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Ml SC EL LA ItOlS. From the Xcw-York Commercial Advertiser. “ Well it's time you had. —Mise Sarah Arm Webster, of Philadelphia, lately communica ted to the editor of the Philadelphia Gazette, the fact of her mairiage with Mr. Jonathan S. Paul, a gentleman oCuhat city. On the publication of the notice, Mr. Paul, imme diately made a public statement that no such marriage had or was likely to take place. We suppose Miss Webster was actuated by the same motives as Miss Ursula Wolcott, but her efforts were not crowned with the same success. Bet ween the Wolcott and Griswold families in Connecticut, there existed a remote relationship. Ursula Wolcott, afterwards the wife of the first Governor Griswold, was a lady of superior intellect and accomplishments, and perhaps unequalled in the State for sagacity and shrewdness. Notwithstanding the supe riority of her endowments and the shiningex cellence of her character, she remained un married until about the age of 30. Finding it at length indisncnsibly necessary to turn her attention to matrimony, or become in fact, what site already was in name, an old maid, she remarked to her friends that she had come to the conclusion of spending a few weeks at Lyme, sot the purpose of courting her cousin Matthew. On her arrival at Lyme, she found her com- ' sin Matthew, who was also considered an old batoholor, i»or,. disposed to devote his atten tion to his Coke and Littleton, than to his , cousin Ursula ; hut she was determined at all events to bring him to the point. She occa sionally would meet hiia in the hall or on the j stairs, and after carelsssly passing him turn j round and eagerly inquire, “what’s that von i said TANARUS” to which he would reply, that he had’nt said any thing. After several unsuccessful attempts to make him understand, she met 1 him one day on the stairs, and after making the usual inquiry, and receiving the usual { answer, she hastily replied, “well I think it's j time you had." Matthew could-not avoid taking the hint, and a shot! time after, they ] became one of the most happy and respectable ! couples in Connecticut.”—.V. E. Weekly Ricicw. For the accuracy of that part of the forego ing anecdote, which is presented for amuse ment we do not vouch. That Mrs. Griswold was a lady of superior intellect, and of great sagacity is unquestionable—and that talents and genius are not unfrequently transmissible from generation to generation, may be infer red from the fact that she formed a link of connection between the two families mention ed, which, between the years 1754 and 1817, furnished five out of eleven governors of that State, who bore to her the respective relations of f.ith a r, husband, brother, son and nephew. They were all distinguished for unbending tot gritv and exilternd talents. Her fath r was the Hon. Roger Wolcott—her husband is min'd in the anecdote—her brother, the Hon. Oliver Wolcott, sen—her son, the Hon. It >g"r Griswold, & her nephew, the Hon. Oli ver Wolcott, the younger who died in this city a few days since. One of her uncles, the Hon. Erastus Wolcott, was Lieutenant Governor of that State, and the late Alex. Wolcott, Esq. who was nominated by President Madison to be a Judge of the Supreme Court of the U. S. was also her nephews. A great number of the collateral members of the two families held honorable and responsible offices, and were distinguished for superior abilities ami attainments. PROM LA BELLE ASSEMBLE. RUTLAND CAVERN, Within the Mountain of Abraham's heights, Matlock Bath, the largest in three kingdoms. The discovery and opening of this tremen dous cemetary of nature, has given to this i country a rich treasure of the most brilliant j gems, rare fossils, and numerous minerals,) forming the most splendid natural grotto in j the world. Philosophers, mineralogists, and the public, may now avail themselves of a i visit to this treasure—this grand lesson anti | lecture on science ; and capacious us a city, j and extending many miles, with pillars,; arches, and bridges of every denomination ! and order—Nature the great architect. The j lakes, fishponds, fountains and rivulets of j the most delicate rock water. The laby rinths, arcades, walls, roofs, and floors, em bellished with the most glittering crystals, and the ores, of silver, lead, copper, and zinc, in every combination : Here, ranging through her vaulted ways, On nature’s alchymy you gaze: See how she forms the gem*, the ore, And all her magazines explore. The Rutland Cavern, as an object of gene cral curiosity, and the terrific grandeur of the immense natural cavities, far exceeds the wildest pictures of romance, or the fearful scenes of enchantment, and gives a most in teresting and perfectly new subject for tin mind. From the finest terrace, commanding all the beauties of Matlock, you can enter the rock by a dry,roomy,and even mountain ous archway, perfectly safe and pleasant for the most timid female. The external sur face of the Heights of Abraham abounds in rare botanical plants, and from the Serpen tine and Moon Battery Walks, shaded by fine and lofty cedars, the most sublime scene ry is taken, rich and romantic as the imagina tion can conceive. The pure air of this de lightful region, and the extraordinary instan ces and facts of the lengthened periods of ex istence of its inhabitants, proclaim this to be really the seat of health and beauty. A mineralogical survey of this wonder of nature, and of these kingdoms, has been late ly made by the first mineralogist and geolo gist of the age, Mr. Mawc; and his report confirms the reputation of Rutland Cavern be ing the most valuable classical mineral dis coveries known. The principal object* of general observa tion within the Cavern, are the rocky moun tain archway, imbedding marine snells ; the drusfs, or grottos; fish ponds; Ossian's hall ; an aicade to the hall of Enchantment, in the Castle of Otranto, of indescribable grandeur ; the den of lions ; a grand cave- with tiie ex traordinary distant glimmering of daylight ; a f». c awp.de to Jacob's Well and Fountain; Itlic waters of life ; the ascent by one hun dred steps to the ancient mine, worked bv the , Romans ; other fis!i-|>onds, with fish living in perpetual darkness ; the dark and gloomy cave of black stone; the enemy of miners; j the den of wolves and bears ; a romantic j bridge ; a fine rocky scene. The recesses j lead to the most fantastic, grotesque, and whimsical distribution of rocks, imbedding the most rare and delicate fossils, grottos, and ; druses, that defy al! attempts at description or i relation. <AJ> j .4 Kitchen Scene —Sally tho liou3c-maid, j paring apples in the corner. Enter Obadiah, who seats himself in the j corner opposite to Sally, without saying a i word for fifteen minutes, but finally, scratch ing nis head, breaks s.lence with, — i There’s consiilerale imperdcptible altcrin j of the weather since last week, j Sally—Taint so injudicious and so indubi j table cold as 'twas ; the thcnomicon has iow* 1 red up to four hundred degree higher than ! zenith. j Obadiah—l think’s likely, for birds of that I specie fly a great quality higher in warmer | days than in cold ones, j Both parties assume a grave and knowing i look, and a long pauso ensues. Finally O ! badialt gives his pate another harrowing j scratch and again breaks silence. Wal, Sally, we chaps are going to raise a j sleigh ride, it’s sich inimical good sleddin to ; Sally—You are? Our folks arc suspectin ; company all day to-morrow. Obadiah—[ sposethe’l! have insaitute times j on’t. I should be uridefinitely happy if you i would disgrace me with your company; I ; should take it as a deropitary honor; besides, ! we’re calulatiug to troa'. the gala copious well j with rasoris and bleck-strap. j Sally—l should be supernatural glad to dis ! grace you, but our folks suspect company; I I can’t go. Obadiah sits scratching his head a while, : and at length starts up as though anew idea ( had come upon him. VYul, now I know ivhat I’ll do ; I’ll go home and thrash them aro boons what have been Ivin there in the barn a datnd while. (Exeunt Obadiah.) A none! and interesting political incident is related in the A*. Y. Daily Advertiser, de rived from recent papers from New Grenadtf (Columbia.) We have announced, says that paper, Mr Joaquin Mosquera’s election to the We Presidency. On the 15th April,a letter from him was laid before both houses of Con gress, dated at San Jose, April 2d, declining the office, on the ground that ho considers himself more fitted to discharge the duties of a more retired station, and that he had dedi cated the remainder of his life “to tho educa tion arid instruction of the young and common people : tho only secure basis of our politi cal principles and national prosperity.” His request, although pressed with urgency, and with that sincerity of character for which he is conspicuous, was unavailing. “This re fnsual,”says the government Gazette,being laid before Congress for their consideration a long silence ensued; <k when the President, put the question, “will you receive this refu ftisal of Mr. Joaquin Mosquera to bo Vice President of the Republic? ail the members except five voted in the negative. The meet ing then adjourned. THE TWO NAPOLEONS. One of these men is genius to the other? i Which is the Natural Man, And which the Spirit. Comedy of Errors, act v. sc. Ist. ; Any traveller who may have been in Italy in the spring of 1826, must have heard of tlie celebrated major of the Royal Sardinian Life Guards, who bore so strong a resemblance to the great Napoleon as to excite the wonder of all those who had seen the Emperor. At that j time I was on a visit to the city of Genoa. I recollect that one evening I was at the Case de Grand Cairo with a party ol friends, when'we opserved an officer in the costume of the Guards reading at a table. We were struck with the resemblance w hich he bore to all the busts and portraits of the Emperor which wc had scon. In the midst of our conjectures on the subject, an obi French officer decorated with the order of the Legion of Honor’ obs< rvetngthe surprise depicted on our countenance, very politely joinqd onr par ly and said, “1 can easily ungine, gentlemen, the subject of your pressent astonishment. That officer is one of the greatest wonders in Europe, and as much like Napoleon as if he were his twin brother; indeed some persons here go so far as to assert that both the Empe ror .and his prototype are from the same parnl stock, which may be the case, as the major is a native ofCorisca and about Napoleon's age. I assure you (continued the French officer) that 1 was near the Emperor on the'night pro. vious to the bloody and disastrous battle of Lcipsic. I obset ved him perusing the bulletins of the army, his attitude, thoughtful mood, ami his general demeanor was a perfect coun terpart to the person before us. See! he is about taking a pinch of snuff! By heavens! Napoleon's manner to perfection.” In a word, the enthusiasm of the French officer rose to such a pitch that all the visitors of the Case were staring at us. The next evening I went to the opeta to hear the Celehr, ted Madame Catalina, and to have a peep at Ex-Empress Marta I-ouisa and her father, whoso visit had been announced. We had not been long seated before we dis covered the Major in the adjoining box. He was standing up, his arms folded in the man ner of Napoleon, and like Min he wore a green coat buttoned up close to his neck, and deco rated with two or three orders, which he had won in the Italian wars, and above all, the never to be forgotton little cocked hat. Soon after tho Empress had entered her box accom panied by a brilliant suit, but presently the audience were thrown into amazement bv some confusion in the'royal box. Maria Lou isa had caught a glimpse of the “counterfeit presentment ” of her deceased husband, and her confusion and astonishment were exhibit ed in the rno«t palpable manner. Ihe King of Saidinu was forced to order him on duty, ten leagues from Genoa, as his person kept bis soldiers in constant exiteinent, w ho never failed to present arms in passing him. I understood previous to my leaveing Ge noa, that Maria Louisa bad sent for the officer and presented him with a gold snuff box, with the Emperor’s likeness set in brilliants. D. for the Georgia Timet. AN ORATION Oelivered iu LaUraiige, by a Stu dent of ll:- Troup county Acade my, at its late seuil-atiauai esuiu i liaison. “STATE RIGHTS.” Respcctei* Acditgry:—ln the present melancholy State of affairs, in which our countiy is involved, and amidst the gloom which overshadows its prospers, I shall bo pardoned for attempting to adaress this en lightened assembly, upon a subject which lias employed the best talents «f our country, and upon which so much has been said and written, that it is almost impossible to ad vance any tiling new. Upon? ordinary occa sions, it is a task Irom which I would shrink, with the utter consciousness of my want of capacity to discharge it. But at a time like this, when the patriot turns with sickening foreboding from the contemplation of the fu ture. and the lover of liberty looks with soli citude and dtoad, upon signs so ominous of danger, it will not perhaps ho tnought pro sumption even in an individual so humble and inexperienced as myself to raise his voice. And though 1 should tell you no new thiftg, I speak of that which I trust can never fall coldly upon the ears of freemen; for when liberty is assailed, and the ramparts placed to guard her shrine are tottering beneath the attacks of the invaders, the tocsin of alarm cannot be too often or too loudly sounded. The state of our political relations in 1709, after the triumph of Jefferson and his princi ples, nnd their present condition,form a con trast which tho friend of his country con templates with deep and painful emotions.— The history of nations may be searcher in vain: the annaisof those which have passed away and of tiiose which now reniain,.ftirnisii •to parallel to tha mighty change, which,in a lew short months, iias been wrought in the principles of pur government. What ages of argument could not have done,has been effee ; ted by th e “ dictum” of one single titan. A blind and criminal man-worship lias caused those who have hitherto professed to be go* verned by the orthodox principles of rcpubli eanism. to desert the standard under which they have been arrayed, and to place them selves in the ranks of their former inveterate opponents. The doctrines of the memorable proclam- I ation of the President of the United States,! though subversive of every principle of de mocracy has enlisted in its defence a great portion of those who once held to the old Jes- I fersonian principles,and who still hypocriti cally profess to be governed by them. If the ; doctrines of that pernicious document are to he recognised as the permanent policy of our government and an inherent principle of the 1 constitution, the requiem of our liberty may ) be sung, its days will have been numbered, ! and we may indeed sav with the ancii nt Poet, i “ Fuit Ilium !” I trust I shall he allowed to tax the pa- I Hence of ray audience, with a brief exami ! nation of the President’s proposition, that, “Before the declaration es Independence, leagues were formed for mutual defence, and we were known not ns distinct provinces, hut as the United Colonics of America.” Iu or der to test the grounds of this position it will be necessary briefly to refer to the ancient situation of the Slates during their colonial vassalage to the crown of Great Britain.— These colonics were planted and settled by different adventurers, at di fibre nt times'. These enterprising individuals generally ob tained patents or grants from tho King of England to such parcels of country (the boundaries of which were defined in those grants) as they might obtain by conquest or purchase from the original inhabitants.— These provinces were principally peopled by emigrants from the mother country, owing obedience to that country, but having no po litical relations with one another. They were seperateand distinct governments, each with its own peculiar institutions, and in rio way ! politically related to tho rest. When British | aggressions began, they remonstrated against ! them in their separate capacities. When the ! acts of that Government became so intolera bly oppressive that they determined to sub mit to them no longer, knowing that resis- I tauce would be more efficiently employed by mutual co-operation with each other, thev ap pointed delegates from the different provinces ito meet and confer upon the best meatig of throwing off the oppressions under which | tiiey labored. The proceedings of that hotly j were merely consultative and deliberative, their acts had no binding or legal influence, I and so far as they were complied with, that i compliance, resulted from a sense of mutual danger and the necessity of acting in concert. The country at that time being sparsely pop ulated without the physical strength or the means necessary to support any thing like efficient resistance, and hence they were dri ven to form leagues for their mutual defence- But was it not u strange perversion of reason in our chief magistrate to infer from this that the sovereignty of the States had in the first instance been yielded up ? Did the legisla tive councils of those different provinces con cieve that hy the mere circumstance of their appointing representatives to confer together upon their common affairs that they were binding themselves in bonds from which there was no escape? Did any individual of that day believe that his allegiance had been transferred from the government of his own State to the colonial assembly which had not the slightest pretext for claiming it ? It would fie an insult to your underslaediiigßdnd a mere affectation of words to employ further argument to prove that the allegiance of the people of these United States had not beep transferred in the first instance from thpjr own immediate government and that wl were not United Colonies in the score applied to the term. Let us now as briefly examine in what man-; ner our relations were effected by the adop tion of tlie articles of confederation after the declaration of independence. In the first place, congress Gy whom those articles were adopted was a pure confederacy of States. The States acted in. their sovereign capacity as states, each having one vote. No act of tfat body carried with it any obligatory influence unt I it received tho sanction of the legisla tures of every State, nor were tne citizens of the several States bound iiy it, until it be came a law by the legislative enactments of their own States. Does it appear from this that their allegiance had been traifeferred to the General Government ? On the other hand is it not most clearly evident that they were exclusively retained by the States. The Government resulted from a compact of so vereign nnd independent .States, acting in their capacity as such, and are we to be told tha*. they thereby rendered themselves entire ly subordinate to that compact which they themselves formed only for certain purposes. The States of ancient Greece, appointed delegates to meet at stated periods in what was called the Amphycttonic council, for the purpose of consulting with regard to the ge nera welfare. In fhis federal capacity they declared war, made pence, contracted allian ces, and exercised other functions appertain ing to a Government. Yet I need not inform this audience that the several members of that league had full power to withdraw from it whenever they deemed it necessary, nay thev were frequently expelled from it. As well tell me that when the crowned heads of Europe formed a league to resist the mighty torrent of Napoleon’s force that they had no right to withdraw from it. I may be told that this is quite a different affair. 1 admit it, but it nevertheless proves the fact, that when in dependent governments enter into a compact for certain purposes therein expressed, that they are bound by their faith and their inter est only to comply with it while it is directed [ to the purposes for which it was originally ! designed, but beyond this they are not bound. It remains now only to decide whether 1 their sovereignty was yielded up by the for | mat ion of the present constitution. To solve , this question it will be necessary to enquire 1 whether the government of the Union results from tho people of the United States at large, j or from the people of the several States, as | comprising so many distinct sovereignties.— [ Tho old Congress which recommended the i Convention that formed that constitution was j as I have briefly attempt'd to show, solely a j confederacy of States. The delegates to | that convention were elected hy the state 1c- I gislatures, the people having no voice in the i matter. When asaemhled—in alltheirdelib i Iterations with regard to the best form of go vemnent for the Union, they voted by States ; ! each State having one vote, nor was any mea ' sure agreed upon unless by a majority of all j the States represented, without regard to the i aggregate number of deputies present. The j little State of Rhode Island, scarcely larger j than some of our counties had a voice as po } tential as that of Virginia. This fact alone 1 refutes the odious doctrine that this is a go j vernment of the people and not of the States; and proves that Rhode Island, though in res i pect to her geographical dimensions scarcely \ a segment in the circle, is as independent iri her sovereignty as the government of all the the Rttssias. When the form of the new constitution was agreed upon it was sent to the several States for ratification. The as sent of such states as were willing to accede to the new government was transmitted as j the acts of .> many distinct sovereignties, j Therefore it is a government of the States | and not of the people, a federal compact in ' its conception and in its creation. I North Carolina and Rhode Island, from a | jealous regard to their liberties, refused to j ratify the nctv constitution, and kept them j selves voluntarily out of the Union; the for \ mer twe.vc months, and the latter nearly two | years after it had been formed by the co ) States. No opinion then prevailed that there . was any power to force them iuto the Union | against their own consent, so that if they had chosen to have continued out they would have remained to this day, separate, independent anil distinct governments. Having consumed as much of your time as i f deem necessary, to establish the fact of the entire sovereignty of the different parties to that compact, 1 will proceed to show that they have the incoritcstible right to withdraw from it whenever they shall judge that mea sure nocessary to preserve their unalienable rights. It will be found on reference to the jour nal of the convention which framed the con | stitution, that a proposition was made to give | the general government, the right of etnploy ! ing force against a state for refusing obedi ence to the laws of the union, and that this proposition was rejected by a large majority. This alone evinces, beyond dispute, that the framers of that instrument did not intend that coercive measures should be used topre vent a state from withdrawing from the Un ion. For is it not an absurdity to suppose that a government intends to prohibit an act w hen she, not only does not provide the means of preventing it but absolutely rejects a pro losition intended to prevent it. We have heard much about the blessings of this glorious Union, planned by the win dona of the sages, and cemented by the blood of the illustrious heroes of the revolution.— We have seen depicted in lively colours the happiness, the glory anti the strength of our common country, whilst it remains united— The word “ Union” has been rung in our ears,as if the magic sound of the name could charm us imo security, and reconcile us to the fetters which a cruel policy has been forging for us. The picture has been turned and wc have been told of the dangers, the strifes, the jarring diseords, and the conse quent weaknesss of a nation thus divided a gainst itself. But our oppressors might have spared these warnings. Our attachment to the Union is perhaps not less than theirs. I lor one look upon a seperation of these States as one of the most disastrous evils that can befal this government; as the most disas trous indeed with one single exception, which is that of a government o£ unlimited powers. Yet,much as I deprecate the almost incalcula ble evils of a dissolution, I would prefer that alternative rather than that the rights of the States and their sovereignty should he merg ed in consolidation and despotism. In the former case wo might reasonably calculate that a sense of mutual danger would re-unite )them; in the latter, no hope of relief would remain but through the means of a bloody and extrrininating war. He must have very little acquaintance with the history of government and a less acquain tance with the principles of the human heart, who does not know that if you place a man in power he will exercise it for the promo i tion of his own interest. If these premises are correct, which I believe none will deny, 1 the deduction drawn from thorn leads inevi tably to the conclusion, that if you give a majority of Congress the power, and make it their interest to oppress a particular section of the Union for the benefit of the other, they will tio it in despite of every principle of reason, justice or humanity. Admit the principle that the scve-al States by becoming members of the federal league have irrevocably resigned the rig lit of w ith drawing from it, let it become as partially op pressive as it may..and you immediately de prive them of every guarantee of their future liberties. You take away the last hook upon which they may hang a hope. It is in vain to tell us that tho constitution is a sufficient guarantee for our liberties,that Congress will be restrained in the exercise of unlawful power by that instrument : we can not lay that “ flattering unction to our souls.” YVhat avails a written constitution if the door of construction is left open for them to make it hy implication what they please. When we look back at the history of the past, and see what encroachments have alrea dy been made upon it, who is there, who shall presume to lift the veil of futurity and say where those inroads shall stop. In a country of such vast extent, with such diversified sectional interests, who can doubt hut that questions will frequently arise in which those interests will be involved. De prive the States of their sovereignty, and vviiat hope will remain to the weaker party ; coin pelled to submit to oppression from which there is no relief? what better will their con ditionbothan that of the vassal provinces of Turkey or Persia ? What need we care if wc are to bo oppressed, whether it be an in terested and irresponsible majority in Con gress, or iiv a single crowned Despot ? If this is the principle ufion which we are to he governed, then indeed v ill the Union, instead of a hlrsaing, become a blight and a curse; instead of -'that happy and glorious un ion which it was when it catne from the hands of patriots and sages by whom it was formed, it will become an engine of despo tism and Tyranny ; instead of a union for mu tual benefits and equal rights, it will become a union for the unequal apportionment of bur dens, and the unequal distribution of bles sings. Let not the South sanction such a principle as this. Never let it be said of us as Byron said of Greece, that “ Self abasement paved the way To villain bonds and despot sway !” No, 1 would rather say in the language of that immortal hard, “ Snatch from the ashes of your sires The embers of their former fires ; And lie who in the strife expires, Shall add to their’sa name of fear. That tyranny shall quake to hear, And leave his sons a hope, a fame, They too will rather die than shame : For freed on's battle once begun, Bequeathed hy bleeding sire to son, Though baffled oft is ever won.” DOMESTIC. Wc feel ourselves highly honored with the following letter from so celebrated a charac ter ns Major Downing, and shall certainly ex pect a visit from him on his arrival in this city. — N. Y. Gazette. Washington, Tuesday morning, June 6. Dear Sir—As the President gets me to read ali the newspapers to him, being considerable slick at that business, I almost always take up the New York Gazette first, and I and he have both come to the conclusion, seeing you have printed all my Jetters, to write to you respecting our Eastern tour. Both of us have been as busy as bees packing up for Down ingville for a week back.—The President waked mo up this morning before day light, and asked me what I thought of the weather. Says I, General, it is a going to rain. Weil, says tie, what do you think ? Had we better start? Y’cs,saysl; wedident mind the weath er in New Orlcai ■ and a ducking shouldent never frighten a soldier. Well, says he, if] you aint afraid I aint-so before vve eat oui t breakfast, you sit down and write a line to j old Mr. Lang, and tell him he may expect to j see us this day week, and ask him to engage i ns rooms at tho largest house in Now York.! I want to go to the City Hotel, but the Presi-j dent thinks Holt’s house the best. However, ] says he, we won’t quarrel about it—let Mr. j Lang decide the question. If you engage Holt’s tell him to get ills blacking machine in j order, for the President always makes a terri ble rumpuss about his boots. The President asked me the other day how I should like to go up in Mr. Durant’s balloon. Catch a wea sel a sleep, saysl; General—suppose I should break my neck, what would become of you, O says lie, Major, there’s Mr. Van Buren at hand. That cock wont fight, says I; one Yankee is worth two of him. Well says he, just as you please about that; hut Van Buren you know, is going to Downirigville with us—that was agreed on long ago. The General got a little touched at what I said about Mr. Van Buren, but I stopped his mouth pretty quick. Says 1, General hav’nt I done you more service than he ? Did’nt I stand by you, thick and thin, when you got into that scrape with the Cabinet,and did'n’t Mr. Van Buren throw up his commission, and leave you in the lurch. And dirl’n’tl recommend Mr. Livingston, and Mr. Kendall, and General Cass, and Isaac Hill, to take the places of those who abused you like a pick-pocket, as soon as their backs were turned; And did’n’t I put down the Ntillifiere? And dui’o’t l write votir Proela- | mat ion A. Mr. Webster’, Speech ? The ; eral amt any hand at an argument, and | the weather-gage of him. Well, savs J jerffiave your own w ay _,hn’res nodoml thing without. When I found how 2 blew, now smy tim -. General, aa v , Mr. \an Buren goes to DowningvilL : take the shine oil' of both of us, and as well hangup our fiddles. DovouthlV s,.ys lie. Yea, l,l„,„„|. i ; without hi in, says the General, for Id ■ low no man to take the rag off of vJ' So you see Mr. Lang, I, an (lo *J«n as I please with the President, and J have the ride to ourselves. As it gr 0 J? and we are to set off as soon as bread, cleared away, I must conclude for the n, ! " Ith requesting you to make all n i,’ ! j preparations for us, and I shall calf wig i President and make you a visit i ia,i<l at ,he Battery, 'f our time ; g , * ; much taken up, I shall write you farther, i wc arrive at Philadelphia. ' I have directed Mr. Barry, our Post y | General, to send this letter by the/og' Y’our friend, JACK DOWjVm 1 To John La no. Esq. New Y’ork Black Hawk at Philadelphia fu Iccption in this city of the Indian PI BLACK lIAYVK, almost equals that a 1 resident.—He was waited upon this mgat Congress Hall, by the M«vor am. ral members of the City Councils; a« Chesnittand Third streets, near his Jods at ten o dlock, were crowded with c itit several spacious rooms in the hotel t filled to overflowing ; ami the atmospht* the apartment where he had seated hi®, with his family, was almost suffocating sat in the corner of the room, regarding! calm complacency the tumultuous throi round him He has a pyramidal fores like sir YYalter Scott’s; and there sect slumbering fire in his eye, which bctc great mental pow< r and decision. I1; S| pan ions sat near him, with features stra marked, and wearing on their painted b expression very like that of scorn, manner of all these natives of the n wilds is majestic and serene. The I characteristic of being surprised at noli is plainly exhibited in the indifference»] they manifest at any thing which is pass J bout them. Black Hawk's Speech. —“ Black said the old warrior, “once thought he J conquer the whites. Ills heart grcwhij and bis hand strong. He unburied the J hawk; and lie led his people to fight. 1 fought ll;,—1. He was no coward. Hes>9 much blood. Hut the white nienwercJ ty. They were as many as the leaves J forest; and Black Hawk and his people li] He was sorry that tiie tomahawk had! raised. He had been a prisoner. It! strength of the vvite men. They werel many. The Indians are but few. TlieJ not cowards—they are brave—hut tlierl few. He was sorry that they had gonl war. While the Great Spirit above (;J pointed on high) kept his heart as it I was, he would be the friend of the« man. He would remain in peace. Hcil go to his people and speak good of th« man. He would tell them they tin* leaves of the forest—very inanv—verstß ■ —and L; would fight no more. » Hawk is the white man’s friend.” PitiLLADELFiiiA, June 11.— Yestcnli | nine o’clock, A. M. the Mayor, the met ) of the Select and Common Councils, tk j derrnen and other City Officers, asst mb i Independence Hall, together with st| 1 members of foreign legations. Thecw j of Councils, appointed for the purpose,] i proceeded to the City Hotel, to iiilii j President that the City Authorities vvcr»n j to receive him. He shortly afterwardsM | attended by a delegation from “a conn |of sixty” When the President, accomp i by the Secretary of State, the Hon. Lm | Lane, tho Secretary of YVar, the Hon. 1 1 Cass, and Mr. Donclson, his private Sect ! entered the Ilail of Independence, hei Iceived hy the Mayor, who introduced: | each individual present, it hud been: | that the citizens generally would beaiii to the Hall in the morning—arrang'd were then hastily made to allow of the and egress of as many as possible, in the ed time remaining. The doors wen opened, and many thousands of people, ages and both sexes, entered, powedi President, and passed out. In the cwj the morning, the Faculty of Arts. ! Students of the University of I’ennM j paid their respects t- tho President; ail I young men of the City and districts ol Sj 1 wark, Moyaniensing and Passeyunk,nnl i into the Hall, with their banners, and jj ! the other visiters in salutations. Phel] dent continued standing and bowing 1 stream of citizens as they passed him, foil than two hours ; meantime, the dense ml front of tiie Statu House seemed nol thinned hy tho hosts that had e° roe J —A few minutes before noon, the d«J men t to escort the President to the I'j military, arrived in front of the Hall—“jj scs prepared for him and his suite we| up to tho door. I The President then took leave of thi tlemen around him, and left the “ a j door he mounted a bcawtiftrl white elj and left the side walks, with the SecreJ State on the right hand and theSecir* W’ar on the left, while loud and ■ cheering were sent after him from , J innumerable host assembled in the neig| hood of the State House. I Between 12 and 1 o’clock the m formed in line along Arch street cJtfJ an immense distance, and the Prcsi ed them in review aud received ary saiutQs —but the loud shouts ani ) J of the people who completely lined tBC I and blocked up ail approaches—'" 11 ' 1 " 1 noise of the military music. lh c j was attended by Major General • j commanding, and suite, with ‘l* 6 | suite. , U J YVe cannot omit to notice *» !1 could scarcely have escaped the J “1 every one of the many thousando se ( ] ease—wc ought perhaps to say • I