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& fIUSR £ g jLSaa mb. ’witws, or gl:©2:*;sa, ©:» •*■».© t wp»;*’*■ M <V:!.i>r. b. and pennissicut, before be proceeded, , ‘ cctimi- re Y-i'sion «neb inigl|t naturally arisw f i.f'Vbc •‘low.Ttblo geotl< roan from -. ri i.etjt •re ■ ting himself. That .t•i iui 11;. *j rr<: .! l;i tie Journal* of the 1-1 th t - ‘V : vr r ; |M rif’i inconsistency in ,t . Idee the duty on Itroa n ( i, r , a: , a iiji.f to‘wo or two and a half '. •»•;, ~r ; a {.; the' riicle was then from sixteen to a. i to. .i i:s, tad t(l': duty he voted for as a rere .. , -» ... urn,!-/ M!r'rM(> Th" honorable geutle , coiiid have Annul a more ju?t mm recent cause of J.int him. Asa member of the Cotmniltce of l! av- and Mi nus, at this very session, lie bad voted for reporting a bill, rn which the same article now valu ed at about five cents was pro posed to lie charted with a dot. of two cents, or forty per cent*— Ilis apdlngy was to be found in Ins un viiliugucss, by a sudden coangt.*, to ruin largo bodies o. tne:,—in Ins uttacfiiitonl to tin* union, the harmony4 mil tlie happiness of his whole couufrv. Wide!, was F longest, bis love of Peace, or the gentleman's lore of Ji met;! This sample of their fabrics would enable tll committee to determine. A short time since, l e hid urged the observance of a sound legislative ra!/;—majorities vote, minorities talk. It might shetn, as sor.i 'times happens to better men titan him S' If, there was route slight disagrement between precept and examp r. Iri reality it was not so. He had the really justification of a politician’s alibi —a change of cir niinstanses. Ho had been il* the majority, and voted; he-uvu in tho minority, and he talked. Proper- If understood, and a proper understanding, was indis pensable in all things. lie was perfectly consistent. Yes, sir! said Mr. YV. wc were in a nvjority; it was not contested. He are in a minority. Ilow does it happen? Has our majority thawed away under the melting breath of executive pleasure? His it been dispersed; like a nullifying mob, by the President’s Proclamation! Have we been routed by the Siamese'twin logic of the gentle men from Connecticut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and llun tington] or the more powerful lungs of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? [Mr. McKenNan.] The enquiry may not bcwlioly uninteresting to a portion of the peo ple of the United States, if the motion of the gentle man from Connecticut, [Mr. Huntington] prevail, this bill is defeated. In the present temper of the com mittee, it must prevail. I'n the Committee of the whole on the state of the Union, we cannot have the ayes and nocs. VV »eannot catch the eels in the gill-net; and as the people of tbs South will be unable to imagine why such concessions, as they thought were offered, should he refused, he felt it to be his duty to assist their inqui ries. Ho considered this, in effect, a proposition to contin ue the present tariff, for the purpose of carrying on the war against Soutli-Carolina. The merits of the conrro versy were host summed up by the pithy saying of an eastern manufacturer —of what use is the Union with out the lurid! and what good will the Tariff do us with out the Union.? The proposition to the South, then, is this: “You shall pay taxes for the conquest of South Carolina.” Now, sir, said .Mr. W., I put it to your can dor to say. if we arc to fight Ibr manufactures whether the manufactures ought not to pay the expense of the war? So far as his voice went, they should do so. 11. would not vote a man a musket for any such purpose. But there was some tiling still more extraordinary—The high tariff party of the .North & East say they pay an equal, or greater portion of these taxes; and they only ask for the poor privilege of being allowed to tax them sches for the protection of their own industry! And so, sir, they mean to light us for the right to tax themselves, arid insist that, injustice, we must pay the cost of the campaign. Compared with this I)r. Franklin’s French man with his poker, was mild and reasonable. Mr. YV. said he put this proposition, not to Soutli-Carolina—she had decided; but he put it to Virginia, to North-Carolt na. Who says she sleeps when liberty is in danger and Nathaniel Macon lives? He put it to Georgia, to Ala liama, to Mississippi, to Tennessee, to Kentucky. All had an interest in the question; and he reminded ail, “ Tun rev agitur paries cun proxiinus ardet .” South- Carolina says she will endure this systeni no louger. If you. insist 011 ruining the concern by your dishonest ex travagance, she asks h ave to withdraw from the partner ship. You say she shall stay and he ruined; and if she won’t you ask ns to h ip you to blow her brains out! O, most holy Union, which must be preserved by cannon and bayonet! Happy republic! by the grace of God and gunpowder, one and indivisible! Shall we not head our bulletins like revolutionary France, when, in an ex taev of affection for gill mankind, she proclaimed fra ternity or death! May wc not say with her poet, the ke unless of ivh sc epigrams nothing can equal, hut the instrument. Which would ' ive rewarded him had he .been discovered?— * • « )|.-.le be! age, qn.iud I'hoMin? dit a I’lminine, “Soy. ns frftres! on je t’nssoiinhe! lie lugged pardon hf the House for his had French;, at 1 aist, his had I'ronun'uatior. of it. If they knew under whit ireum stances his lilt'e knowledge of the language was acquired, th.-v would excuse■ him. He would not ventu to trausl ;t", mindful of the proverb; but a free vorsio , adapted to the times, might read, “ >! blessed age! when loving Senates vote, “I.et us be brotiieis! or I’ll cut your throat!” Ay y sir. redress is refused—secc - ion is denied— oppression is continued—and the sword of the Federal Executive is to be flung into the scale of the federal judiejarv ! Discordant concord and perpetual union, arc proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and upon pain of deaili. Perpetual union! on such terms, it is the Dutch irtnkcepers universal peace! when the amiable enthusiast, whose memory Paul and Virginia would pre serve when his philanthropic visions were forgotten, published his proposal for pacifying the world, mine host seized on the idea for anew sign. It was inscribed indeed, “.4. la paix universelle;” but the design was a churchyardl .Such was not the peace of the peace makers to whom the benediction was given. It was not tin peace of God, or peace of freedom; it was the peace of these described by Tacitus: “Salitndinem faciunt, paccm appcllent.” Bat it is said, what other course than coercion is left us? South-Curdina has nullified all tariff laws, wheth er for revenue or protection. If wc pass this bill, will she not nullify it also! Will it satisfy her? Mr. YV. said lie had no authority to speak for Soutli-Carolina. If lie could sav it trould he satisfactoi y, he should be cautious of doing so. For that very reason, it might ho unsatisfactory to others. Tins was one of the instances in which J ontenelic’s inaxiiu applied; if yon have your handful o( truth, do not open mare than your little lin ger. Thus much was certain. Tlie bill by no means concedes an that Carolina claims as a matter of strict right; but it may present terms which for the sake of harmony, site would accept. At aU events, it suspends the operation of iier ordinance, if we pass it. On this po.jt there seemed to him to he an erroneous itnpres oion. Nothing could be clearer, than, if any law pass es, the Convent,o:l must he called again, and in the meantime the law operates. If the law afforded even reasonable hope of a return to juater councils, could it be doubted tint Soutli-Carolina would pause? Upon the passage of this bill, or one similar in principle, «!?:- pended, he believed, the |»eace and integrity, of the Union. It it was lost, he repeated, the prop) of the , ' should know how. why and hv whose fault it was • , ’ l6 r ps;*°u»:hility rested on their represent.!- ' j 3 *' t, A' r ' voul 1 h<ll <l ‘ltem to a strict necouht. If on iweten’ud y f W w U l‘ l ,e *n between real and | Ly,,',. 1 • fl th ” IHiwnt measure! » fiward -Mr. YV. adverted to tiie iVudent’e message at the hrginuing of Congress, recommending, *n strong an,! plain terms, a modification of the tariff, lias he, asked Mr. TV., at any time advanced other opinions? Has he esoteric and exoteric doctrines? YY’as anv gentleman authorized to sav the President did not desire the passage of this hill, or at this time? He '.voidJ yield tlie floor for such a sentiment. No. There was every indication that he desired it should pass—that it should pass a' this session—speedily—at once. Next in its official importance, on question of reve nue, was the opinion of the Secretary of (he Treasury, i'.ais was well known from his amnia! refvort, ami his communications with the Committee of YY’ays and Means and the Committee on Manufactures. lie spoke of public transactions, not of convert.tirnssccrctor con fidential. If there had beori any such lie trusted he knew better what was due to the sanctity of social in tercourse, than to violate it voluntarily. Nor would his vanity, if lie had been the depository of a State secret, the first, and no doubt, the last lie would have been trusted with have induced him to hint at the important and mysterious character of Ids charge. lie spoke of matters open and avowed ; of tilings authorized to be communicated, and in fact, stated to the house by the chairman of the Cormnitec on Manufactures, [Mr. Hoff man.] He was uarrehted, then, In saying tlmt the l ill had the appropriation of the Secretary of the Treasury ; that it would give the necessary amount of revenue, without, in his opinion leaving any inordinate excess or destroying the manufacturers. The character of the Secretary was a guar anty that whatever he interred lie believed. [Mr. YY.] was no eulogist; but when lie had occuaion to speak of any man, he would do equal and exact justice. No ! he retracted that expression ; equal and exact justice was beyond the power of man. Put lie would do his friends a little less Ilian what lie thought w*s justice, that he might riot (latter them through partiality ; and Ids adversaries some what more that lie might not censure them from prejudice. YY'hatcvcr else the Secretary was, lie did not want civil courage. On that floor, where Mr. YY. had known him best, his opinions, right or wrong, were always boldly avowed and manfully defended.— Had he changed since thou? W*uU am a.-,jcit it? YY'us there any one there who would hazard the asser tion that Louis McLane, ever wore two faces, uttered a falsehood, or betrayed a friend ? There could not bn attributed to him, therefore any more than to the Presi dent, two sets of opinions, private and public. YVho else was there, then, whose views of this matter could he supposed to exercise a material influence on the fate of tlie bill? The N ice President elect ? Is not lie, too, said so he in favor of a reduction of duties so the revenue standard 7 Is not he, too, desirous that a hill should pass for that purpose, at this session? YV" have the strongest assurance that it is so. But she jige i3 sceptical, and demands proofs. The posftionsjof this gentleman is in many respects critical and full of diffi culties Far be it from me to add to his embarrassment. But at this time, and on this subject, there can ho no faultering. Ilis past conduct in relation to it is not clear from ambiguity. The temptations that beset him are strong. YVhat then? Truly, great men arc ever great est in the crisis of their fate. Noble and generous spi rits rise with the danger, and are equal to tlie emergen cy. In this he is confidently affirmed to be with us ; but I warn some of his friends who have been with us, but are with us no longer, that tlie best evidence, per haps tlie only evidence, which tlie South will accept of his sincerity, is their votes. To them, then, 1 appeal; to them 1 address myself. Os what use is it to speak to the high ttirifl'men of the House?—the opponents of the administration and yet the advocates of coercion.— Pheir choice is made—their sanguinary purpose uttered. To whom, then, lull to our political fiiends shall we look in the day of trial? YVherc else shall wc ask aid?— where else can we find hope? To them 1 turn, not to exhort, 1 have no vocation ; not to lecture, I am no pro fessor ; but to expostulate, as friend with friend. Until reccntly.we stood in tlie same ranks, fighting the same battle^, struglmg against the same adversaries, aeknow- Icdgeing the same loaders. If they now waver in their faith or courage, may we not without offence entreat them to stand by us in this our last great danger ? Is it not due to them, as wed as to ourselves, that onr thoughts of each other should be expressed fratdtly, but not bit terly? If wc have come to the point at which we can no longer act together without the violation of some du ty, or the abandonment of some principle, let tlie fact be avowed and the motive admitted. Tints, and thus only, if we must seperate, can both escape reproach, and hereafter, neither can complain of being deserted or betrayed. I invite them then, to examine the strength and weakness of their own position. The circumstan ces under which tlie bill came forward, had already been adverted to. All the auspices, whether of men or days were happy ; all the the omens favorable. YVho could he better flitted for a work of conciliation than liis ho norable friend from New-York 7 [Mr. Verplank.] YVhcrecould wc look for so much zea’ tempered by so much nru I ?ncc, and above all,- forsincerrtv unsullied !>v a doubt 7 The very sun shone forth upon iiis bill at the moment of its first readmit ; and, in its earliest stages, it was borne-along by triumphant majorities composed in part of tiic very gentlemen to whom 1 now address mv sclf. By whom is this destructive motion made? By an a vovved advocate of the high tariff and restrictive system ; by an ardent opponent of the present administration ; by a determined adversary of the favorite and leading noli ticiau of New-York. By whom is it supported ? by tlie most resolute and unwavering enemies of State Rights, the doctrines of Jefferson, and the republican school of politics. l'or what purpose ? To destroy the hill. The ob ject is not concealed ; on the contrary, it is distinctly announced. Y\ lien I said to the gentleman from Con necticut, [Mr. Huntington] the other dav, that accord ing to his argument, the bill would not give ns revenue enough, and his motion went to reduce it still more, he felt the force of the objection. YVhat was his reply 7 “True, hut the gentleman from Georgia must he aware that the motion, if successful, will ho followed up by others to raise other duties, and thereby to get the in crease of revenue required.” In plain terms tea and coflee must bo made free, that wool ami woolens and cottons may ho subjected to prohibitive duties. The gentlemen to whom this appeal is made, hold the fate of the bill in their hands. It this motion succeeds, and it will succeed, if they support it, the bill is lost. YVill they bear with me while I hazard some conjectures on the consequences ? 1 have no gift of prophacy. I pos sess no powers, and employ rio instruments of divination, other than such as are common to cverv one of ordinary sagacity; but what will be. must spring from what is, just as what is must have proceeded from what has been. To transmute the past into instruments of divination, other than such as are common, the future, is the true alchymy of intellect. Let us see what we can extract from the alcmhick. The first and least evil which may proceed from the de feat oi this measure, if the blow comes from the quar ter which threatens it, will be to throw the power of set tling tins vexed question into other hands. Is (his an imaginary danger! YVhat says the horoscope! Are there no starry influences—no impending pianctarv eon junction or opposition boding evil to the great and little politicians of the North? May not Ilesper regain the ascendant ? in phrase less mystical, is it not a law of power that minorities divide, and minorities combine? if the North and East coalesce to support the pr.uctples of tlie Proclamation, may not the South and YY'est. to " horn they aro less acceptable and familiar, unite to're sist them ? And w hat can he fairer or more natural ? It the giant and magicians conspire how can they bode, fcateil but by Nullification and 01,1 Harry ? Peace is a gilt too precious to he rejected, come from what hands! it may—The country must he saved, Jet who will moi it. A ciril war muitls prevented, whoever is pacifica tor. The power is in the hands of my friends. It n the first wish of my heart that they shook! use it. I invoke them to do so. I entreat them by every motive o! fel- | low'-ip, of party, of patriotism, of buunmnity I But if they refuse; if 'their destiny is written ; if even party spirit loses something of its influence by an unnatural alliance with reason and justice ; still 1 repeat, the coun try must he saved, and let the honor be his to whom the honor shall shall be due. Have our friends considered flow they and their leaders, and their constituents, must feel in such anew coalition as their votes will throw them into. Once more I beseech them to pause if the part they must take is not already fixed, the company they must keep already chosen. Once more, 1 remind them, that, iftlicy involve tiiis country in a civil war,the administration, sooner or later, will have for its adversa ries the whole South, its oldest and most steadfast friends and for its new allies those who have pursued it with flic bitterest ridicule and tlie deadliest enmity. Before they throw themselves into this false position, i invite them to view with me the arguments which are used to seduce them from their Republican principles, their party attachments, and their Southern brethren. YY’e have heard that we must not submit to he bullied by a single State. YVc must not legislate with a sword over our beads. VY’e will not be dictated to by Sout Ji- CaroJina! Against listening to tin s- miserable sugges tions of false pride, we were cautioned by my friend from New-York [Mr. Verplank] in language so'elegant and touching, that nothing can be taken from, nothing added to it without injury. In family quarrels the best heads and hearts arc cvpj ready to make the greatest allowance for errors of judg ment and infirmities of temper. .Stickling on points of ceremony in such cases is ridiculous, la entering in to domestic broils, the etiquette is that, fixed in other cases, by old Frederick, of Prussia,” the greatest fool ( goes first-”—But bad motives will ho imputed to us. — We shall be said to have yielded to our fears. And what course of conduct can we pursue, to which had motives cannot be imputed ? Bad motives have been imputed to me, Mr. Chairman, to you and toevery body else. Is that to be a reason for neglecting our duty I Then we must never do any thing. The verv course gentlemen are pursuing to escape the imputation of had motives, will expose them to that very imputation. For example; an extract was pointed out to him the other day in a newspaper, which stated “it is also said that Judge Marcv has written to tlio Van Huron mem bers of Congress, that they ;nust stick to the existing T ariff, and oppose any reduction of duties until Caliioun shall he so thoroughly down as to prevent all danger of his political resurrection. After that is done, it is inti mated that something might ha yielded to South Caro lina.” Now lie [Mr. YY.] did not believe that Judge Marcy had ever written such a letter. He had too good an o pinion of his prudence. He had no idea the Vice Pres ident elect had ever authorized any one to write such a : letter. But the father-in-law ol Judge Marcy is under stood to exercise a great influence over the [wlitics of Netv-York, to have a deep interest in wool, and to lie ut terly opposed to any reduction of duty on it. Judge Marcy and the Y r ice President elect are intimate arid confidential friends. The wi ml applies with little dis crimination, the maxim “ nosititer a sociis ” and putting all these things together, it is easy to impute bad mo tives; and to suppose that one man spea.ks tlie opinions of another. Now, the truth no doubt is, that the gentle man in question [Mr. Knower] does entertain ari opin. iori unfavorable to a modification of the tarifl'at present. He may have expressed that opinion to his political friends, as ho has a perfect right to «'/q. Neither Jtid"e Marcy northc Vice President elect > are in tlie sliMitot degree responsible for it; and tlie opinion itself may be perfectly honest. Yet after all, such is tlie uncliarita blcness of the world, that when 11 have a personal in terest in maintaining certain very honest opinions, the honesty of such opinions is thou; ;hf to he a scruple less, than standard fineness. The popular notion of honesty was best expressed by a burlesque toast which he re membered. Some years ago, someone, lie forgot at the moment who, had been toasted as “(he man who dares be honest ill the worst of times.” A wag of Boston where, by the bye, they manufacture the Best toasts, if toasts are not their best manufacture- —wrote a ludicrous ac count of an abolition festival, w ae-e Ocsar or Cuti'y was thus made to travesty that sentiment, “Dc man—who dur be lioness when he git nothin by him.”—That, sir, [said Mr. TV.] istne only honesty -which, wins universal credence. A failure to observe 'lt was tlie great mistake of a distinguished gentleman from the YVest, who, eight years ago, had occasion tc give a 'vote in that House for President, and who afterwards became'Secretary of State under the Presidency of the gentleman for whom he voted, in that vote the person giving and the per son receiving >t might be free f-orm the slightest cen sure, Mr. \f, believed they Were so. Neither did Jjc mean to be Understood as saying that in consequence of that vote the gentleman referred to got anv thing. He was not one of those who argue “post, hoc , ergo, propter hoc. ' lie had not joined the vulgai clamor; but that the fact ol his taking office had been successfully though wrongfully appealed to as implicating the purify of his motives, admitted of no doubt. Ilis honesty had been assailed because it did not appear to be unprofitable. YVho, then, can expect to escape censure if they profit by their honesty? lie adverted to these tilings not to wound the feelings cV much less the reputation of any human being. For all the distinguished names of his country he cherished an habitual fondness. Ho felt he had an interest in them all as an American citizen. YY’lio ever furnished their lustre, robbed him ofa portion of his nirthriglit. The matters he referred to were men tioned in no spirit of ccnsoriousnes.-r or unkindness, hut as topics of philosophical argument and speculation. They might serve ,to show gentlemen that the fear of having had motives imputed to them, w as no safe rule of action: for, in the instance alluded to, the (ii.'Mnguisbed citizen upon whom such motives were, no doubt untru ly, Supposed to operate, was at first disposed to decline coining into the administration. But his friends per suaded him that such a refusal would he attributed to the timidity of an evil conscience. <fc their importunites exposed him through the fear of danger, to thc.vcrv danger they feared. But, sir, continued Mr. YV. if it were possible that any friend of the Y’icc-Presidcnt elect could entertain or inculcate such a course as the letter-writer mentions, nothing could be at once more ignoble and impolitic. Even Sylla saved hiscouiUrv before lie chastised his en emies; and was one as much better than Sylla, as Sylla was greater than him, urged to remember his pettv in teresidt. animosities when the republic was in danger?- Sir the recent experience of the New-York statesman’s opponents might teach his friends this salutary lesson, never seem to prosecute a depressed adversary, if you do not wish to raise him above vou. But it will be urged, no doubt, that the Y r jcc Presi dent elect ought not to be indeotified with the gentle, man to whom these considerations were suggested, nor they with Dim. They were not his men. nor any one els#’* men. They were their own men. Undoubtedly. Ho intimated .nothing to the contrary. But unhappily again, “circumstance, that unspirituai God,” bore testi"- mony against them, and, however hard it might he, the rule of political judgment was the rule of\he prize court. Circumstantial evidence out weighed positive asseverations. The rule was harsh—oftentimes unjust: hut it was the rule of the world, and the world alone could alter it. Unfortunately these gentlemen were all well known as partisans. Ho traced no gentleman through ayes and noo»; hut unless his incrnm v deceived him, upon every test question of party, they wero faith fu! to their colors, far beyond himself. The Brink of i tl:t Lulled -Stotts,the Choctaw r#tevi\atioiio, th# breach 1 of privilege, the YVio-.-.yvet collector, all proved their' perfect orthodoxy; and could they who subscribed tlie whole thirty-nine articles, boggle at the first question in the catechism? YVherc is party discipline mere feet than in New-York? Have they not punished my friend [Mr. Vkuplanc::] with the ostracism for abroach of it ! And if all honorable duty is forbidden, ougiit lie not to be proud of his punishment? YVc have often been reminded of the power of the Lnitcd titates. To what purpose? Is the mere gilt of strength a reason,[for using it? Can it make right or legal ize oppression? “Power without wisdom,” says the Po et, “ig but armed injustice.” Either he says truly, or we should apostrophise the sword With Dcvcrtux 4 “God, law, and priest, and prophet, of the strong!” Power enables its possessor to bo inagininrinous. The weak can never yield with so good a grace.—ls tlie best part of possession tiicoulv one we are never to list! 'Besides, is the concession, made,to South Carolina alone? Are there not itveorsix 01 bar States which have suffered long, and who still entreat without threatening' What the argument as to them? YVecuuupt take off your burthens until, we chastise South Carolina. May tliov not answer very reasonably, relieve us first and chastise her afterwards. But if you insist 0:1 chastisiugjlier first, and keeping on our burthens until "it is eltoQtctl, when, are. wo to be relieved? A gentleman of much experi ence, who thinks South Carolina ought to b : quelled, [Mr. Adams] is said to have estimated the'eost oi the conquest at ten millions, & and the annual loss to the revenue during the operation, at three. YVhcn South Carolina is chastised, vve who are invited to assist in cor recting her, will find ourselves sharers in her punish ment. Tea and codec may continue free, but the du ties on tlie protected articles will increase. Having warred lor taxes, wo shall pay taxes for the w ar. But it we submit to one Slate, we must to another: first, one w ill nullify, and then a second: (V if we vieid to each of their demands, what is left of tlie Government will not he worth having—it will become contemptible Irom its weakness. The strength of tho government is in the affection of its citizens* YY as France ever strong* er than in the days of the republic? Does History show any example of people rebelling against a Government which did not oppress them? lias South Carolina no cause of complaint?. The whole South says she has. Seven States complain that they arc opnressed. The President himself, in his message, admits the fact. Y> t we must give them 110 redress, but chastisement, Rst hereafter, otherStatcs should nullify without cause. A Government, professing so be founded on reason, de sires to consolidate its empire by stekl. It claims to derive all its just powers from the consent -;f the govern ed yet seeks to eke out its authority by a little gentle force. Why and whence the revival of all this clamor fora strong Government? Is not the Government which lasted Thomas Jefferson trough the embargo and James Madison through the war, strong enough for ony Presi dent? Do wc not know the origin, the progress, and the defeat of that sect in politics, whose favorite object it was to establish a strong Government? That sect the republicans of New York and Pennsylvania resisted,and at last over-threw. Arc they about to be-converted id the rejected heresy?—more federal than federalism?— aye, arch federal? Lei me avail mvsclfof the authority of the great apostle' of republicanism—lie who wrote the political gospel of American independence. “ A Government held together by the hands of reason, only requires much compromise of opinion; that things e veii salutary, should npt be crammed down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when they nm- be put into a form to be swallowed; and that a great and al of in dulgence is necessary to strengthen, habits of harmony and fraternity.”f Sir, he was right, [said Mr. YV.] Gov ernment, to use a comparison which would come*home to the business of some of his Pennsylvania friends Government is like iron; toughest when sofesf. If you harden it to make it stronger, it becomes brittle. . Even arbitrary monarch* find their best support in the affections of their subjects. There is but one wav to make “taxation no tyranny*” It is that recommended by old Burleigh to Elizabeth—“win men’s hearts and you have their hands and their purses.” The violence ami precipitation ofSouth Carolina have been objected to. If she is wrong in | lnr resistance to the tariff, however moderate she might be she would be wrong still. If she be right, she wilfl.ot cease to be right on account of her violence. One of the strongest political discourses Ire ever heard was delivered on that floor by an honorable gentleman from Virginia [Mr Randolph,] from the text, “the kingdom of heaven suh lercth violence, & the violent take it by force.” That speech had more effect Ilian anv one circumstance cx cept the battle of New-Orlean's, in making Andrew Jackson Picsulerjtfuf tho United States. Much has been said in the course of this debate about nullification. On that doctrine he had once expressed an opinion, of which he had nothing to retract, to explain. Nullification could do little harm but for the help of the tariff. It reminded him ofa savin-- which Ire would quote for the gentlemen from Connect]’ cut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and Ht ntington] who had quoted him; the devil would not do so much mischief if it were not for the witches.”]: Tho gentleman had’ been pleased to extract from a certain letter of his such parts as they thought made in favor of tllcir argument and they referred to them with much praise, ami some triumph. One advantage that letter at least procured him—some slight credit for candor and fair-clcalimr and a reputation for courage enough to tell the tmtli B ’But ■ f l.e was. a good witness for the East, lie was for the South also.-ll's testimony, if it was worth tiny 'thing, must he taken altogether. If it would he good to show the origin of the restrictive •ystein, it would he good to prove the deeply seated, all-preyading discontent of the south ern states. It would avail a* testimony that Union and tnc present protective duties arc incomputable. YV'e must cliooso between them. * The gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs Ilrvr ington and Ellsworth] had recommended tohisatton tton parts of Ins own letter. There were other parts winch ho would recommend to theirs. If his memory served him, he had (here said, .00 many would he found n ever country to flatter and h.fimn, the inclanatmns of whom or whatsoever may bo sovereign ; comparatively few to argue with the masters of r otes or legions. For the reason, then that if he were the representative of a manufacturing district addressing at tltat crisis, iLtit believers ,n the beneficent magic of the restrictive® c.,he should attempt to nugitute their zeal and co ifi dence, for the same reason, appealing to those who were convinced of its malignant influence, it was ins dutvtn sootnc if possible, their just indignation. Unless this course of conduct was pursued by all who aspired to be thought honest and dispassionate, must nofalienation spicad and become incurable? Do „ot the gentlemen Irom Connecticut, continued Mr. YV. asoire »„L ,1 ] . honest and tnc this question. The gentlemen have praised—have they imitated me? 1 J dVC YY ith respect to the character of tho ri«*ht tr. i and the circumstances and limitations u," | which and could be exorcised, this was not the til , them, lie would say but a word. i n ! ™V instances which a State could say to j„ r adiate? -Yon in luecfaedcra cenimusf disguise n , n this is a great consolidated Government- * i ’ * hcvereux, hook 3, chap. 3. p. i„o. I L ) r ®' no h and CorreSpondvnno of Tbonns L<r i *» p*332, Uettert to IMvrtt-j i 1 *ioniafc vol. to Ldwa.d Livingston, Uh. April, 1821. Malta Mala non rgf.,et■ • ‘tuemon nisi provoertus ssgis. I On tins head, hcToulrl notav ( ?W^ t s^,\ | VY from the dech-ation and protest drawn dp by Ylm son, with the intention of hung submitted to the t laturc of Y irgima.* 11 “YV hi Ist tlie General Assembly thus declares th retained by the States, rights' which they have! yiekicd, and which this State will never v o | yield, they do not mean to raise the banner ofrf tton or ot separation from their sister states , with themselves to this compact They know^ lue too highly the blessings of their Union as t ? nations & questions arising among themselve.. 0 ° sider every Infraction as so bo met by actaa . ’ . lo They respect too affectionately the opinion' 5' possessing the same rights under the name i t to make every difference of construction a „ immediate rupture. Tltcv would inticcl C os -T a rupture as, among the greatest calamities befall .litem; hut not the greatest. ’j | lcrc ( > grcai. r—submission ton Government of unlimiM er.s. It only y. hen the hope of avoidin', this Z come absolutely desperate, that further fb r!) could not be indulged. .Should a majority of th ties, therefore, contrary to the expectation tins assembly, prefer at tins time, acquicsencc i„ assumptions ol power by the federal memberoffc eminent, we mil be patient, and suffer much confidence, that time, ere it be too late w j||... tnem also the bittercbnsequbnce* in which that. Will involve us ail. In tlie mean uliile breast with them rather than separate from then, misfortune, save that only of living under aGoven ot unlimited power*.”] A quarter of a century before, the patriarch h-1 similar language ; “1 thong!,t something edsemb// cessarv to he said in order to avoid the inference, qaybsßencb ; that a resolution or declaration s ' c , passed, in answering the reasoifincscf the Ai have ventured into the field of reason, and dm Cuiu.uitfcejof Congress, taking some notice toool Mates who have either not answered at all, or ans without reasoning ;2. making fi m , protestation: the precedent and principle, am! reserving the n make this palpable violation of the federifc om „' ground of doing in future whatever wc n.iglunmv fully do, ehpmd repetitious of these and other viol ol the compact, render it -expedient; ;i. expnW affect ion ite and Conciliate v language, cur warn,'n •ment to union and to the instrument ami priii, by which we are united, that wc willingto sacn! tins every thing but tire right* of self-mvcrnm those important |K,inls which we have never vieldw m winch alone wc see liberty, safety, and iian w , that not at all dtsqxricd to make every incusiired or ol wrong a cause of scission, we are wiilitw to on with indulgence,and to wait with patience])! passions ami delusions shall have passed am , the Federal Government have artfully excite,| 0 its’own abused and conceal its designs, fu|| v cw | that the good sense of th.- American people, ami attachment to those very rights which tve are no; derating, w ill before it shall he too late, rally w round the true principles of our federal compact, was only meant to give a general idea ol tho plexton and tonicsof such an instrument. .Mr. M came, as had been proposed, does not concur ii reservation proposed alone; and from this 1 rcccd (illy, not only m deference to ids judgement, hut bci as ire should never think of separation, but for rep and enormous violations, so these when they occui he cause onough of themselves.”] A further development of those ideas was to lie in his h tter to Mr. Giles, from which Mr. YV. in leave to read a couple of passages. “I sec as to ami with the deepest affliction, the rapid stride, which the federal branch of our government is: ciug towards the usurpation of all the rights res to tiie States, and the consolidation in itselfofallpo foreign and domestic; and that too, by .cousins v. liicli, if legitimate, leave no limits to their power, together tlie decisions of tlie federal court, tlie doc o! tlie I resident, and the misconstructions oftiicc tutional coispuct acted on by the legislature of lit era. branch, and it is hut too evident that the three: branches ot tnat d.ipartment are in combination l, their colleagues, the State authority, of tliepowen veil by them, and to exercise themselves, all fuic foreign- and domestic.—Under the power to rr; commerce they assume indefinitely that also over cultere and manufactures, and call it regulation ti earnings ol one ol these branches of industry, and too, the most depressed, and put them into the [>o of' the other, the most flourishing of all. * * 1 Anil what is our resource for the preservationi constitution? Reason and argument? You tin well reason and argue with the mnrhic columsencii i hem. s in: representatives chosen by ourselves! arc joined in tiie combination, some from inc ; ievvs ol Government, some from corrupt ones, suf votir.g together to outnumber the sound parts, am majorities of one, two, or three, hold enough to< ward in their defence. Are we, then, to standi arms? No I tiiat must lie the last resource, not thought ol until larger and greater sufferings. If infraction ofa compact of so many parties isto be i ed at once as a disolution of it, none can ever be k which Would last one year. YVe must have pat and longer endurance, then, with our brethren under delusion; give them time for 'reflect ion am pericnee ol consequences, keep ourselves in a sit' to profit l>v tlie chapter of accidents ; and separulc 0! ; r companion!! only when the sole alternrjices It dissolution ol onr union w ith them, or submission Government w ithout limitation of powets.”^ If tins hill fails, said Mr. YV., I entreat our fi to consider wlmt is the next stop, if you will not you must 1)0 called on to enforce. The choice i tv., en t.ii.i il and a not imr measure which must ben less— not for want of words to characterize it as served, but because they could not be used with breach of older. Ho could not say what was d® 'he other end of the capital; but this lie could say was present the other day ut the consultation of: of learned physicians. The case was one of tlci and debility brought on by ill treatment,and tlie rc proposed was the lancet and blue pills. ’I bis is'h scription of our political empirics. Tiie cry is, l tlie Rcpubcc I—h t me tell them sir, “Ww#® •piaifi a mm'bo perictili It no longer admits of a doubt, the clmiceof our ti most be made between coercion and conciliation. Thi v. ill soon identify Carolina with the whole South; the s * will unite the .South against Carolina. Coercion is net or prudent; nor always Idrlunuto even when the dispar l stiungili is greatest. Austria attempted to coerce da; f-jiaiii to coerce the Nethorlauds, England to coerce North American cnlem-es, mid, in otir days,Turkey to" Greece, YY hat was tlie fate of coercion? 'llierr ' a deed, been one successful effort. Hustia hut coercedl > Is she proposed to us as an example J ill tile Struggle betwaen.lhe Doited 'staler and a l.'eep peace, vi et nnnia, by blowing up all inaltouti-n 15 ' is tiie alternative! it the State conquer she is outofn ,e of course. Il you conquer, is she not out equally? ' ou reduce l.c r to the condition of a subject provioce } ou reward with her plunder seine pro-consular Governor, ruling her w ith the despotism ot a master mid the »' as nets el an agent, leaving behind you in her bosom*",, “Jnitinu lull odium, et nuut/iwia nanuhik vulitus. But she is a State no longer! You may grasps harro" tre, and w aye it ove-r » Jtspeopled territory ; hut, in . terminate the sous of D'urolimi, your doinitnon ov* r 1 •lb. v. 3, pTgcVfciti! *29. belter to W- ** Nicb .September 5, 17‘JO. ] jA , Memoirs and •'orrespcfideneo of Tlios pages (12 ami (13,1 TTL ; Ib.t7U V lb. r.