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THU iHOSIiOU DI.WEK. Our distinguished guest, the linn. John McPher ton Rtrrien. Called by the public confidence and admiration to many high trusts in the service of hiscountry, be has ever adorned them all by bis talents and virtues.- Monroe county will ever be proud of the assomation of bis name and services with her struggles in the great cause of constitu tional liberty. After the annunciation of tlie above senti ment, at the late Monroe festival, the Hon. John McPherson Berrien rose and addressed the assembly as follows Mr. Prksidot and Fellow-Citizens ; In lisuig to address von on this occasion, it is not my purpose to pronounce an elabo rate harangue, or to speak to you, in words of set form, arranged to harmonious cadence, by the labors of the close. To my fellow citizens of Monroe—to each and every indi vidual around this festive board, I prefer to say, in language better fitted to express the singleness and sincerity of the feeling which vour kindness has awakened, 1 thank you — from my heart, I thank you! 1 am sensible—no one can he more so, how little I can lav claim to the very flatter ing eulogiuin expressed in the sentiment, which has just been honored by your appro bation. 1 accept however in the spirit, in which it is tendered, your kind and friendly greeting ; and with the more gratification, because it renews for the moment, that rela tion to the people of Monroe, which on one occasion of deep and absorbing interest, it lias been my fortune, and my pride to occupy —the relation of constituent and Representa tive. I accept it moreover, permit me to add, in consciousness of having endeavored throughout that short, hut animated struggle, faithfully and zealously, to vindicate the rights of this gallant ami patriotic people.— A stranger, and unknown to you gentlemen, I was honoured to by your confidence. It was given by nounsharing hand, and cheered as I am, by this flattering testimony of your approbation, 1 can even now very imperfectly express to you, the grateful emotions which I feel—l will trespass upon your time thrcforc only to add, that proud of the confidence of j the people of Monroe—and grateful for the j manner in which they have received and ap- j prcciated my honest but humble eli'urls ini their service, 1 shall cherish the remembrance J of my relation to that people, of their kind ness and confidence, among the most inter est i njg recollections of iny life. Os that Convention, in whose deliberations, I had the honor to participate as your Repre sentative, permit me for a moment to speak. The magnitude, importance, and the decisive character of the events, which succeeded its temporary adjournment and the rapidity with which they were developed, rendered its re assembling unnecessary. South-Curolinu, driven to despair of relief from the, justice of the Federal Government, or from the sympathy of her sister States of the south, threw herself into an attitude which gave anew character to the contest for Southern lights. Then catnc the Presidential anathe ma to alarm the best hopes of patriotism.de- J flouncing evety principle of Constitutional j liberty, which as Georgians we had hitherto held sacred—and after a moment of deep and I anxious solicitude, the adjustment of the mi-j happy question which had distracted the Uii- ! ion, by the modification of the Tarifl’, of course dispensed with our further resistance to this oppression. This brief reference to 1 events of recent occurrence, and familiar to you all, will serve to prove beyond controver- ‘ sy the propriety of assembling in Convention. j They demonstrate that we had arrived at a crisis, which demanded the best eflbrts of in telligence and patriotism, which required | that the voice of the people of Georgia should he heard. It was heard hi that Con vention—and they did not speak in vain. Al though the influence of that body was weak ened by the secession of a portion of its ■ members, which had the double eflect of dri- j 'ving-Sontli-Carolina to precipitate action, and j >of giving confidence to the advocates of the | tarifl", by representing us as a divided people, | still there is no one, who has attentively look ed at passing events, wtio can lie insensible to the fact, that this c.xpri ssion of the public j feeling of Georgia, was influential in produc ing the measure of peace, with which the j last Congress of the United States terminat ed its sittings. The attitude which South- Carolina had assumed, made her of course the ; chief object of attention—but our brethren ' of the tariff States were awakened by this; consideration to a more auctions scrutiny of j t he feeling of the other Southern States of the Union; and the proceedings of that Convcn vention, its despite of every effort to weaken their force, furnished an evidence not to be j resisted of the tone of public sentiment in Georgia. For myself therefore I fed, that those who united in the counsels, w hich pre v»ri!ed in that body, may recur with honest pride, to the recollection of tlicii efforts to <sustain the rights of the people of Georgia, and derive gratification from the conscious ness that they were not (bund wanting in the hour of trial; that thpy have proved their readiness to vindicate those principles of Con stitutional liberty, which hate hitherto been held sacred hy that people. Fellow-Citizens: The circumstances un der which we are assembled and the presence of a body el freemen, so numerous and intel ligent, as that to which I address myself, seem to afford a fit occasion for an interchange of sentiments on subjects of common interest. You will 1 trust therefore pardon the trespass upon your time, which will be necessary to enable me to suggest for your consideration, some brief reflections connected with the condition of the Union at large, and of our own State in particular, as preparatory to the enquiry, what is the duty, which the crisis imposes upon the friends of constitutional and regulated liberty J The late session of Congress terminated under circumstances of deep and awakening interest. The system of injustice, which under the delusive epithet of “ American” had been so long persevered in, in despite of) our remonstrances, was abandoned in princi- 1 pie by tho«o who had been among the most 1 ycaloiruand efficient of it# advocates. Tliej [ tariff was modified, not indeed to the extent! which was due to the just claims of the pcc- 1 pie of the South, but so modified, as to in- j (luce them, in the spirit of peace and concili* j ation, and of an unaffected attachment to the ■ Union, to receive the adjustment as satisfacto- \ ry. They iiad contended for principle— When that was yielded to them, they did not , stop to cavil about minor considerations. I j am quite sure this is a true representation of | the feeling of a great portion of the people |of Georgia. If the spirit which prevailed in j the enactment of this bill had been suffered j to have free scope—if the waters of bitter | ness had not been mingled with it—if it had | been permitted to go into operation, unac j compaiiicd hy the force hill,” it would have | given repose to the country. The moment which preceded the adoption of this measure of concilation, was one of deep solicitude, I would almost say of universal gloom. S. Ca rolina appealing to the patriotism of her |ieo ph , had avowed her determination no longer to submit to unconstitutional taxation. In her peculiar remedy,she stood alone—otherStatcs j felt, deeply felt the common grieveances, but pausing in their course, hesitated as to the manner of resisting it. In the meantime the doctrines put (oitli in the proclamation, had I assailed those principles of constitutional lib* j erty, which the Southern States, almost as one | man, had hitherto maintained inviolate. In j this State, in particular, there was scarcely ati individual who had enjoyed in any eim * nent degree, the coufidence of the people, who had not in various forms avowed those constitutional doetrincs which that iustuuicnt denounced. Nevertheless a great majority of Congress were advancing with rapid and j determined steps to the consummation of those j measures, of which the inevitable tendency ■ was a conflict of arms, between the Federal j Government and one «f the Sovereign States oftliis Union.—ln this awful crisis when fear ful apprehension was pourtrnyed in every countenance —at the moment when we were thus madly rushing into all the horrors of civil war, a distinguished senator of Kentucky arose in the American capitol, bearing aloft flic olive branch of peace. The patriotic con ceptiohs of his genius, were enforced by the power of his eloquence, and nobly sustained by his intelligence, conciliation, and firmness. Thus supported, lie advanced in quick time to the accomplimcnt of his holy purpose, sur iiionling every obstacle, which was interpos ed by those, who from whatever motive, would have jeoparded the safety of twelve millions of freemen. I speak here of the measure. It; is the privilege of others to pronounce the { eulogy of its author, but it was my fortune to witness the struggle, and to rejoice in the tri umph, and I do not seek to restrain the ex pression of the feelings which were awakened in my bosom. I repeat to you gentlemen, if this measure of peace had been suffered to stand upon its! own merits—ls the cup of reconciliation which it presented, had not been dashed in pieces at the moment, when our hands were extended to receive it—if the milder reflection of the olive branch had not been lost in the glare of the flaming sword which accompanied it, this measure would have given peace to the coun try. But it did not so seem good in the eyes of those who sat in our national councils. They admitted the justice of our complaii by substantially, though prospectively provi ding for the removal of the grieveance under which we labored—Yet almost in the same moment, they menaced us with tile sword of vengeance, if under like circumstances, we should complain again. Pause fellow-citizens, for a moment to con sider vvliat necessity existed for the enact ment of the enforcing bill. Congress had listened to our complaints, and removed out grievances. They had given peace to the country, and knew well tliat such would be the inevitable tendency of the measure which they adopted. In the very act of passing this hill, they were assured by individuals of their own body, qualified to know and entitled to their confidence, that the bill for the modifi cation of the tarifl’, would be received in the spirit of peace, by the people of the South. Thus, they km w that the force bill was a mere idle, empty menace; that it could have iio practical operation or eflect. Why then wasitpassed? The answlr is obvious. The more immediate friends of the President seized upon the occasion, to obtain a vole <>, Congress vindicating his departure from tlmse great constitutional principles on the strength of which,’ and as the advocate of which, he cninc into power- The advocates saw in the affirmance ol the principles of the proclama tion, hy the enactment of the cnforcioiig bill, a succession of measure all tending to give strength so that great central government, which is tile object of their idolatry. With out, there was a feeling not too creditable to those who entertained it, towards the people of South Carolina, lly their strenuous and determined efforts, they had mainly contribut ed to the prospective aholiltion of unconstitu tional taxation, and those who had chiefly en joyed its fruits, did not look kindly upon their success. To whatever combination, it may owe its origin, it disgraces our statute book. It stands there as an evidence of the determination of the Federal Government, to set at nought the legitimate sovereignty of the States, winch created it. If suffered to remain—if the prin ciples avowed in the proclamation, and sus tained by the enforcing bill, are permitted to become part and parcel ofour system of gov ernment, to infuse their spirit into our insti tutions, & to have a practical effect and ope ration upon our people, this confederacy ol sovereign States, as it canto from the hand of the (Vainers of our constitutional charter, will have become converted into one great consoli dated government, whose’incvitablc tenden cy will he, to destroy the Union, and with it, the happineasof the people of these Slates. Such is theaspect in which the Federal Gov ernment, is at this moment presented to our j view. Its power, its patronage, the popular- j ity of its chief—the efforts of his adherents, i ofollice holders, and. office seekers, and the united exertions of the friends of a consolida ted government, against whom it was hereto fore his good fortune to contend, arc combin ed to annililate those doctrines of constitu tional law, and Slate sovereignty, which the whole people of Georgia, have heretofore preserved inviolate. At such a moment, what is our condition? Always among th; foremost in her devotion to Constitution:! Union, Georgia has heretofore been t ie ui wavering advocate of State sovereignty. In every variety of form—in the prim, ry assem blies of hei people, and in tlie limit solemn councils of her functionaries, in every depait-; ! ment of her government, legislative, cxccu- j I tive and judicial—in her intercourse with her ; sisters of the confederacy, and with the gov ernment which they united to create, she al ; ways maintained the limitations of the Fedcr- I al charter—she lias as solemnly denied the j right of tliat Government to judge of the ex-! ; tent of its own powers—as dis-ilictly assert ed her own sovereign right to decide in j the iast resort, on the terms ts the compact ' into which she has entered. Who docs not i recollect the arduous and continued strugglel [of 1825 and 1820? Who does not reineni ! her the glorious and successful efforts, which ! under the auspices of “the mad Governor of ; Georgia” eventuated in the |ieae<ful acquisi j tion of a large and valuable territory ? The j principles on which she then ticteil were reit i erated iri 1828. In tlie solemn protest olhci i Legislature, which it became my duty topre | sent to the Senate of the United States, arid in the observations which accompanied its presentment, these principles were distinctly avowed. No Georgian then ventured to de ride ‘ltem.—All professed to believe that they were the pure doctrines of the Constitution, which t especially behoved Southern fnen to vindicate and defend. Nay, even in the Covcntion of November last, the objection at j first suggested, was not that the doctrines ! contained in the report were untrue, but that they had been too often enunc’ated, to render [it necessary to repeat them. Yet at this mo ment, there is not one of those principles, for j which Georgia has so long, and so earnestly contended, which is not prostrated by the | proclamation, the enforcing bill, and the doc trines avowed during its discussion, if these are hereafter to be considered as defining the relations, and settling the powers of the Fed eral and State Governments. . . At such a moment, what is tlie attitude of i Georgia? Are her people united as at the periods of w hich I have spoken, in the firm and manly vindication of her rights? The citadel is beleaguered, have we forgotten our private bickerings to hasten in its defence? j The constitution lias been violated, have we silenced our local feuds to fly to its rescue? No fellow-citizens, no!—At no jieriod, since tlie developement of that memorable fraud, which stains her earlier annals, has Georgia j been so distracted by party. Devotion to men, and to office, have prevailed over the holier feelings, which binds the patriot to his country. Ancient political associations have been severed, and distrust has superseded the confidence, which heretofore existed between \ those who ever united in a common and ge nerous effort for the advancement of the pub lic wear, while there lias not been wanting the manifestation of a disposition to cower before federal authority, even under the ac knowledgment that it transcends the constitu tion. Nay, the very crisis has been seized upon to rally a party, on the principle of un limited submission to federal supremacy—and the convention lately asembled for the teduc tion of our State representation, has been re sorted to as the means bv which thismnlioly purpose is to lie consummated. A principle of representation which is indispensable to our satety, as one of the members<U the con lederacy—one which concerns, and is depen dent upon a species of property, and.popula tion, too vitally connected with our interests, our happiness, nay, even with our very cxist | once, to suffer its condition to be changed, has been gratuitously abandoned by those, in whom the people had reposed their Confidence. You will understand that 1 refer to too sub stitution of the while basis for the fcderal ra. fio, in our state representation. A single rc. flection on this subject, would seem to be de cisive. If it be right that our coloured popu- Intion should be enumerated in determining the number of our representatives in the fe deral legislature, that which is right in itself, cannot be wrong in its application, to our do mestic representation. If it be wrong, we i should cease to claim if, as members of the ; confederacy. Are the people of Georgia pre pared for this? arc t hey willing to give upone third of their representation in Congress ? ! And if the proceedings of that convention arc ratified—if the federal ratio lie abandon ed, and you thereby declare that this species of your population, is not to constitute one of 1 the elements of representation, how will you resist the enforcement of your own doctrines • jin the national Legislature? You know that ; this principle was reluctantly yielded to you, l in the Federal Convention—tliat it is still matter of complaint among the people of toe J non slave-holding States. With vvhatavjdity ' will they avail tliemvclvesofyonracknowledg- I incntof tlie error of this provision, in our fe | deral compact ! You know and feel that your | own existence and happiness,and that of those ! | who still adhere to you, demand that the'eon- j dition of this population, should :emqin nn- J altered'; that it behooves you to guard it with ! more than vestal vigilance, from all andeverv | species of interference. You cannot be ig j uorant that the situation of this people, en gages at this moment the attention of the I world—that in England, as well as the United j States, efforts arc making to eflect tlie immi j diatc and universal abolition of slavery—that {there arc moonstruck and miscalled nliilan- I thropists who have influence.of numbers, and , j wealth, who would madly rush to the aceoin j plishraent of their object, careless of the tor j rents of blood which it would cause to flow, i And yet it is at this moment, that you ate cal-i | led upon to abandon in your State legislation j ! a principle of representation, on the proserva j tion of which, depends your relative strength in a cor.fedeiacy, of which the majority con sists of non slave-holding States. It cannot be, that the people of Georgia can be misled in a matter so vitally interesting to them ns I this. It cannot be, but that they will visit ; with their just indignation, those who have thus led them to the precipic of ruin. Fellow citizens ! If this be the situation of the union, and ot'Georgia, what is it which the crisis demands from the friends of cousti ftitionr.l and regulated liberty ? Shall we despair of the republic? No. Let us rather rise with the emergency which demands our ex ertions. The recuperative energies of the | ncopic will yet rescue us from the dangers' which surround ns. Our cause is good—lt is i the cause of LIBERTY, THE CONSTITU TION, AND CONSTITUTIONAL UNION. | The intelligence and patriotism of the State! jare with us, and the smiles of heaven will at tend our honest efforts for the maintenance of our rights as freemen. It is our first duty to look at homo. Let the great and interesting i questions which now agitate the public mind, j he fairly presented to the people. Let each man who feels the importance of the crisis, devote himself in his immediate neighborhood, to the advancement of this object. Organize ! a system of communication between the ftiemls of the legitimate rights of the {States. Call upon the Troup party to rally under its ancient banner. Appeal to the {lioncstand patriotic among our local oppo nents, to unite with us in the vindication of : principles alike dear to them and to us, be cause equally necessary to the preservation oi their rights and opinions. There are many among them as much devoted to the princi ples of liberty as ourselves. Let qs look in to our own hearts, and banishing thence all impure and selfish considerations, we may confidently appeal to such men to unite their eflorts with ours. Finally, let us confine ourselves to the maintenance of those princi ples which arc essential to the preservation of I the rights of the States, respecting honest dif ferences of opinion among those who concur with us in thu general objects of preserving tlie sovereignty of the States, and the harmo uv and perpetuity of the Union. In the discharge of this high duty, we may not hope to escape the imputation of be ing agitators, and enemies to the Union. The charge has been already made and reiterated by a hundred venal presses. I will not stop to contrast the character and ’services of those liv whom it is made, with that of those i against whom it is urged, but will state brief-1 ly mv own v.iew£, that those who repeat this j charge hereafter, may not have the plea of ig-| noraucc to excuse them. 1 have another rea son. Ilavingbcen grossly misrepresented on thissubject by my.enemies, 1 do not choose | hereafter to be misunderstood by my friends, j The opinions winch I entertain in the relu j iton to the rights and powers of tlie Federal government, and of the States which created it, were expressed in the report to the Stale Convention. Those views w< rc formed with deliberation, and in relation to them, my mind has undergone no change, i believe that the federal Constitution is a compact i between equal and sovereign States—retain ing their sovereignty, but plighting their faith to abstain from its exercise, over all the sub jects confided to the control of the agents of the confederating States—and necessarily re serving to themselves the rigiit, in default of a common arbiter, which the nature of the compact did not permit, to decide in the last resort, and so far ns their own citizens were concerned, on the question of the fulfilment or violation of the compact, by the common agent of the confederacy. 1 limit this right of-dccision by the States, to a case in the last resort, because I believe that the federal Gov ernment is supreme under the Constitution — 1 that the acts of one department of that Gov ernment, done in conformity to the forms of the Constitution, are obligatory upon every j other department, and upon all the citizens! { of the United States, ordinarily and in their i character us individual citizens. The secu rity for tlie rightful exercise of potveis thus comprehensive, is to he found in the ordinary j : checks which that instrument proves, in the i { oath which is taken hy every public function- j { ary, in the division of the legislative depart- j j incut,and tlse diversity of the elements of which it is composed—in the qualified I veto which , is giv. n to the Ex ecu-1 tive, in tins Supreme Court as interpreters of the law, and finally in the ballot box. So long as t;ie States adhere to the compact, and thereby submit their citizens to the action cf the federal Government, it must be supreme in terms of that compact.—But unless 1 could suppose it to have been the intention of the framers of the Constitution, by which 1 mean the States who created it, in ono breath, to; have imposed a limitation tipro the powers! which they had granted, and in tlie next to j have destroyed tl—-that after having carefully j | specified the powers, which were granted, and then solemnly declared that tlie powers noti granted, were reserved to the people or to the ! States, it was intended to apply a sponge to! this provision, thus leaving the (government i without any other limitation than its own dis-1 cretion, I cannot bring myself to believe that a Government is confessedly limited by tlie i charter which creates it—which was designed ! lo operate in connection with other and pre ex sting Governments, by which ;t was crea ted,can be authorised o; decide in thclast re sort, upon those very limitations which that! charter imposes, if lam told, that the ordi- i nary cheeks of which I have spoken, arel sufficient to enforce these limitations, I answer that those who differ from me admit that this is a confederated, not a consol idated Government, hut that nothing is gained by the admission, if these ate the only checks which the charter imposes, for these belong equally to the latter species of Government. I am forced therefore to conclude that it is es- 1 seutial to ihc security of a confederacy, lor \ the enforcement of the limitations imposed! upon the common agent, that each member ! should possess the power of deciding for it-} self, and in the last resort, upon the question I of conformity to the compact which unites it! with the other members of the confederacy. I belivc that the acknowledgement of the ex-j istence ol this power will supersede tlicnej ccssily for its cxerc.se—l believe that the dp. nialof it will endanger the peace and linrmo- * nvofthe l nton. In this I may err, but my i conviction is sincere, and believing, us Ido, , that the perpa tuition of thiv Union is en-l, tial to the happiness of the American people,! proud of the recollections with which it is as sociated, and anticipating the honorable des'i tiny to which it will conduct us, as a private' citizen 1 will cheerfully unite with you in giv ing eflect to those principles which I deem essential to its preservation. Neither seeking I office nor desiring it, I cannot be indifferent j to the decision of questions which are vitally connected with my own and the happiness of {those who are dear to me—-nor will 1 shrink from the performance of any duty, which, with a just regard to my situation, may be i required at my hands. j Mr. Berrien’s toast. The perpetuation of the I Union and the sovereignty/ of the States of the Confederacy The one perfect, according to the i spirit ofthe Constitution the other efficient to ■ esist every violation of it. Save us from alar ; mists, consolidationists and office hunters; and | the problem which reconciles Federal Union with State sovereignty, though difficult of sol u ! tion, may yet be solved. Judge Strong having been called upon by ! the committee, made the following observa-! i tions in substance:— In answer to the call of your committee, Ii need not sav to you fellow-citizens that 1 am ' i unused to addresses like those expected on ; occasions like the present, for that you full | well know. Nor, do I flatter myself that as-1 ter the brilliant displays, which we have al-! ready heard and enjoyed that 1 can interest, ! or enlighten this numerous and intelligent as- i semhly. You are all apprised that 1 do not i profess any tiling hut plain homespun useful -1 ness. Should Ibe enabled to add anything, the more firmly to establish you in the politi cal faith which you profess, and induce you the more zealously to carry it out in good works. I shall have accomplished all that is desirable and more than 1 anticipate. To ef fect any good we should proceed with abiding principle and prolific, energy. It cannot be denied but that we have just passed a painful political crisis, and that an other is at hand. Tile- detestable and dis graceful force bill, still stains your statute book, and places all [lower in tlie hands of its author, who more than once disregarded the { primary principles of your Government, act- I ing under the influence of his passions ; set | your tribunals both judicial and military at I defiance, and trampled both law and justice | under foot. But whether Poinpcy or Ca;sar | reigns, remember, “that the price of liberty iis eternal vigilance.” Yes fellow-citizens, { unless this daring act of your rulers is indig | riantly rebuked and speedily repealed, it will become an entering wedge which will ere I long in these heretofore peaceful United States open tcirific scenes of desolation, car nage and blood. And yet men can be found, on whom you have bestowed your suffrages and honored with your confidence, who admit the uriconstitutionality, inequality and oppres sion of the law intended thus to lie enforced, time-serving and man-serving enough to sup port that worse than bill of despotism. If these things can be, and are to continue to be, the people of these U. States, must and | will he irredeemably enslaved. Be not de ceived fellow-citizens, those who tolerate such ; an insult to you as freemen; such a daring of your rights, are wedded to the old .absurd theory, that Government is instituted for tliej benefit of the rulers, instead of tiie interest of the people. So they can obtain the Ho nors and share the loaves and fishes, they care not for the rights, wrongs or oppressions of the people. But thank God these are facts i being exploded. Freemen :;re more and { more in the habit of reading, enquiring and j investigating the principles of Government I and the relative duties of the Governors and ! ! l ights of tlie governed, for themselves. And in this essentially great work, they are great ly aided by the investigations of disinterested professors of political economy, and the ar guments of their own independent and virtu -1 ous statesmen. As you value your liberty, { read, think and understand for yourselves, j | The Journals of the general convention that; framed the constitution of the United States | should at least, be in every neighborhood. | By these journals you will discover that tin re' were many views of Government suggested and considered ; that some were for, if not a iucnarchi.il government, one as arbitrary, others for an aristocracy. But there were other pure spirits who were devoted to liberty and the interest of the people; who were willing by compact to grant to Congress cer tain specified powers, for the support of the j Federal Government; for the common tie-1 | fence of the Union,'and tlie regulation (not j destruction) of commerce, and according to i ' these and the ether grants of powers therein { mentioned, to promote tlie general welfare. And by the very first amendment, you will { perceive that tlie powers not delegated to tlie United States by the constitution, nor prohi { ted to the States, are reserved to the States j respectively, or the people. You who have not read tlie proceedings of th.:t body will he i equally amazed and appalled when you disco ' ver that many of the most strong and dange rous grants of power proposed and rrprett'y rejected or refused have in less than fifty years been assumed, and several of them exercised for unequal and oppressive purposes. And thus you have in the earliest history of your} Government striking evidence of the prune-j ness of power to accumulate, and of man toi usurpation. A Government by all admitted 1 to be peculiarly limited in its powers and char- ' acter, its officers the mere agents of the States I or representatives ol the people thereof.- And yet in a few briefyears, jou’bchold those agents usurping powers not to he found in the charter of t'reir authority, and which had been «o recently and solemnly refused to he delegated to them. If these things are suf-j sered, even the hope of liberty will speedily ! bid the world farewell, such usurpers act up- j on the principle that the powers of Govern ment may be exerefeed for the interest of those in power, and of a favoured few, and not lor thu interest of the people generally. This is a brief, but true of the picture state j of your constitutional interest. But thank ! God there is a redeeming principle in your institutions, which, if you, the people, will seize and act out with energy, will save the Constitution, save your liberties,and preserve the Union. Y es, my countryuitu, there were a hand of liberty lovi, 1£? tionary sages and patriots in that CmuJ who in addition to the old checks of hy balancing the different depart,J? Government against each other an ,i were, with holy inspiration, conceived *! sod, and interposed the more salutary m lectua! guard against tlie assumption';,!; cumulation of power, and shield of tK. of those by whom they were dele*r a i /' division of powers betwixt the States Fcdcta! Government, by preserving u " reignty of the States, aiid stili effectin ion for the special purposes before nil [ ed. , hus the sovereignty of the Sin ] j preserved, and their sovereign powers J | interposed to judge in tlie final resort' violations of tlie great original cmnnact’j { it ts not expressly otherwise provid •’) 1 adopt their own mode and measure of r* J ; Tl,is * s the sale aml glorioßsState I>i„| lt | I trine professed bv ourselves, tau.riu 1 jsnn vindicated by Randolph, | out by our noble selves, with our own'?! j at our head, and consummated bv CaJ | All<l before that true God whom we ,3 |to worship, 1 firmly believe that that J conservative principle is tlie onlv effeX j means by which encroachment cm, [JJ | and tlie Constitution,that noblest i man wisdom, ran he sustaii r(!,andtl H .Jß preserved. And yet there are amonj { pononts, persons so ignorant, or as to charge n, with being inif r , nif j|,M pion. ! ca,t hack the false am!foul■ talionm their teeth. If the Union dM dissolved, it will he effected Iwiy J trucklintr, submission poller’ |, UW( H themselves, and these who act* with thS yielding to one assumption of power J "other, until the Constitution shall heal ally aoolishtd; iqnl instead of the frr| economical government established | fathers, al! power will rush to the cenli| one too onerous and 0 | press',ve to |,c !,»| any hut slaves, will he established in ml Our system is as beautiful in theory I sii ein practice*,am! {jus been aptly to those laws of philosophy which rct| the solar system; the General (!m J regulated by the Constitution, 'i' centre, am! the sovereign Stales wiihiu their respective orbits; and tol •he laws el tlie centripetal and crnlrfl forces, each is kept in its proper spline! general and local gov. rmnents are profl ami liberty saved. We Lave am I v/illfl to support the General GovernmentS energet c exercise of all eonstitutionalfH we have ami will resist nil usurpationifl pression. Since Mr. Jefferson, || ( l aposi!,' of In ■■ institutions, iwrhrß “ nullification is the rightful r.-tnedy not ashamed of that name. \„iu "'hat Mr. .Madison lias said upon j if niv memory is mu gieatlyat jip ' ; H did more than simply make { t ion of her doctrim s ami appeal to She did build I militia, and actual!;.' nullify the alien , dition laws, so h.r as concerned (he and Representatives of her own i and those aliomniaMe laws were ri'ueili^B 1 I fho I iiion saved. Long own I rou; nullified .'nlm (J. cation ol the old treaty, and gut and lilt; I nioti was preserved; recently, our noble sister Sout.'i lified tiie tarifl', ” fli.it hill of it was at ii ice modified and put nnoiu footing, ami ;fic Union still t for the conduct of loose j who aided in the pa.-sage of tliat | di testable bill to aid the work if -. a!! now, so I’.-r ras tin e raaieot, wm id be calm and ipi ruffled siiimat r’s sea. Indeed, it ertlß Congress or tiie otin-1 unco itutioa:.i rower.-, or aim oppression, mt the waters become i ili'tin lied. G , glorious State n ; an- intended, and I iio|»c ever will, 111 tlieir sale constil lition.’ll louitols. ' A few words, my friends, upon at ► pie, am! I have done. I allude to ll: and doings of the majority of that nameless depravity who tjsjetiihhd to amend the primary principles of) Government, to reduce and equalize of your representation; when, instei eslly and rightly performing die 1 peojdc commissioned them to do, tj j bout their own dirty wort of party! zemerit, ‘and with a hardened eftroj precedented since the infamous ihj 5 zoo, “ broke up the tountanis of t> deepof iilmaiiiiatioit,” and prostrated) ciplo and justi' - .; to ctlfCtuatetbeiruj ed purpose. Tin y were toequalisq as reduce your representation, uj j do.ne it? Let those who esnadd t multiply a'id divide, answer tb#<ll They pretend to’ be the exclusive ll ing party, ami yet tiie moment the? I power, strike at the prnvijinP* in “I tution of the United Jc.ites vvliich I its ratification, and thereby furms-iej versarics of Soutlu ru rights uud ► 0,1 l forests w it It the arguments and tnc.m j an alteration of the very instrumej ; hinds tun Union together, and tins l ! moSt delicate and agitating point- I { their nefarious scheme plaiisiL’p. i wibly adopt the free while bests*™ i virtually make sand beds, hills am ij i tlieir basis of representation: an | people, they agitate jnviduous V and hy arguments which " oul j African, attempt to make i wt ’ r that their condition and weigh ll * ■ creasetl by their wonderlul | be not deceived, fellow ij i vote by the Federal basis, lias < { ways will count as much as 1 ® ■ That basis gives the increased representation i:i C°.i- ■ three fifths ofthe coloured pop l )[ “■ State, and it gives to tlie free " 1 5 respective comities, both P°°[* Iv die same rate ol represents i B gislature. And is this " otJ |' s ’“ lll ,| ! | not the poor man living in 111 J nv slaves as much or more m enactment of those laws » lir ■ and regtilale them Awn '^ eiru I