocate of what the Banner so in tdiou.ily terms “ the (iarolina doctrine,” but as the Sf'iundcr and supporter of w hat we understand til believe to he the true principles of the (.'onstitii -ol- If Carolina has adopted and acted upon the liy;- r,i' 'J'hoaras Jelferson, which the Banner and ” 1 ersadmit to he the genuine republican princi "s of oar government, we see no reason wl y the co; ie us Georgia should repudiate it, and least of she has acted upon it her si If in so inanvin tlViecs. Ve d 0 “ idolize” those principles from whence II our liberties flow and pour their refreshing dews •P° ri, Kir free and unrivalled system off iovermnent, s , understand it. We were reared where those 'UKipitis are orthodox, however mtleh Selfish, cal •ulating, designing'politicians may seek to inh-rpo ateupon the faitli of our Fathers in the political jUuri .t. Wc were confirmed in our,faith by John a } ,, rof \ irginia; and who, m this era of corrup -1(111 wul intrigue, even, will rise up and say that he i' A if tuise prophet and preached false doctrine » was the master-spirit, that “rode upon the " XV! nd and directed the storm," when the arm of ctv riras reared and the sword of vengeance un J , ea| i ,p d to exterminate the devotees to constitu- a l , l T c, l ,,rn ■ Whose voice rallied the friends of Y'i'tu \ irginia in the hour of adveh-itv and peril p, ;i ? liaek the invaders of the Rights of man ! fJ •advanced in all the confidence of courageous f,| gth to the rescue of those principles, yet in the > S P of the Infant Hercules, and restored tlieni to Proper action once more ? It was John Tay „ . ' v ’ ,s he, who moved the resolutions of Yir in S)S», who sustained them by bis eloquence, j, I 1 H'uth and reason, “sharper than any two flY BWor, h'’ gloriously triumphed over the i.-ne- J\ to Rights. From him wo imbibed our p ' ncsa,l| l like him we hope to die wholly pos* ~ of their just conception- t is) t -f.uino |>u l,<inre wo proceed to make manifest the Iretero p °P*Mon» of the Batin' r as to the origin'and rj s , ' r °* <Hlr government, wc h<*g tola- aliowad j.,.- “""i and or two by way of explanation and re- I 1 inof what we advanced and what fU Banner M ‘he just standard of .gratitude, wliich is "i ••ominunitic# to tlktiugufshcd benefactors. We can never consent dial the people of tin ; or any 1 otl>er country should be unmindful or repay the ser-f vices of her public servants with neglect or ingrati tude. Wc know that the well-founded belief, that the successful issue of all public undertakings will meet with a just reward, is not the least powerful motive in the minds of virtuous men to incite them to distinguished and gallant actions. This is the emanation of all holy ambition and it can never lie dlsapprobated by us, whilst we retain our senses Wc condemn not a grateful return for past service?' but we do object that a sense of gratitude should be urged upon us as a reason iV a motive to silence the voice of indignant condemnation, when the once h'.uhlul public servant has iked, like Brostratus, the i cinple ul LiLert)’. Docs this operate “to cut ofi inducements to the attainment of honorable distinc tion ! is it not rather a check to prevent anv stray ing from the, path of public duty ! What will pre vent qur ljeiudactors from becoming our worst Tv runts, il every act of their lives is to meet unquali fied approbation ! It is the dread of this just de nunciation of a betrayed people, which will always make the patricide pause, unless he be hardened 1 in crime and dead to remorse, before he strikes a, blow at the liberties of Ins country. Yield gratitude where it is due, and pour down torrents of denuncia tion where it is deserved. But to our main purpose, to disabuse the public mind ot those unjust imputations, cast upon those grout conservative principles of our governments by those wolves in sheep’s clothing, who will bleat State Rights ! State Rights ! to get into the fold, then throw ofi their false covering and proceed to the work of devastation. We are eoxv in their lungs, and it must fie our study to extricate ourselves without great harm. The Banner may be a sheep in wolves clothing—if so, our advice would be to abandon the jungle with all possible expedition, lest its harmless nature might in time he changed, from the force of imitation so rcmarakle in that animal, into the ravenousand voracious appetite of the beast whose covering it lias donned. But it is our wish to \ indicate our principles not to joust epithets with the Banner, and it is not in the spirit of unkindness that wo have indulged in tills little piece of rail lery. . ,' > The B.mnner will claim to be vet fairly in the republican ranks and proudly vaunts its legitimacy, i he text, tke Banner takes, it is true, is to be found in our good political bibie, but, like the infidels in religion, it is only selected as sacred authority for their heterodox and disorganizing doctrines. The Banner then believes that the reserved Rights of the States consist in all those powers of which the States found themselves possessed at the adoption of the constitution and which were not then delegated to the Federal Government. 1 lad the Banner imitated the oxarnple of’ that President, whom it admires so much and follows with such ready submission, we might still be itt as much doubt as to the true prin ciples of the Banner ns wc found ourselves in the lirst instance. But its commentary upon that dictum places its identity as to party beyond contingency. It is Federal, rank Federal. Such doctrines were never sanctioned by Jefferson, Macon, Crawford nor Tfoup. il is a libel upon their democracy to utter such a j assertion. j he Banner either does not understand or lias not fairly represented the doctrine oi the State Rights Party in South Carolina. In referring to that State, we confine ourselves to its doctrine of the relative ' powers of the Fi dei al and State governments alone. \Ye wifi not moddlu with its modus optrundi of rid ding itserf, as she and all other States in the 1 nion have the right to do, of the Tyranny of the General Government. It Iras never, that we have seen, been asserted by her Legislature that the States ha il delegated no powers to the Federal Government, 'l’lie very reverse of this is true, and in relation to this part of Iter doctrines she does not go as far as Governor Troup. South Carolina believes that all those powers which have not been clearly delegated to the General Government are reserved to the States. This too is the lingual doctrine of the Banner. South f'arolina contends that she is the Judge, the Banner maintains that the General Gov ernment has the right to decide upon the limitation to its own powers. That, powers have bpen delega ted in the New of South Carolina, the language ot their resolution, cited above, is conclusive upon the point. She and all other true republicans deny that vviihave surrendered any of our rights. When we delegate we entrust—when we surrender, we give upeutircl) all right of resumption. South Carolina and the Republicans maintain the former, the Ban ner and the Federalists the latter. It is Governor Troup, who holds the doctrine that a State may do “ all those acts, which by the laws of nations, any Prince or Potentate may of right do.” lie bases the right upon her sovereignty. lie says farther, that sovereignty is not derived from the Constitution. This is the very marrow of the republican doc trines. The Banner places the exorcise of all those reserv ed rights by a State or States at the suficrance of the General Government and the remainder of the States. Is that a right which we can only exercise with the peaceable permission of another ? Is not this tiie language and tiro essence of slavery i What five pimple will hold such degrading opinions ? What Georgian is willing to wear the yoke of the Federal Government or to be tied to the ear of any one of its branches ? We trust, there is yet a sutli cient number of free spirits upon {lie soil of this sov ereign and independent State to redeem her charac ter from the imputation that she is a willing, obedient and submissive sen ant to Senator Forsyth and Gov ernor Lumpkin. A coining contest will soon de cide. Tremble ye nations of the Tarth! The Proelatnatihn has established anew system oi the Laws of Nations. We should bo pleased to see how it was received on the Continent of Eurojte. We have no manner of doubt, that it will create considerable uneasiness and alarm amone the So vereigns on the other side of the water. They may expect to be arraigned before the Federal Govern ment, the Supreme Ruler of nations, for treason.—- Ragland, France, Russia &c„ must be vigilant, or their beads will be brought to the block by Andrew Jackson. Supremo Director and Governor of the F nited States, for any act of disobedienoe to the trea ties they may have formed with that most high and mighty Potentate. The Proclamation, with all the sang-froid of tiie blind, ignorant and obstinate bigot, who commanded his obsequious servants to utter it, assorts that Sovereigns, who enter into Alliance with one another, may be guilty of treason. Trem ble Europe and Asia for your fate ! The puissant arm of the Knight of the Hermitage will not fail, I t\ ith his Snneho of Kind -rhook, to carry his decree j against the Supremacy of all tuitions into faithful I elocution. It is well for Europe and Asia combin ed, whilst they laugh at the lliumlers of Jove, they 1 «aa sav, “ I’rontl a dove, I‘roctU a fulm.ne." It i‘ tlicir distance alone from the Dominions of this all powerful Potentate, that leaves them 1o enjoy their peace and independence in perfect safety. But seriously, it is a novel idea, that a Sovereign Power can commit Treason, and tie assertion of such a doctrine might well startle Europe,-'if the Ocean did not divide that continent from America. We have always understood that only subjects, who owed allegiance, could commit treason in attempt ing to throw ofl' that We put the ques tion to those who claim to he of the State Rights party, and who maintain the doctrine that the Fe deral government can coerc# a Sovereign State into submission tinder the authority and forms of the Constitution,can a Sovereign owe AHegiauce in res pect of the Territory of which it claims to be So vereign ? Can a State lie sovereign in any sense of the word, and owe allegiance to the Federal Go vernment ? Is she not in such a situation reduced to a Colony or Province of that Government ?—» And is she not at the mercy and tinder the entire subjection of that government ? We know that a Sovereign, at one time, might owe allegiance under die feudal system, to another Sovereign for any ter- j ritory owned in foreign Kingdoms. This was tilt ! case with the Kings of England, \\ ho owner Nor mandy in France But did this allegiance, acknow ledged to be due the King ot France bv the King of England for that.country, impair the Sovereign-; tyof England ? Who will pretend it ? Nonejuhose , opinions would be of any value. France claimed l and exercised Sovereignty over Normandv, as Georgia has done over tin* Country of the ( hero-1 kees. Tiie Indians owned the Country, but the so- j vereignty over it belonged to Georgia. A State has Sovereign power over every thine ' within its dominions, and cannot, until she hns lost! every vestige of her sovereignty (and the loss of! part is the loss of the whole,) be guilty of Treason. \Y3I Georgia be drummed into submission to this i slavish doctrine of the Proclamation? Will she cower at the impotent threats of the President of the. United States ? Is it the first time that the ■States liave been threatened with chastisement by | the rod of the Federal Executive ? Did not the predecessol- of our presentQuixotie President threat en to coerce Georgia into obedience to the illegal j decrees of the general government ? If the princi ples of the Proclamation are to prevail and become the settled doctrines of the Federal government, Georgia is a Province of that government and the people of Georgia are slaves —the meanest of all slaves—willing and cowardly slaves. Involuntary slavery is not slavery at all. If, in attempting to free ourselves, the stronger should prevail over the weaker party, we must submit, because we cannot help ourselves. Will the people of Georgia not make a simple effort to liberate themselves from the yoke of tliti general govenuient? We feel a confi dence that they will; and when they do, let Tyrants beware. Another blunder. The ass knows his owner, but we question very much whether the Washington Correspondent of a Afontirchial pajter published in Georgia, knew the dis tinction between truth & falsehood, when he intimat ed that the State Rights delegation iu Congress frqtn this State broke off the negotiations which were bend ing between the Chief's of the CherokCts and the President for the aleniation of their lands in Geor gia. This “gentleman of high character,” it is evident, writes “by authority." His situation near the throne and the influence he wields over the dis eased and imbecile man. who holds the mace of Fe deral authority, may give him that “ high character, which we are certain his intellect would not com mand, and thus situated, his attempt to stamp the reputations of some of our brightest and purest men with,infamy is deserving of notice. Who will belieye for a moment that those men. w ho sacrificed favor at Washington and popularity at home, rather than violate their oaths and re nounce their own and the principles of Georgia, would thus covertly and faithlessly betray the dear est interests of their State, •which they sougl.t to maintain by an effort to save the Constitution from the unhallowed di impious breachtnade by the Force Bill? It is absurd to sup|>ose that such a slander: will ever be countenanced by the people of Geor-; gia, notwithstanding the res:<ect they may bear the I Officer who inhabits the high and lofty mansion in ! which that base and profligate pasquil was hatched, I fledged and pinioned to wing its flight to Georgia. Cun men, who risqtiedand lost so much individual ly in the stand they took iu defence of State Rights, he supposed capable of entering into a conspiracy with the Cherokees to bring down instant destruction upon the principles of freedom, which they strug gled so manfully to sustain against all the popularity and influence of the President, who aimed at their total annihilation? It would be a felo-de-se policy, which no man in lfis senses, who was a friend to the rights of the States, would pursue. The correspondent of that paper mentions “hv authority*” that the clause iu the Force Bill cannot be construed to embrace the Georgia controversy, even should the Supreme Court decide iu lavor of the! Cherokees. This artful scheme, to allay the indig nation of the people against Forsyth and Wayne, is too shallow Jo deceive the people of Georgia. But the Editors of that paper, thinking that -a dwarf' on the shoulders of a giant can see farther than the giant himself,” have discovered that there is noiqode J iu w hich the Supreme Court can entertain jiiris.lic- j tion of the ease. This would not seem to be the j opinion of their “Palace” correspondent. It is well i known, however, that the Supreme Court intimated a different opinion in a decision heretofore made up on a case involving the same points. They refused to consider that case, because of llic manner iu which it had been brought before the Court, and the Chief Justice threw out tiie intimation in very plain terms in delivering his opinion, that there was a mode in which the Court could consider the question. But suppose the view of the Editors of that paper to be correct, that the Court can not to entertain jurisdic tion of the ease, still the Court, according to the doc trines of the President, is the Judge of the extent of its powers ; and if it should entertain the case and adjudge it in favor of the Cherokees, the President, under his oath and the provisions of the Force Bill, is hound to execute the decree of the Supreme Court. Jackson Upilhcts. Wc hate cant, but it seems to l« the order of the day. All the papers, thsi have deserted from the republican ranks, are eternally complaining of the abusive epithets heaped upon Gen. Jackson. Is it abuse to caH things by their propt , naaiss? ltj an officer exercise powers which the Constitution docs not confer u|kjii him, is lie not a Tv rant? If; he do it, when he know s that he has no right to do j it, is he not a corrupt and jierjurcd »u»n? The Ridummd Enquirer and those Editors who follow j bis lead to talk about abusive epithets lleaped upon Grit. Jackson* That Enquirer was once more pro-, hfie of abuse upon the President, during his first canvass when he really did not deserve it, than any paper in the IT. S. It called him “Tyrant, Despot, scape-gallows, low, vulgar, ignorant, ili-bred man,” cum multis aliis, too numerous to be listed, :..id that pajier now to talk about abusive epithets being ap plied to “the greatest and best!” Lot these papers] teach their idol, Gen. Jackson, better manners, be- j lore thev condemn others. No man is more viru lent, vulgar and abusive than Gen. Jackson. We give a specimen this week in an article, selected from the Virginia Times, to the truth of which sev eral members of Congress are willing to testify. The Richmond Enquirer to talk to others about a busive epithets! It is laughable indeed. “Physician, heal thyself.” tVlicn will our i'mitleut arcaw to degrade us l It is more titan the Senate dare do to reject the tiie nomination of the President, and yet the Consti tutions makes it their- duty to confirm or reject eve ry appointment made by that Officer. A man, by the name of.G wynn, was nominated by the President last winter twelve months to some office in Missis sippi and it jf eted by the Fcnate_and in a few* days re-non:inatcd and rejected. At the close of the late session of Congress, he Was nominated again and again was he rejected ; w hen, how ever, one third of the Senate hud dispersed, the name ol’ Gwynn was sent into the Senate with a Message demanding the confirmation of the penalty of the office being per mitted to remain Vacant. His obsequious tools, such as Forsyth, Rives, Grundy and others, having remained, they made out to smuggle this man into his<*iliee. We ask the people to lay aside all prejudice and pronounce judgment upon this outrage of all official decency ami honesty. Was ever a body treated with so much indignity, as the President ha's put up on tiie Senate ? What other man but Gen. Jackson— that political judgment, to please whose whims, till . our rights and- privileges are to he sacrificed—would have dared rims to force an officer upon the Nation, whom its representatives had thrice rejected ? Can ! such shameless outrages upon the moral feeling of ] the community be tolerated and overlooked ? Is there any language sufficiently strong to paint such odious conduct in its true colors ? But Jackson am do no wrong — So say certain politicians in Georgia. W hat do the people say ? ’IK. WATTE Bew itched with the desire of office and the ambi tion of preferment, tills gentleman has paid an unu sual proportion of knee*tri6ute at the Palais Royal, ! during tiie past winter. Air. Wayne was frequent* ; ly United by Air. Stephenson (that most obsequious 1 and cringing of all public menials) to take the Chair, ; that he might exhibit to the House and to the aston ished world the dignity and firmness with which he coaid preside over tiie deliberations of an American House of Congress. And truly, the King of Apes, appuralled in Ills royal robes, could not have gained more eclat titan did this honorable member from Georgia. The New York Standard was in exta cies—never saw so much grace —Apollo himself was cast In the shade by the elegant and accomplish i eJ Mr. Wayne. i Well reader, w hat do you suppose all this was ! done for ? it w'as not without an object. The pur j pose has been lately amxmncpd. Mr. Stephenson, ; whose meek genius would better suit Persia, is to he I sent to England as our Minister, and “ tue elegant, the accomplished, fire dignified” Mr. Wayne is to be translated into the Speaker’s Chair, if Jacksonism ! and Federalism can put him there. These are the j bribes for which our liberties arc sold by our repre i sentaitives. Air. Forsyth, Mr. Rives, Air. Wayne j and Air. Stephenson are all to have olliccs as the j prices at which they held fire value of their consbien- Ices. set up to sale, when “bloody” laws were needed by out President. ISON. TUOITIA# FOSTER. We have received his speech made in Congress upon the Force Bill, and will take great pleasure in laying it before our readers, so soon as wc can dis pose of those iioiv on hand for publication. Mr. Foster was on thp'couuniitqe that reported against the use of force-to collect the impost duties. We have not a more faithful representative ; Ire has ne ver tailed'to raise life clop pent voice in defence of .Southern rights, when tlmy were impinged by Fede ral usurpation. FOltriOAf X *V!;iA.T»E.\'CE. A great battle, in which tire flower and strength of both armies wCiO engaged, was fought at Koniah between the Turks and Egyptians. The former w ere routed with great loss of siain, and the grand Vizier, the prime minister of the Sultan, taken prisoner. The issue,of that engagement, upon which every, thing was staked, has throw n the’Turkish Empire into the greatest gloom and despondency. Aitho’ the Sultan’s forces are yet numerous, it does not aj>- pear that there is a leader of courage, activity and enterprize among them, w ho is willipg to head them in battle. This event is said to have excited great interest at St. PetcrsbUrgh. The Emperor Nicho las! fearing the destruction of tiie Sultan’s power, lias sens an army to Ins succor, but demands, as the price of iiis intervention, tire cession of the principal ities of Moldavia and NYallachia. England, France and Austria liave taken the alarm and oppose the project of aggrandizement contemplated by Nicho las. A French. Admiral has been despatched to tire Bosphorus with a fleet, instructed to act as Media tor, but in tire event of Russian interference to make instant war Upon the Emperor’s forces.’ England is said to be tilting out an expedition with similar views. A general war in Europe,it seems to us,is inevitable. The ministerial Journal of France speaks of a contemplated marriage between the young Duke of Orleans, the King’s son, and a Princess of Austria. It is certain that preparations are making for his marriage, tho' it may prove to be some other Prin cess. Such an alliance with Austria may give a hew turn to European jx.litics. Hitherto Austria has acted in concert w ith Russia. But by far .the most important foreign intelligence is that received from England iu relation to the plan ting and slave-holding interest. Some intimation was given of a ministerial schc me to emancipate the slaves of the West Indies, after three years,without any compensation to the holders, and that a bill was to be introduced into Parliament to that cflect. This item produced great consternation among those i persons resident in London, rnnnccted with the West India planting and slave-holding interest, and they Listened a deputation to Lord Grey to ascertain . how the matter stood. That minister informed the deputation, that a measure of emancipation wasde • .•Wed upon by the ministry, and that no couitrensa tiou would lie allowed to owners, except under pc-1 culiar circumstance*. The head of the deputation desired to he informed of the Premier, wh* tl» r this i lira sure, ofmeh absorbing intuit st to the West In-1 dips, would be announced in the speech from throne at the commencement of Parliament. Lord Grey declined an answer to the inqurv, as it would be a departure from his ministerial duties to make known the sentiments of the King's address in ad vance of the time of its delivery. 1< the ministry have decided to bring this question betbre Parlia ment, we can not doubt, from fire spirit of reform so rife in England, that the measure will be embraced by that body and emancipation decided i pon. This seems to tis to be false philanthropy. M hat will be come of such a mass of ignorant, impoverished peo ple, thrown thus suddenly upon their own resources? It is certain that the white population would aban don their possessions and leave the negroes in the quiet and undisturbed ownership of every thing. Will this be an improvement in tire condition of man kind? \Ve think not. REBCCTIOT COTTGTTIOT. Tomlinson Fort, E. E. Park, and Green Jourdan were elected fiotu Baldwin county. 1)21. IV ALE ACE—Den tit. VT present absent t-n Professional tiusinrss, informs hi* friends us Miiledgurille that he will visit that place iu a shot t time. Aprils. 12 4t NOTICE THIS. ‘ rjVIIF Subscriber respectfully informs the Citizens of Mil- JL ledgeville nud sirangi rs visiting the samo that be con tinues to carry on the Talloriug A Keiiovatiag HiiKlues* as heretofore. He will make old Clothes look a9 if new, at a moderate expense, and w ill alter and mend them in a neat manner. He lenders his must sincere thanks for past favor*, and solicits a continuance of their patronage. JAMES B. MILKEN. April 3, 1833. 12 4t CENTRAL HOTEL,. MACOT, «<•«. riXIIK SUBSORIBKU has taken the above establishment, m situated Hi the extensive FIKE-PKOOP BRICK BUIL DING recently erected in Macon, and is prepared forth* ac commodation of regular Boarders and Transient Person*. Commodious htahlet are attached to tho HOTEL. The Subscriber hopes to merit from his friends and the pu lie, a share of their patronage. JOHN CARTER. late of Clinton. April 3, 1R33. 12 ts ETOWAH HOTEL. Cass County, Georgia, ON THE MAIN ROAD leading from the most populous I art of the State to Tennessee, 3 miles from Dawsons (Sally Hughs’)and S miles from Oreen’s Ferry on tholton River. Thu accommodations will be as good as could be looked for, ana the charges as low as could reasonably he ex pected. No pants will be spared to render the weary Travel ler as comfortable as tho nature of the ease will possibly al low. Prompt attention to all calls will he cheerfully ren dered by LEANDER GOODWIN. P. S. —The Federal Union and Macon Te!«rraph will please give the above two insertions, and forward their ac counts to the subscriber for payment. April 3, 1833. 12 2t SIR GEORGE.” AATILL stand the ensuing season, at my Plantation, in v v Jones county, about fourteen miles from Clinton, near the lower road leading from Clinton to Kalonton, at fifteen dollars. The owner of the mare at the time she is put, has the privilege of continuing her, should she not prove in foal the first season. The season to commence the tenth of June. All possible care will b» taken to prevent accidents; bntnot liable for any. There are good pastures prepared free of cost for all mares that the owners desire should remain for some time with the horse; corn and fodder ran also be fur nished them upon very reasonable terms. PEDIGREE. SIR GEORGE was got by Sir Andrew Jackson, John Thomas’ celebrated race horse. Sir Andrew’s blood and character, ns a race h- rse being so well known to tit. commu nity generally, that 1 deem it perfectly unnecessary t say any thing more upon that subject. 11l- dam was got by a Caan ticlear horse, bred .in V irgit.i i. u-1 oitt of a Janus rn ire, shit was also celebrated as a ran-. In,; .-‘ami; having Id several times from litre*- to font liui -J-. Haft, on acc./unt of her running dualities. ANDERSON COMER; April 3, 1833. 12 At yV. Vfic&EglEWS LOTTERY AND IK HAVCE OFFICE, MILLLDG E v ILLE, C EG. 'TXBii'Htttfvti -‘.yJBU'TiSID* rjnilJO folio tv in* me the dniwu number* of the >EW« B YORK tON -Ul.II) Vi tiL) LOTTERY, Class No. 4 for 1833. 30—6 —44—57—4—43—2—42—31—Cl. Whole ticket, N". 4—4 2—43, being the st'n. fith and Rth nun*hcr«, drawn fr in the wheel, a prize of FIFE HV!f- I)HED DOL LA US The fortunate bolder of the ticket can get the cash by applying for it. Ureal . IV-to- York Scheme. s4o*ooo FOR 810. NEW-YOKK CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY. Class No. 5 for 1833. The Drawing is expected at McGehee’s Offic. on the llth or 12th of April. 40,000 GREAT SCnEME CO lumber Lollory— SO Drawn Ballot*. 1 Prize nt 40.000 Doll*. I “ “ 10,000 Doll*. 1 « “ 0,100 Doll*. 1 “ “ 3,000 Doll*. 20 OF 1000 30,000 •>0 “ “ 500 is 10,000 40 “ “ 300 is 12,000 30 “ “ 200 is 7,200 50 “ “ 100 is 5,000 5(1 “ “ 80 is 4,180 112 “ “ 50 is 5,000 112 “ “ 40 is 4,480 224 “ -s ‘ 30 is 0,720 19S0 “ “ 24 is 47,040 15100 “ “ 12 is 184,800 18,010 prizes, n mo-ant ing to $300,080 PRICE OF TICKETS. YE'liolr* •llfoilnlicti tF-Quumr* U 2 50. Prut scashed, and prompt aiumtion ("id to orders, *» X. MiGEIIKK’K Lottery & Ls' hain/e OfTWc. MfilcOfevillf