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• /Mk. McDUFFIE of South Carolina. Sketches of men in Washington. —We continue to draw on Mr.’Crooks’ lively sketches of distinguished members of the late congress. From his seventh letter, of the series entitled “ Men in Washington,” wc ex tract and subjoin ins sketches ot Geokge McDutfic. of South Carolina. .Mr. .McDuff:?: is about forty years of r.jre, perhaps more, gin ill in figure arid in statue —with a kind of grey eyes—and w ith long wild-looking hair flowing down his neck. Take him so far as appearance goes, and the word xhnbh'j gives one the best idea of hint. He rteeds scrnbhintr and combing before he is sent to Congress again. His constituents ought to insist upon it. Mr. McDuffie is ever promenading in the House Os Representatives, in front of the Speaker’s chair, lie talk* but little, and mixes but little with other members of the House; but sits down f.r a moment, and then walks about w ith an august step, bis head hanging down on his shoulders. At tunes he goes into the mite, scowls anu turns about again. Anon lie is in the library ten minutes or more; and is then off. He watches ail that isgoingon w ith ini ns ■ interest. Very little is in mo tion that docs not engage his attention. So far ns phys iognomy is concerned, Mr. McDuffie has mom than liis: -facecredits him with, unless he is cxeitr and. His countc- j nance is not pleasant, nor agreeable, hut manifests great determination and groat decision. It is difficult to lorni an opinion of Mr. McDuffie :;i , this time. 1 was disappointed in bis speech against the : Enforcing Act tin; other day. It was beneath him, and | has been spoken of here, over and over again. Perhaps j I think so, because ha lias placed himself in so awkarda ! position. On the Bank question last winter, he was at j times argumentative, and effectively eloquent. Mr. Me j Dutiie, however, has talents of a h gii order. There can ! tic no doubt of it. lie does exert great influence over i <lie deliberations of Congress. lie will carry a measure when no other man cart. Perhaps this influence is given ■him in part, liv the majority with which he appears in all debates, so far as patty questions are concerned; perhaps in part by his being so long a member of Congress, and having so often been on so many important committees. Asa mere parliamentary man, I consider him the first in the House. 11.- knows j :«t what to speak, and just at v. t i oik . (or nut) it is best topress a measure. lie las tiie hi ?: b t .knowledge from appearances what will m ail probability he toe decision of the House. This tact is iit tunes invaluable.' He- who has watched the delib erations of a large public assembly, must know, that at times it i-. subject to the strangest fienks; and must also have seen; that when hunger is pressing, or it is late at Might, or when u leading member on the other side is out of the House, a measure is to be carried or lost, tact is every thing. 1 have seen triis session, under the aus pices of Mr. Clay, two great measures through j both lions' s which could not have been carried through, uni ss he had selected liio very time and hour be did select. Il'.s Tariff Bill, when first announced in the Senate j had a majority against it. Ilis tact and skill moulded I that minority into a majority. But if his Senate Bill J had gor.e into the House, he would have lost it, for the j •objections to the principle of originating a financial J measure in the Senate, united with the real opposersof! the bill, would hare made a majority in tin House. I Hence the necessity of mere tact. It was doubtful wlicth-1 or lii-s Tariff Bill could pass the House, till the fears of both northern and southern member were acted upon by tiie agitation of the Enforcing Act. This being agi tated in the House, the Tariff Bill was introduced in tiie midst of the deliberations, and carried by a large majori ty.'’ Then it went up to tiie Senate, :• ! with the forte of public opinion in the House, gained members of the Senate who, I know, would have voted against it before this demonstration of opinion. During all this lime, Mr. Clay lets his Public Land Bill sleep on the table of the House, hut with great skill, when the South was pacifi ed on the tariff, he causes his bill to be passed there, and carries it, —when none of us, ten days before, had the least hop'- of effecting the passage of this important bill. I consider this all as one of the best displays of parliamentary tactics which the history of any deliber ative body records. There are times when nothing can move men. Bit let a skilful man disarrange in the least the organization of parties, ami lic.can carry almost any t hiria that is reasonable. In this kind of talent Mr. Mc- Duffie is well gifted. He has great sagacity in selecting the proper timo to move, to act, and to speak, and hence be must bo successful in commanding attention. It is difficult to give the reader a vivid idea of Mr. McDuffie’s ekTipisnc -. The majority of men say ho is not eloquent, arid affect to he, or are, disgusted with his style, and vet will listen lo him with intense attention for hours. One thing is certain, ho has a very bad man ner, bad so far as good taste and propriety i3 concerned. He hesitates and stammers—he screams and bawls—he thumps and stamps like a madman in Bedlam. But yet lie is eloquent, with little or nothing to say. 1 will attempt to give you an idea of Ins manner in the report of a few periods putting in parenthesis as well as words will adoiit, his modulations and his gestures. “Sir, (a thui.'ji ori a desk upon a quire paper heavy enough lo echo over the fvhole hall) sir, S. Carolina is opposed (a thump.) A tyrant majority sucks her life blood from her, (a dreadful thump.) Yes sir, (a pause) yes, sir, a tyrant (a tliump) majority, tmappeased, (arms alolt) unappeasable, (licrrid scream) has persecuted and persecutes us.—(a stamp on the floor.) We appeal to them, (low and quick) but We appeal in vain. and quick.) Wc turn to our brethren of the north, (low with a shaking of the head)*and pray them to relieve us, (a thump) but we t-u-r-n in v-a-i-n, (prolonged and and a thump.) They heap coals of fire on our heads, (with immense rapidity.) They give us burthen on burthen; they tax us more and more—(very rapid, slam-bang, bang, bang, slam—a hideous noise.) Wc turn to our brethren ol the South,,(slow, with a solemn, thoughtful i air.) We work with them, wc light with them, we vote | with them; we petition with them; (common voice anil I manner) but the tyrant majority lias no ears, no eyes, no! form, (quick,) deaf, (long pause,) sightless, (pause) in-! exoral.le, (slow, slow.) Despairing [a tliump] >v< r ori. <® the rights [a pause] which Cod £a p: is.-] and na-.UT. i have given us,’’[thump, thump, thump,] dee. j This is no caricature, but gives a better idea of Mr. Mc- Duffie’s manner tbau I could give you in sheet* of do-1 seription. In these pauses, thumps,stamps, nr supplosiopedis as the ancien’s termed it, mere is much that commands at tention. 1 lie rapid changes of voice from one tone to another never suffer the ear to be fatigued. The earn est jesture keeps the eye engaged. And thus, as to coitumed attention is one of tlu- great objects of a rep resentative, when so few are listened to, Mr. McDuffie succei es to the utmost of his wishes. Mr. ..IcDuliio manifests wisdom in speaking hut lit tle, and then briefly, unless the occasion demands his sei fives. ll.a more declamation is the best part of his en.qn. nee, feud is ol more <ll ot than bis argument. II ■ has no wit, tbuogti he sometimes attempts it. Thcstrue. tore of |ms iiftinl nofl serious, solemn, stern cast, and the light tools of cloquure lie handles with an ill grace. dr. vieDullio is at ttii&s violent bevond measure. Generally he is courteous and civil, hut there are mo. flimits wie :i In is rude and disorderly. He is a man id strong leadings, but these are otuut hadtv managed. He takes liberties, nad is allowed liberties in tho House, which no other member dure take, or is allowed to take.. • B. • *'* u gWnxtu r>,.ersUon, said Mi, LetCiis; a, Kv, 3111. CLAYTO.VS SPEECH Concluded from our last. 1 will now proceed togiveyon my views of the for mation of our Government. 1 lay down this position, that there is a difference between a social or homage nous, and a Federal Government. The firtt relates to I individuals, the last to communities. The isiatc Gov ernments are examples cf the first, the General Govern i merit of the last. The first depends upon a well known moral principle, which we learned at the schools, that of i the great! s* good to the greatest number, and conse- I qucntly, must be under the direction of a majority. .\ot | >o of tliq other, it is founded in compact or agreement, i and, of course, the aiticlcs of stipulation stand in the I place and sway of the majority. In the social govern ] incut we appeal to the will of the majority for the rule i of action —m tho Federal, to the articles of agree ment. if this were not so, wherefore the necessity ol j any distinctions of States at all? Why not have abol-i ishi and tlieia at once, and let the whole mass of tiie peo-1 pie have coustitutt and one great government? Why leave to the States any government at all? This was riot tin I design of the Constitution, Noone believes that Dela ware, as soveicign and independent as New Y’ork.j Consented to give up her social government and blend j herself with tiie vast population of that State, who, from, thenceforth, might regulate her cone ms in any inanuci • it fileased. The thing is too tintcasoitahle. The States had tw o great interests, which I will ills tiuguiih by tiie terms municipal and relative. Thr i first has reference to their internal concerns, the latter to | their relation with each other as distinct sovereignties. | and w ith foreign government?. The one interest was as dear to them as the other; indeed, the safety of that { which related to the protection of life, liberty, reputa- ] tion, and property, was if any thing, the most desirable. I his they retained to themselves ; the other, the rela tive interests, they conferred upon the General Govern ment—having, evidently, at one-time, possessed the ex clusive right to manage both. Now. if this distinction can be kept steadily arid closely in the- mind’s eye, it must be admitted that when either of these governments invades the rigths of the other, the invaded government will have tho right to repel the aggression, and the right of resistance must be reciprocally tiie same. More ol this hereafter. Now, Sir, permit me to show how clear ly these relative can be s-parated from the municipal pow ers, and tha nothing is So entirely perfect, which be longs to human wisdom, us the discrimination made h\ the framers of the Constitution. These relative powers are contained in about seventeen specific grants, and which, if faithfully executed, cannot possibly benefit one State more than .-mother. This is the true test cf the intention of the Federal Government, for no one can believe that it was designed to be a bargain in which some States were to receive more advantages than others. 1-or such an instance of stupidity there could be no possible motive, and nothing contained in the history ol the times warrants such belief. Now let !ds apply this test. The first power is to “lav taxes” in various ways, but they were to be uniform, throughout the l uited States.” How can any one .State ho more benefitted by an honest exercise- of this power than another? Take the next, and apply the test. “To borrow mo ney on the credit of the United States.” The next: “ i o regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the.ludia-n tribes.” Every one knows, that in all ourcommercial regulations, faith fully intended as such, and obviously belonging to that sue-jcct, there never lias been any complaint. It is on ly when Congress departed from the true object of this clause,to take in something more than its words or spi rit conveyed—something that beiong-d to the muni cipal interest of the States, local ami partial, that tho in equality,commences and the test fails. Take the next power, and our rule immediately applies—“To e-s --tablish an uniform rule of naturalization.” And again: “To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and fix tile standard of w eights and measures.” Docs not every one perceive, that it is not possible- for Congress to de vise a law on any of these {lowers that shall give a greater advantage to one State than to another. This is equally true as to all the other powers in tiie Consti tution, and L invite gentlemen to a care full examina tion of the fact. It is only when we leave the letter of the power, and are feeling for something else carefully lodged away among the reserved rights of the States, with a view to filch them from those governments, that any possible difficulty can concur. For instance, in or der to get this eagerly sought fight to protect manufac tures, which not a solitary syllable, word, sentence, clause, paragraph, ur article of that instrument, men tions, in groping for it in the darkest parts that would furnish a pretext for the search, its friends have fallen upon the provision relating to the “common de fence and general welfare,” as best justifyi.-iir it. Now, Mr. Speaker, I do not intend to argue litis malt r, so often discussed, and I beg gentlemen nolle be alarmed at the mention of the “general welfare” principle ; hut they must excuse me, if, by way of putting this thinn forever at rest, so that it shall no more he heard cf a" mong politicians,! read them the history of this same •general welfare doctrine, from our old friend, LArtl Som ers, to ascertain if it can be possible our Constitution meant what he so profoundly describes. lie commen ces ,: “ENGLAND S \\ AN TS : Or several proposals prob ably beneficial for England, liumbly offered to the con sideration of all good patriots in both houses of l’arlia incnt. The want of public spirits (meaning enterprise, not drinkables) hath occasioned the want of main public works of piety and charity—works necessary for the general welfare, or commodious and convenient for The people, or of ornament for the kingdom. 1. To supply this want, that, by such easy ways and means as are hereafter mentioned, there may bo raised a public stock, to be put into the hands of commission, ers accountable to tho King. 2. For raising such public stock, it is proposal first, upon all such commodities as occasion either excess or luxury, wantonness, idleness, pride, or corruption of manners, there may be laid a large and extrvordinau impost, as upo-.i all wines, all strong drinks, tobacco, cone, onucolutc. sugars, -pices, plums, all sorts of sweet meats, oranges, Arc.; upon ail silks, laces, ribbons, jew els, watches, plate, feathers, perukes, fringes, Arc.; up on all fine linens, caiublets ; upon cards, dice, tables, bowls, Ax.; upon all coaches, chariots, litters, sedans; upon all pictures, perfumery, paints for the face, look ing glasses, Arc. Moreover, a third part of nil the gi t. tings of coiinnediaifs, rope dancers, mountebanks, lot teries, shows, Arc. (By the by, a much better list of taxable articles than that lurnislied by our own tariff' act.) % and. That, according to tho practice of the primitive Christian?, whose devotion was such that they thought no testament well made unless some considerable por tion was thereby added to the church, no testament In ncetortli shout,l ho valid unless a 20th part of the legacies were given to tho after named objects of goner al welfare and private uses. That a 4Utii part of nil things recovered by law may lie (as once among the Romans) assigned for public uses. That there lie"paid out ol all marriage portions six pence in tho pound, and a,v tiling proportionality paid at tho death ami birth of e - sry person notiiviugou alms. Now the money of this public stock may be employed in these public uses fol lowing, viz: For building work-houses in all conve nient parts ol this kingdom, fur making livers naviga ble, tm budding nnil t< pairing luulgos, highways, M :u Knuk», (breakwater?,) haven*, mo.ei, lam] marks, nquv ducts; for nutting up port youths, lor marrying poor maids, for relief of aged, impotent, decayed people, for maintenance of sick and maimed seamen, aud |>ensioiis for old soldiers. For the further increase of the price of wool it may he enacted that the dead be clothed in w 001, but that all tin living, from the first of May to the Ist ol November shall be obliged to wear their clothes and hats made of wool. That none but married men, or who have once been married, shall be, after the age of 33 years, capable of airy office of profit or honor. An to encourage the making of all sorts of pa per, of rough hats, of coarse canvass, ot point lace, ot silks, of scissors, of needles, to make vinegar, ail box combs, gold and silver lace, some sorts of silk. som< sort of goldsmiths’ ware, as spoons, forks, <Ac., which arc made better in France than in England, and for all which vast sums of money is returned into France. That, as inthe reignof Edward the 2d, the number of attorneys was regulated, and 110,000 declared to be sufficient to serve this whole kingdom in that peaceable age ;so now that the excessive number ol law yers arid attorneys may be reduced to a competent number for this age, aid some things in their pleadings reformed. W hat a shame to our nation is it, that so many evil and rapacious lawyers .should lie permitted to plead in be half of known vicious persons and of manifest oppr- ssors, and in causes notoriously unjust—should be permitted to make a trade, not to minister justice, but to heap up riches and devour all the fat of the land. Taut for redressing those high crimes, (so accounted by all God’s people heretofore, though now in England littie conscience is made thereof,) ofwrlfullv trying to rob Go-.l or the King, the one in his tytljes, and oth er in ins tribute?, customs, or revenues, bv constant grumblings and mutinous complaints; itmay be made a high offence for tile future and very severe punish men, inflicted at tiie discretion of his majesty, (iiiite a squinting, Mr. Sp-aker, at the force bill.) That members of Parliament should be compelled to wear a robe of vestment, that so they nifty be every where noticed, and receive their due respect, and he ashamed to lie seen frequently in playhouses, dice-hou ses, cockpits, taverns, or houses ol worse repute;or to be night-walkers, Are. And during their attendance on Parliament, if they be found in such places and ways, out of their robe or vestment, then to lose their wonted privilege, according to that saying, “God givetli his an gels charge over us to keep us, whilst wc are in our ways, but out of our ways, no protection of angels to be expected.” The inequality of taxes upon several counties, hatch ed and contrived by designing men, with much partiali ty, i.-i the late times of rebellion, is so great, that to reg ulate the same, would be a work well worthy of a spee dy act of Parliament. (Mind that, Mr. Speaker.) And lastly, an act of Parliament for a solemn anni versary day of thanksgiving during the reign of our sov ereign lord the King now reigning, not only for the ma ny signal and world- rful presevaitons of his royal person, both by sea and land, and of his right and tilic to this kingdom, inaugre the-late wicked contrivances, conspi racies, and associations of all his mortal enemies, but also for his most peaceable accession to this crown, with the universal good will and u joicing of tlirs whole na tion and of all Ills other dominions.” Here, Sir, is one of the most regular built, scraped out, polished off’, and well finished general welfare, sys tems ever devised by the ingenuity of man, both as to the mode of taxation and the manner of disbursement. Now, Sir, if u member were to rise in Ins place, aud un der that provision in our Constitution upon which the American system is said to be founded, were to ask leave to introduce a bill to adopt my laird So.uer’s plan, would it not create a geuetal and universal stniJe; and now many votes do you suppose it would receive? And yet, Mr. Speaker, when well examined, absurd as is this very system, it is not worse than that contended for to justify the vast expenditures of this Government. When once you assume the right to make appropriations for any one object of general welfare, not specially provided for in the Constitution, you arc at sea without rudder or com pass, and the million cf objects which the discretion of Congress might imagine conducive to the general wel fare, are as much within its jurisdiction as any one single object. Where do you get your powers for purchasing pictures, paintings, drawings, statues, busts, hooks for yourselv ** for making fine gardens, aqueducts, water fountains, bridges, and canals for the District of Colum bia, McAdantizing the streets of Washington, ami a thousand other things notnou- necessary to bo mention ed? It is from the general welfare principle in the Con stitution, and called by the name of “public spirit,” by my Lord Somers.—These works of “piety and charity,’ of which ho speaks, and wants nothing here but a “force bill,” which it is now likely to obtain, lo spread it over as many objects as you have just been amused with from our venerable author. To return to the formation of the General Govern ment. It seems that much of the present dispute turns upon the nature of sovereignty, and where it resides. One thing is admitted, that in this country the sovereign ty belongs to the people; both the General and State Goveraments deduce their title to whatever they exer cise, not what they possess, for they possess none from this source; and the only disagreement is as to tiie ex tent of what Jir.s bean conferred. I liiy down this posi tion, that sovereignty is cither alienated or delegated— the first parts with it altogether, tho last temporaril r, ami at tiie will of the grantor. The first can never be resumed—tiie latter can, at any and all times. European governments are founded upon tho first; there is no such tiling in this country as alienated sovereignty—it is all delegated. The. monarch of Europe possess tho whole sovereignty; and whatever is parted with, by them, is a concession to the people, cither gratuitously made by a good Prince,or forcibly wrung from a had one, as in thr. case of migwi chnrta and the bill of rights, from tiie Prince of Orange. Here the whole sovereignly is with tiie people, and whatever concessions are made, arc to the Government, by delegation, for their benefit. The revolutionary vvir leftxthirlecn sovereign nnd'iii-Jepen dent States, ami if every tiling which lias been done since that time, in relation to the organization of rite Federal Government, could be completely obliterated, and tho thirteen States stand precisely as they did then, every one will perceive the truth of thenscerliou. Now, suf fer me to draw upon your imaginations, for a moment, so as to suppose the recognition i»y Great Britain of in dependence had been signed yesterday. What then would be the character of the State Government?? I will be told that they would he under tiie articles of confed eration, Then these admit then entire sovereignty. 1 have before stated that the sovereignty resides in the people of each State; but as ail the people of each State could not meet, at a given place, to determine whether these articles of confederation should continue under their new relation of independence, or how far a change was rendered expedient by a great change of condition, (f ir as the confederation was principally designed for a state of war, it could not possibly answer tiiat of peace,) it became necessary, therefore, to meet by representa tives. \V h ;• they did meet, there wore thirteen sover eigns present, as much so as if the States had been left with monarchy at th -ir baud, and these rnonarchs had met lor the purpose of appointing a general agent to por lorin certain acts, in which the whoio h id a co.muon in terest. Now, suppose, instead ol the seventeen powers conferred on the General Government in the constitu tion, t<» be executed by a President, a Judge mid a mem- In r of Congress, representing the three departments of Covcrmiß-iit, these thirteen rnonarchs leu* given t>ul one single power, an! that to hut one single individual, for tho number of powers or of agents cannot vary the prin ciple, subject to amendment by the consent of thrue fourtbs »'t rhe contracting parties, and suppose that anr power to he the rc-gulttiion of commerce. How much sovereignty would he delegated to tin* individual? Pure ly only a seventeenth pert cf-.vbßlhas been delegated to the Federal Government (supposing seventeen to be the number of {lowers granted.) Now, docs not every one perceive that the thirteen rnonarchs would remain sove reign over the other sixteen powers not granted? and, if so,are they not equally so over all those powers which are denominated reserved rights? for, the sixteen pow ers now become reserved rights. They, and the one power just mentioned, originally came from that mass. Eacli monarch lias delegated, not alienated, his right to regulate commerce to a particular individual. Before they part, however, and just as they have delivered over tticir power of attorney to their agent, nine of the mon archy ask the agent if, in the exercise of his one power, ho cannot so contrive it ns to prohibit commerce'alto gether, for the purpose of protecting their manufactures? Me replies lie can. Now, who is to judge of this? Here is a case made at once, and before the parties separate. Four of the rnonarchs protest against such a power. Will any one say the agent himself ought to uo it? Then he inevitably takes all the powers of all the rnonarchs; for, by the same tuje that hejudges in one case, lie can in a million, as to the extent of his powers. And is it right or just that he, who but a moment before was a perfect blank, and was chosen, not for bis own benefit, but for tiie benefit of each and the'whole of the parties, should instantly become aconduit to pass the rights of one por tion of the rnonarchs into the possession of the others, and the injured party have no other redress than what depends upon his self-serving judgment. What then is to be done? It will not surely be said that, inasmuch as the otiier nine monarch? constitute a majority, that, therefore, they have a right to determine the toattet? The compact, is founded upo.-i no such principle; indeed, it is declared .that anv amendment of tiie instrument much receive the consent of three-fourths. Well, then, can any one be so blinded as not to perceive that an hon est, faithful,and fair execution of the compact w ould re sult in this arrangement, viz: The four rnonarchs would say, Mr. Ageut, you have no right to grant what these others have asked you; now, before we separate, vtc in sist that you submif. that instrument back to the whole of us, and if three-fourths will determine that you have the power, (for that number can give it to you under our agreement, and it ban make no possible difference whether it is formally conferred or declared to exist,) we will submit. If you will not, you shall not cxi rcise that power within our respective kingdoms; and if these oth er nine rnonarchs attempt to aid you in this usurpation, we now tell them we will resume that portion of the trust which we have just delegated, and d'ssolrc the agreement. So let ns understand each other before wc part, because, if you design to persevere, we will break up at once, and form no connection. The nine mon arch? and this bribed and corrupt agent declare they will goon. Is there a man here, or in any hole or corner of this wide world,who will have the hardihood to contend that the four rnonarchs must submit to this fraud, en gendered before the ink was yet dry opon the instilment that contained their signatures? And if they ought not then, how is the thing varied by the intervention of time? If it would be fraud then will it not be fraud nowl Are we to lose rigii's because of,the complication of machin ery necessary to'protect them? Are wc to submit to wrongs because of the doubts which' the operation of compound agencies sometimes creates? Strip this whole matter of all extrinsic circumstanced used for the pur pose of executing the powers of government, analize it till it is brought down to the simple elements 1 have pre sented, and in the name of every thing that is just and holy, can any man so torture and pervert the meaning of things as to arrive ata different result? To vary tho illustration, let in:- present another view, it was said by an able speaker in another part of this building, that the people can formas many governments as they please, and that the eople of the whole United -dates have for died tl-e General Government as well as their State Governmc its. Now let this be granted. But will be contend tiiot t'liaie governments, are not as wholly independent, s governments of each other, as if they were fbreigi ip each other? Is nor the 'State Government of Massacli isctts independent of the .State Government of G< .rgia, mil are they not both indepen dent of the Gear al Government so far as respects their reserved right ! Can Georgia legisltae upon any of Massachusctt' reserved rights? I shall he answered no, at once. !Veti, if she cannot, will it he pretended that Congress can? ’suppose not; but then again the ques tion recurs, who is > decide the question of interfer ence? I think, Mr. Spe«... ' I can give the answer that must settle the question, * that wc have just determined that neither Georgia nor i General Gov ernment can legislate upon the reserved r,, kts of Massa chusetts. Now, suppose Georgia should, pa. a l.vv •• daring that Massachusetts, nay, all the States, by way cf i making the law general, should pay a tax to her upon t'uir exports l Would Massachusetts leave tho decision of the right to impose this fax to the courts of Georgia? Whobelievcs it? Would sjie leave it to the federaf court? Certainly not. Then lowborn would she leave it? Why, to no earthly powet hut herself. She would declare the law null and void, as in the case of the boundary of Maine, Ar not “obligatory upon her people.” She would “interpose her authority to prevent its operation within her limits .” If site has the right to interpose, she has the choice of means. And w hether by arms or legisla tion she effects this interposition, it is for herself and no one else to judge and determine. To this reasoning there can he no objection. Now, suppose that Congress passes precisely such a law as that of Georgia’s, imnos ing the same tax? In what w ill tiie cases differ? Think you Massachusetts would leave the question to the Supreme Court? To what otiier conclusion could she come but the one in the Georgia ca:;p, if she is indepen dent of both Governments in refer nee to her reserved rights? If she would nullify as to Georgia, what is to hin der her from nullifying as to the General Government? they stand upon the same footing. But there is another view that I think still more couclusive-of the right of a State to protect her reserved right?. Suppose at the formation of the Federal Government, the States, or rather the people of each State, had possessed, several ly, only, twenty powers; they meet in convention, as Stales., and confer ten of these pow ers on the General Government, and keep the’otber ten to themselves., re spectively. Now, mark, they were supreme over all the twenty phwers before they granted ten away, conse quently they continue supreme over tlipso not granted. Both governments go into operation perfectly supreme <iver their respective ten power.:. Suppose the Stales p is-a law violatingone of she ten granted powers, n-liat do you suppose the General Government would do? The answer is ready: she w ould not regard it; she would not suffer it so operate within her limits; in fine, she would nullify it. Vv ill any one point out to me any good rea son w hy tho States may not be permitted to do the same tiling, if Congress passes a law violating one of their ten reserved rights? If they are independent Governments, perfectly supreve over llirir respective ten powers, wdlat one can do to protect itself, the other certainly can. It is a bad rule that don’t work both wavs. If the Federal Government ean defend its granted powers, surely the States inay do the same tjiingas to their reserved rights; and whatever plan the one may adopt to effect the oli j"ct. precisely that may he employed by tho other. The prov Lion that the “constitution anil the laws of the Uni t'd States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, shall he tin-supreme law of the laud,” is not stronger or moro extensive than the one which ascerts that “the powers not delegated to tho United Slates, arc reserved to the Buies respectively, or to the people.” 1 know the sovereignty of tin- .States is now laughed a J» Wl, d the proclamation has done more to bring their tight- 1 into containpt, than all tho other attacks united •nice the triumph of repiHdicntiistn in t.'?. ft is new ur ged by thut instrument, by u federal friends and the bill on your table, that the Mates may be s we reign h«t their pooffc »h»l! be suhi'etr. They h ill nut r • *'u States, as svverable, individually, for'lhcaets Anti can it be possible the States will ..it,. Will '",, ,',.",, l>y and ,« 'l"„ obeying their own laws? Os what account is tv it it cannot protect the sovereions? if-m 1 .fa State cat, b. b„„, up, o„e V, V a,,!** il, tail, God help the sovereignty of such a State' the consequences of this doctrine. If the federal can control the State courts bv consider.no them their officers, and their posse, as so many jadivki unconnected with the State government and them accordingly by the use of dungeons’ haliJ? gibbets, they can treat the Legislature and Govern’ -Stales in the same way. Ifthe Judiciarv Depart,? 1 the United States can exercise such a power th ‘ co-ordinate branches of the same government can*" same tiling. Congress and the President mav a? all the departments of the State government, j„ t |T wav, not as a government, hut merely as individual when Governors are brought to the scaffold f or ’ ting the laws of their. States, it will be poor’conJ to be told they are not hung in their official but, ! private capacities. If the St .tes submit to this do!,! they will richly deserve the fate which the bill „ now discussing is preparing for their people. ' Mr. Speaker, J am admonished by the great k-ni time 1 have occupied, no longer to abuse a lj which lias been unusually indulgent, i must th though I have much more to say." bring my r’enj,' a close. 1 ask now the attention of the House hut* very few moments. Acting upon the doctrines I advanced, South Carolina has annulled what she ceivcs an unconstitutional law of this Government has prepared herself to prevent its operation nnh, t limits, declaring she means to use no force, a*. if force is used against her, sh:: will leave i; lr f. The President has said she shall do neither Jn j ' upon Congress to give him the army, navy/and J to coerce her into obedience. Now, Mr. S/ieak-i us ask ourselves seriously if this can bu righlM prudence, generosity, oi justice, demand such a proceeding against a sister State, even tlmurii sh, wrong, if any milder .course could be devised ! R the tariff', which, before Heaven is a solem dut-, cause an act ofjustrce, ami the whole difficulty « end. But, Sir, suppose this bill passed, and’ Ge Jackson obtains all ho wants—suppose he could liis own arm, unaided by any other force, exec-jt object, and suppose a crisis arrives that makes i ccsoary for him to proceed to South Carolina! Go me, Mr. Speaker, to the *cenc of action, and let me sent to you the picture which is furnished by the i ria.ls of the astonishing case. General Jackson gin lus dagger, and with cool and deliberate stcpnnrrii •be peaceful plains ofCarolina : He seizes thefst lie meets, and exerting the whole strength of age* vernment, he throttles him, and, with the stranglna of Hercules, chokes him to the earth. In that fid v. liich overpowered energy must submit, he |iiint knee upon the bosom of his struggling victim, aid I prostrate, he is about to plunge his knife to his 1 : But, Sir, before the blow is struck, he relaxes liisi tio receive the dying wends, not of a convict, hm freeborn citizen of a sovereign Slate. What do. say? Sir, he asks, why am 1 thus treated? What I done? I hove obeyed my State, and forfeited my I you. It I had obeyed you, it would have been i ted to my State. Is this the Ivoasted land of Aw liberty? Better, by far, I had lived in Poland, or a serf in Russia. But, wiiot, I repeat, hare Ida you? Have I not (ought by vour side, for invcom Mobile aud St. Marks, aud ctHitributed to yoar Have 1 not willingly paid every tribute sheet nay, more than uiy share, when she asked it for be purposes? Have you not said there is than enough? Have you not said that lam and ought tube redressed? Why is it, then, toH about to make a desolation of my home, and fill (b red peace with the tears of orphans, ami the 'til r widowed mother? What ot- tr re ply could to H by this executioner of your law, Ilian that this true? I’rue, that the Governmant wants not ucy ; true, that l have said your burdens ought ened : trut, I have said there is more than the the Government ri quire ; but thero stands at unconnected with the Government, a confi dividnals,one of whom cries but*to me, killings him, unless lie will contribute, from brow, something to my woollens! Ktll him, iB says another, unless he gives something to niv iB Kill Inni, kill liinf,says a third, unless he to my iron! .Sir, in this critical moment, I "id I leave you and this House to ponder on thi-^Ji From tiie Alexandria Gazette. ' Viavijlngtoii’s BivtSi* Place. >f;: At a time when ail that relates to Washington so much attention, and when his tor.il> is madeih^B 1 jectof a nation’s anxiety, a notice of the birth tiie father of his country will not he deemed ate. We have a note from -Mr. Custis, o( which contains the memoranda of some riv.- to tills subject, which have not before Hshcd. Gen. Washington was born on a plantation I W akefield, now the property of John Gray, El Traveller’s Rest, lying on Pope’s Creek, in "'si land county, V’a. The iJtiuse in which he first« light vv as 800 yards from the Crock, half a utile I entrance into the Potomac. The mansion In* since fallen to ruins. Some of the trees “ "lB days,” arc yet standingaround it.—There is notß present to interest, except the recollections vviiicß crowd upon the mind, while contemplation f® place of Washington. “In ltii.3, immediately after the ratificationH treaty of peace, Mr. Custis repaired in his own ■ to the lurtli place having prepared a stone with afl ble inscription, to lie deposited on the ruins eft.® sioti. Mr. C. was accompanied in the CXCCI ® this*pious-duty by Samuel Lewis, Esq, great ucj Washington, and the late Win. Grymcs, E ,( l an officer of the revolution who held a comma'j bodyguard. The party landed at Wakefield cj their arms the stone, encircled by the s |ar s P all ?® tier, and having gathered together ns much from the remains of the ancient mansion as troul® for a rude pedestal, they deposited the stone t® with this inscription :“Here, the 2-d of J-t-bruaJ George Washington was born.” Ihe dutvpcfM the party re-embarked, and hoist ng their coot® salute from the vessel, thus completing the "J® anil suielvnot unimpressive ceremonial, of P' a -B first stone of the monument.” >■ A late writer, speaking of this interesting marks: -I “Considering tiiis spot with tiie association o ■ ingthe place where one of the greatest aru that ever appeared on tins earth, first ( * re ".? ■ saw the light of heavenj its being indepen association a beautiful one ; and with its ■ the l’otomac river, where steamboats "■ .■ of them are daily passing liom Washington <> ■ Norfolk, Ate. it is surprising mat it soou J visited. Not one in a thousand ol t 0 I in steamboats has any knowledge that this of him whom the world honours, is l ,ut a water's surface; and hid from lus view on jM of wild shrubbery. Th« verdure is a* the (lowers as brilliant and numerous aroini « ion's birth place as Ins tomb. 1 bough * ■ stated landing pine it for steamboats on 1 , ■ toiruic within It* miles, yet one might «nc stream, ntirl btirges of ladies and g ea B r a ell W .keficld’t shores in a few ■ Will not Wakefield, like Mount Vernon, M times, be the resort ol patriotic * i grim* B