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rOBEICSI England. Tlie bill in relation to the emancipation of the slaves in the British Colonies having pass ed the House of Commons, has been carried up to the House of Lords. It is very doubt ful, however, whether it will be received with the same cordiality in the West Indies, for the resident planters do not simply com plain of losing the value of their slaves, but allege that by emancipation they will lose the working power. Free labor they look upon as a dream. Ireland. Dr bun, June 17. The emigration from the north of Ireland, both to the United States and Canada, has ta ken place this year to a considerable extent through the port of Londonderry. A large portion of the emigrants to the Slates, w ere respectable farmers, and fully three fourths of the entire are Protestants. They are estima ted by the Londonderry Sentinel, (who gives a list of vessels sailing with passengers) as having emigrated from an adjoining district of 40 miles square, and as having taken on an average only A) 10 each, with them, (though some took very considerable stuns.) They make the total sailed from Londonderry, 50 ships, 12,937 tons registered, having (>,soi pas engers. There only remain in port the brig Ann for Philadelphia, and ships Forth and Ewcretta for St. John's New Brunswick, sail in the en suing week- These vessels will, it is expec ted, have nearly their comp imenf. From all that can be learned, double the number arc preparing to leave the country next sea son, despairing of better times. Prance. Chamber of Deputies. — Session, June 18. TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES. M. Benjamin Delcsscrt said that he was charged by the committee, ami entrusted with the examination of the bill relative to the treaty with the United States, so express its regret that the late period of the session at which the bill had been presented, and the numerous important points involved in the ex amination, rendered it impossible to make the report tins session ; but the committee was most anxious that a treaty should be termina ted which preserved the commercial relations so highly important to the interests of such old allies as Franco and the United States. Gen. Lafayette, agreed with all that had falluu from the lion Deputy, and expressed Ins firm conviction that when the Chamber had examined the question, it would sec that the interests of France wete involved in the full execution of the treaty. The Minister of Foreign Adairs said that the Government was most anxious for the immediate discussion and adoption of the treaty. The delay in presenting the bill to the Chamber arose from the difficulty in col lecting all the documents ricccssaty fyr tlie elucidation of a treaty by which a final ad justment was made of transactions extending over a period of more than 20 years. Even now some, of these documents had not come over from America, but he hoped before the next session tho committee would be in pos session of every information. Count Jaubcrt considered that it should not be allowed to go lortli to tho world, and particularly to the United -States, that tlie Chamber was prepared to adopt blindly a trea ty involving tlie payment of so large a sum of money U3 was to be paid to the United States. The interests of the country required that every point connected with tho treaty should be minutely examined, ami from the feelings of distrust which the provisions of the treaty had excited in many members of the Chambers, he bad no doubt it would be ao. M. Manguin ai l nadvcrted on tho absurdi ty of supposing that the Chamber or the com mittee could have formed any decided opin on the subject, when the Minister himself had just told them that all the necessary docu ments w ere not collected. The Minister for Foreign axffuirsobserved that all the most important documents, were in the hands of tho committee. Those w hich were to come would be useful as explanato ry documents, but were not of primary im portance. Other lion. Deputies demanded to be heard, but the Chamber, which had for some time shown strong marks of impatience at this epis odical discussion, called loudly for the order of the day. Tlie President said that as no question was before the Chamber, the discussion could not be allowed to be carried further; the con stitutional right of the Chamber was perfect ly understood; no treaty which required the assent of tho legislature for tho means of car rying it into execution could be considered as even provisionally susceptible of being car ried into exccction ur.t i that asssent was giv en. The question was therefore entirely open, and nothing which had passed could pre judge the opinion whiefc the Chamber might hereafter come to on the treaty. (Applause-) Letters of the 19th June from Paris, say, that the present session was expected to close m four or five days. The Ministers of Louis Plnllippe have expressed their determination to retain possession of Algiers, although the Bourbon government which acquired it, de clared to the then British Administration, that thoir »tpo.lition was directed by no views of conquest. Furl Cray w hen questioned on the subject, evaded expressing his opinion by alleging that he had received tio official in formation of auuh a declaration on the part of the government of Louis Philiippe. Don Pedro is still at Oporto in a state of inactivity. The Belgian Legislature arc still busy in •discussing tlie answer to be given to the ad dress ot tho King on opening the session. if the the account of the retreat of the Egyptian army, and of the promised with, drarvalof the Russian forces from Constanti nople be correct, we may expect tranquility to be immediate restored to the East of Eu rope. A picture—Who knows it ?— Cleric, to Mr. A. —l\lr. B. says he w ill he much accom modated it you can pay hiin the amount of your bill, as he has a payment to make this afternoon, and stands very much in need of it. Mr. -I.—Go and tell Mr. B. to pay his own debts and not be so worried about other peo ple paying theirs. This is the fourth time he has sent to me on this same errand—it's insulting. LUrk.— But you promised to pay him, last GEORGIA TIMES, AM) STATE RIGHT’S ADVOCATE. week ; and us you have not done it, he pro bably thought there was no impropriety in sending for it, now. Mr. .4.—Suppose I did promise to pay him last week ; he need not complain about that. Only last Monday, he kept Mr. C. waiting an hour or more, while he went and borrowed the money which be iiad promised to pay him that morning. He has nothing to brag of in the way of punctuality. Clerk. —lt is true he was compelled to bor row money, to fulfil an engagement which he had made on the strength of your promise. Mr. A. —Well, there’s no need ol inul'i plyiiig words about the matter, 'l’ell Mr. B ihat when I ran spare tho money without in convenience to myself, 1 will pay him. [Erie Observer. Murder of the mysterious Paris Gambler. All lovers of the mysterious and marvellous in Finis have been put on tlie qui vivc, by a most extraordinary murder lately perpetrated near the passage Choiscul. The person of the murdered man was well known in all the l’arisian gambling houses, but his name no one ever heard, neither was his abode at any lime found out. In the public places lie fre quented lie went by the nickname of the Ad vocate, for he acknowledged that he had for merly belonged to the legal profession, and his conversation and manners were lawver like. Property to the amount of 900,000 litres has been seen in his possession, and he seldom had on his person jess than 15,000 francs in notes. At the gambling table he was noted as cowl, taciturn and pertinacious, proceeding on a very complicated system, which demanded great attention and selfcom tnafid. lie passed away every day sealed at some ‘lrente-et-un’ table, silently immersed in bis calculations in tlie combinations of the game. It was observed that if any one copi ed his plan of playing, he immediately rose and quilled the table in great ill humor, and he was not known to frequent the same house for many days after. He was found stiff and cold on the pavement, in a blind obscure nook, by the Halle Ventadour, close to the Passage Choiscul. Cries had been heard in that neighborhood in the dead of night, and it is supposed that those shrieks scared the as sassin from his plunder, as notes to a large a mount were found on the person of the decea sed ; yet there still is no clue whereby his identity can be traced, lie is supposed to have lodged in the most populous quarter of Paris: but us vast stuns arc doubtless stored in his place of abode, those who know the secret of his “ whereabouts” keep it well, and take silent possession of the .rich spoils they have thus inherited. His death wound had been with a poniard stall in the side. It is conjectured that Ins assassin was one of the players at the gaining house lie had just quit ted, who had dogged his steps till lie entered the darksome alley where his corpse was af terwards found. S’OIJTHAb. bOTERIOn Tlton*. •• During the whole of the glorious struggle of 1825, that devoted patriot, (Gov. Troup,) never once sought protection for bis acts under the wings of tlie constitution.” — Southern Banner. Tue most malignant enemy of Governor Troup, never invented a calumny, so unjust to his character as a patriot and statesman, as is propagated in the abovo extract from the Southern Banner, a paper professing to be his friend and a disciple of bis piinciplcs. “ iYi'rer once sought protection for his acts under the Constitution !/" By what authori ty, then, did he act ! Under what sanction, as Governor of Georgia, ilared he resist the laws, and publish defiance to the power of the General Government ? Was he acting under a solemn ordinance, by the people in Conven tion ? No—whence, then, we enquire, did he derive the authority, to “trample under foot, the laws and treaties’' of the General Government ? From that source’, surely, to which, lie was to look for a development of all Ins powers and duties, as Governor of Geor gia, and beyond which lie could not go in any emergency, the constitution. To say that Go vernor Troup, placed his resistance, or nulli fication, of the new treaty, upon the “ high ground of natural right,” is admitting him to be the “ madman” or “ Traitor,” which his enemies and the enemies of his country, have so often declared him—We say us the Governor of Georgia, not acting in pursuance of a formally declared w ill of the people, but ordinarily in that capacity, he was constrain ed to “ seek shelter for all his acts under tlie constitution —and that such acts, whether expressly commanded or impliedly permitted by the Constitution, were equally consistent with that instrument. It is thus wo have been accustomed, to view the successful nullification ol the usurpations of the General Government, by Gov. Troup in 1825-—Mr. Adams’ new treaty “amoun ted to a deliberate, palpable and dangerous violation of tlie reserved rights of the States” and the liberties of the people. The magni tude of tlie evil—the imminence of the dan ger, demanded a prompt, decided and imme diate remedy—Gov. Troup showed himself, equal to the crisis. Dreading the efficacy of redress, through the tardy process of a conven tion of the people and believing that the con stitution, not only defined the rights of the people, but invested their Functionaries, with the requisite powers, to maintain them, he re solved, at once, to throw around the State, whose rights and liberties he guarded, the shield of her sovereignty and bid defiance to the assaults of Federal usurpation. Tlie is sue is known. la the “ glorious struggle of 1825,” Gov. Troup, “acted under” and by authority “of the constitution,” or lie was an insurgent chief, at the head ol v a rebellious force. Macon Messenger. Tlie following is a specimen of the sto ries that the Federal Union is in the con stant habit of entertaining its readers. If there has been a reaction in favor of a trea ty, it must be found in the fiction of his own brain, we saw none in the Council. We have said heretofore no truth can be fpund in these Georgia papers on tire Chero kee ease, especially, in one that advocates the principles of a Robber. [Chcrolcce Phainix. “ The CniiROKEEs.-M'e learn from a source entitled to the highest credit, that the at tempts to prevent a treaty with the Choro kees, under the pretence that they would be henetitted by the act for the collection of the revenue, have resulted in a powerful reaction in tavor ol a treaty. The enemies of the ({resident, at Washington, affirmed that this revenue law would prevent a treaty : a por tion of our representatives in Congress, op their return to the State, gave currency to the same charge against the administration!: and Ross, the principal Chief, played a cor responding part among his country men. But tlie President, with his characteristic frank ness, and decision of character, lias shewn, to the Chcrokees, their real situation: and a large majority of that hitherto deluded peo ple, are now convinced, that if they remain within the chartered limits of Georgia, they must submifito her laws. At the solicitations of Ross, and his partisans, the other chiefs have consented to postpone making a treaty, until the meeting of Congress: and to pre vent any unnecessary delay after that time, an exploring party is to visit tLc Arkansas country during the present summer. \Y e be lieve that our Indian controversies arc rapid ly approaching a harmonious aid satisfactory close : and the people of Georgia will be on their guard, how they give credit to open ac cusations, or subtle insinuations against the President.” —Federal Union. Speculations on the next Presidency. “Divide and conquer,” lias ever been the maxim of the aspirant after office. The les sons of the past arc forgotten until the subju gated find that they had slumbered in securi ty whilst usurpations were silently sapping tiie foundations of liberty. All usurpations end in despotism; sometimes temporary re forms call back rulers to tiicir senses; but corruption is contagious—offices after a lapse of years mould the officers; nothing but a thorough overthrow of principal and subal terns can change the usual course of corrup tion in office. There is now' a race in Eng land,. between the lories and whigs, which shall be loudest in the denunciations of liber ty—which shall do most injury to Ireland. A similar attempt is now made in the U. States between the Federalists and the “ self-styled” Union party. They have vied with each oth er in tiicir shouts for the Union ; they have struggled for the mastery in zeal against the liberties of the South ; and have ‘,out-hcrodcd Herod” in their abuse of the true principles of the Constitution; and they have industri- ously sowed divisions amongst us by rewards and punishments; they have alarmed tlie ti mid by their attempts to bring about civil war; they have seized the moment of panic to pass a Bloody Bill, those in power to re venge themselves, to gain allies, anil appoint a #ucccssor—tlie Federalists out of power, in homage to their principles, and to have matters to their liking when they should get 111. -Such is the siltmtioii of tho @outh manacles are forged and fitted to the South ern States; the opportunity if it docs not happen will he sought for to bind them for ever in tlie iron bonds of despotism. The cry of Disunion has been used to dishearten the friends of State Rights; the timid but honest lovers of the Union have been detach ed by the indiscriminate cry of the pervert ed watch-word, “ Union.” “The keen-sighted lovers of place arc always on the look-out for something to neutralize the exertions of the real friends of tlie Constitution ; no Govern ment in the world has .ushed so headlong to power as ouis, in the last four years! They have taxed one portion of Freemen, without recompense, for the benefit of a few favorites! They have originated treaties; established a complete system of rewards and punishments, and by a single dash of the pen, by the dic tum of one popular man, transformed our Re publican Government into a consolidated one ! Where are the talented and chivalrous patri ots of the South ; those who gave brilliancy and honor to the Administration ?—Driven from it3 councils, or withdrawn in msgust from its rank Federal principles ! Not a man south of the Totomac in the councils of our country! Our interest and important con cerns left to chance, or what is worse, to the will of an irresponsible majority—and those amongst us warmest for our cause most out of favor!—For shame ! let us rouse ; let us un ite ; let us pul forth our energies, chalk out our principles, and choose our candidate for the Presidency. The North is in commotion —Webster ;md Van Huron,Cass fc McLean ; the West is throwing out is feelers. Weigh their virtues, talents and patriotism. Have we none South of the Potomac their equals in all essentials for the Presidency? Let those who aim for “ the spoils,” advocate the pretensions of any of these men. Let all the friends of Liberty, and of the peculiar in. stitutions of tlie South, unite upon a Southern candidate. We need not despair—rally arid unite our frionds ; and a candidate will readi ly be selected ; and to the movements of the good “ Old Dominion” wo should look atten tively, No State has a deeper stake at ha zard, and none lias shown a mere constant, lofty, and chivalrous bearing against Federal encroachments. Virginia, then, should show a disposition to unite, ami choose from the great men of tlie South—she may offer her own taleuted sons. The people in the whole south ought to examine the subject and bring out their candidate. No one should seek to be nominated—no man should be thrust for ward : the People, or the Southern States, should single out the individual. We have a galaxy of talents that would do credit to any country, in any age ; then where so many are worthy,let us unite and cliiai.se one to repre sent and carry in our principles. It will he useless to count upon this or that State North of the Potomac ; it tv ill be a game played by designing politicians. We must have u Southern man to unite the South—to prevent being bought and sold upon the eve of a Presi dential election. Our greatest enemies will be those who attempt to divide us. Our sal vation depends upon united action, .1 Citizen of the United Slates —because A Citizen or Ai aba.ua. We pity the want of principle which could suffer a man of Mr. Webster’s talents, to make experiments upon tlie honor and intel ligence of the west—tT> breathe the political pestilence of New England upon those pure waters and beautiful vales which the sun kis ses as be sinks beneath the horrizon. The indignant genius of that yet unsullied clime, might well have rebuked this political Ncssus, for attempting to east the deadly mantle of federalism ov< r the free limbs of the infant giant of the West* —in the hope of entrapping by guile, a power not to be sub dued by force—a power that would laugh to scorn the menaces of atyiiuit, though backed by the purse and the sword of Government. Mr. Webster had realty listeners,however, at Pittsburg, wc have no doubt. Ohio ha* bent tho knee, and bowed her neck to the yoke, of Federal power, in hope of that return for submission, which a wise despot never yet failed to make —the privilege of being pam pered at the expense of those who are resolv ed not to compromise their rights, and who have no wish to survive the liberties of their country. West in its location, the spirit of Ohio is recreant—false to the mighty des tinies that await the West. Well may Dan iel Webster appeal to a spirit like hers, against the free, the proud stand taken by South Ca rolina in opposition—to federal meanness, federal malice, federal usurpation, and the in solence, the atrocity of federal menaces.— here, too, is an electioneering speech—the speech of one wiio hopes at no distant day to occupy that “ pride of place,” whence, if at tained, lie is prepared to fulminate his edicts against the first rebellious State which shall dare question his supremacy. South Caroli na would be the first object of his Executive vengeance. It: this speech, the people of Oiiio are told that the “ Proclamation”—aye the “ Proclamation”—the forerunner of a Bill of Illood—that infamous mandate of a despot, which blots out the very charter of I our liberties—rescinds the very law of our i political being, tlie Declaration of "76—out rages and tramples under foot the sovereign ty of these States—effaces the emblem and chills the inspiration—insults the very genius of this confederacy—this odious and shame less rescript of a tyrant, is l worthy,' it seems —ycs“ worthy lobe carried through at every hazard.” This means that the ‘Union’ is worthy to be preserved at the rich cost of the blood of the people of these States! This is the. ‘ preservation !’ Worthy, indeed, and wonderful ‘ Union,’ which can bo thus ‘pre served !’ Accursed be that ‘Union’ which shall demand for its cement the blood of our citizens. And are we to be mocked and in sulted by hosannas to the ‘ Union,’ issuing from tlie polluted lips of those who while they thus treacherously cant about its ‘bles sings,’ would to-morrow hang it like a mill stone about our necks, and sink us in the last depths of a consolidated tyranny. We say, the sooner the attempt is made the better —confidence is gone—let us look to our selves.—Char. Post. DOMESTIC. Meeting of tlie State Rights 4k Troup party off Talbot comity--Aug. 51 In pursuance of previous notice, a large number of the members of tlie Stale Rights and Troup party of Talbot, met at the Alale Academy in Centrcville, and organised their meeting by calling Col. I’etek F. Alahone to the chair, and appointing Leonard P. Breedlove their Secretory. After the ob j-ot for whivti. the meeting, had been called was discussed, Mr. Thomas C. McKeen of fered, and in a very able and eloquent man ner, advocated the following Preamble anil Resolutions, which were passed without a dis senting voice. Preamble and Resolution*. We, the citizens of Talbot county, mem bers of the Troup party, and professing State Right principles as expressed in the Virginia Resolutions of ’9B, and the Kentucky Reso lutions of ’99, and acted on by George M- Troui* in 1827, esteem it our high and un alienable right to convene and pu dicly ex press our opinion about men and measures on all occasions—and after mature deliberation and patient investigation, do Resolved, That in the opinion of this meet ing, the proceedings of tiic late Reduction Convention, held in Milledgeville on the Ist Monday in May last, should not be ratified for the following reasons, to wit: Jst. It docs not answer the end proposed, in calling the Convention. 2dx Sa 6 e. .mi removing - existing evils, the proposed plan will increase them. 3d. In both houses of the Legislature un der the proposed amendment, a minority of the people will elect a majority of members. 4th. The taxes will he paid by one portion of the State, and their proceeds appropriated by another. sth. The federal basis ought to have been retained, in one house at least, and if it be rejected, a great and permanent injury to the State, and to the South, will he unavoidable. Resolved, That wc will never consent to alter or amend the Constitution of this State, until vve shall be made sensible that justice, patriotism, and good government require it. Resolved, That we reprobate and contemn the efforts of any portion of the people of this State, to alter the Constitution of this State, for purposes of political or party aggrandise ment —he they our friends or our foes. Resolved, That we sincerely regret the manifestation of a feeling among our people to encourage the friends of emancipation, and the foes to the Constitution of tho United States, by tampering with the principles upon which they are both seeking to undermine the vital interests of the South. Resolved, That Joel Crawford is a suit able individual to succeed the present incum bent in the duties of the “ Mighty Workshop ” —that wc have the strongest assurance from his character arid patriotism, that lie will not voluntarily pledge, what he docs not mean, nor in fact comply with; that he will not knuckle and crouch at the feet of felons, nor sue for quarter when the conflict comes be tween the rights of the States and the usur pation of undelegated authority in the Gene ral Government. On motion, Resolved, That tlie proceedings of this meeting be published in the Recorder and Georgia Times—the Hickory Nut and Columbus Enquirer. PETER F. MAHONE, Chairman. Leonard I’. Breedlove, Secretary. COMMENCEMENT. This literary feast or festival, which is an nually served up by our University, to the good people of the State, has once more passed by undistinguished from those which have preceded it, only perhaps, by the rich ness of the repast and the numbers and res pectability of those who partook of it. I hire is nothing that so conclusively proves to our minds the growing importance and favor of Franklin College with the peo ple of Georgia, than tho increasing interest which from veer to year seems to be manifest ed by them, towards its public exercises on Commencement occasions. The crowd which flocked to our Village to witness them on the late occasion, has been rarely, if ever surpassed, either as regards numbers or respectability ; and never we be lieve, so far as respects good feeling and de votion to the prosperity of the institution- From the Mountains and from the Se t Cost —from tlie East and from the 'Vest, came the Divine, the Lawyer, the devotee to the \rh- and Sciciiets, the Planter, the Yeoman —and last, though not least, m ricti profu sion, “ Heaven’s last best gift,” unite to gether in the common cause ol literature, and by their presence and countenance, to advance the interest and respectability of their now favored and flourishing University. We do not pretend to say however, that this j was the paramount object of all who attended the late Commencement ; but do believe there were few indeed, so exclusively devot ed to personal or party aggrandizement as; not to have felt in some degree tlie ail per- j vading influence which actuated the multi tude, or who left us without breathing a| parting benediction for the prosperity and j success of Franklin College. Politicians and religious sectarians may continue to quarrel and squabble on other subjects, but we believe the day lias now ar rived when the University of Georgia has ceased to he influenced or affected by their bickerings. All parties and all sects, with cridit to their feelings as men, and to their li berality as public boil.es, seem to have mutu ally agreed to place it on its proper footing— on a middle ground where they can all meet as citizens of the State,and in a common cause and on a common altar, offer up their sacrifi ces unpolluted by that distrust ami jealousy which so unfortunately eiders into other mat tors connected with the public interest. The Commencement Sermon was deliver ed on the Sabbath, to a large unit respectable audience of citizens and strangers, by the Rev. Dr. WaddcJ, formerly President.of the University. On Monday there were no exercises of a public nature. A meeting of tile Board of Trustees took place for the transact ion of bu siness; the results o. its deliberations, how ever, wc have not yet learned. On Tuesday the Junior Class exhibited be fore a large, and we believe a gratified and delighted audience. The following arc the names of the young gentlemen who engaged in the exercises, and the subjects upon which they spoke : 11. 1,. Benning, P. K. S.’—Tlie triumphs of Reason. * H. Cobb, P. K. S.—The peculiar motives to intellectual exertion in America. 11. V. Johnson. I‘. K. S.—Should the clas sics constitute an essential part of a liberal education ? J. Millcdge, I’. K. S.—The noblest mo tive is the public goo !. F. J. Walker, P. K. S.—lmprisonment for Debt. A. Reese, D. S—Why things are so. On Wednesday, Commencement day, Ad dresses were delivered by ilio following gen tlemen : J. C. Cozby, D. S. (2d Honor) —Latin Sa lutatory. P. Clayton, D. S.—Fame. W. 11. Harris, D. S.—Powers of man arid vicissitudes of his existence. A. P. Powers, P. K. S.— Triumph of Free Principles. C. 11. Ketchutn, P. K. S. (&! Honor) —In- fluence of moral feeling on the Intellect. A. G. Foster, D. S.—The propriety of an equal distribution of properly. J. .S. W. Pinckard, D. S.—“ The true state of every nation, is the state of common life.” J. 11. George, P. K. S.— Manual Labor. B. E. Habersham, P- K. S. (3d Honor) — Utility of Metaphysics. J. J. Gresham, P. K. S. (Ist Honor) —! «- ledictory. After tlie delivery of the public addresses, the degree of A- B. was conferred on the following young gentlemen composing the graduating class; DWil.,. OWtrtvi,— Athens. James C. Cozby— Abbeville, S. C. Adam G. Foster— Green. Bedney Franklin— Athens. James F. \V. Freeman— Savannah. James 11. George— Jones. John T. Grant— Athens. John J. Gresham— Burke. B. Elliot Habersham— Savannah. Edward R. Harden— 4 thens. Wm. 11. Harris— Abbeville, S. C. Daniel Ingles— Whitesborovgh, iV< V, Coldcn 11. Ketchutn— Augusta, Allen B. Means— Madison. \V. Pinckard— Monroe. Abner I’. Powers— Monroe. Henry Saunders— Crawford. Degrees of A.M. were conferred on John •S. Dobbins, John Floyd, Marcus Aurelius I runklin, James \\ atkins Harris, George L. Holmes, llcnry Knccland, Felix M’Kinne, Samuel Rutherford, Ebenczcr Starnes, Wm. W. Wiggins, George Al’Duffie Vance, and George F. Pierce, Alumni of this College, and on Dr. Jacob G. M’Whortcr, a gradu ate of Princeton College. With regard to the whole exercises, we have heard but one sentiment expressed by those with whom wo have conversed on the subject, viz : that they reflected unusual cred it on the Institution, and were well calcula ted to raise it high in the affections and the confidence of the public. Wc understand that 22 have been examined and admitted in to College ; a much larger number than usu al.—Southern Banner. * D. S. and P. K. K. are Initials of the De mosthoiuan and Phi Kappa Societies. Convention—No Ratification. There is an argument, in favor of the pro ceedings ot the late Convention, that has been urged with so much constancy and ap parent earnestness, that it becomes necessa ty to attempt its immediate refutation. Its solidity cannot be, defended, and its fallacy will, we trust, be made apparent to all. Wc are told, that the amendments proposed by the Convention, arc little better (hah the pro visions of the existing Constitution, and that if they arc rejected, there is no possibility of obtaining a reduction of the members of our Legislature for a number of years to come, lienee the advocates ot ratification,sav, that tue true question for the consideration of the people, is, not ‘.‘whether the proposed amend ments are what we would wish, but whether they are not better than the Constitution as it now stands.” But isthissu ? and is it true, that the rejection of the alterations proposed by - the Convention, will place it out of our power, to have another Convention, or be yond the range of a reasonable probability, that other amendments more unexceptiona* bie in their provisions, and less unequal ope' ration, will be made, and submitted to the consideration of the people ? The truth is it the proposed alterations are sanctioned, and the amended Constitution is- ratified, toerc will bo no hope ot a future Convention, no prospect of additional emendations. Tbt question will then be settled-the Cen«titu tion will then have been altered, and its pra C . tical operations must demonstrate its impoli. cy, its inequality, its injustice, before we can reasonably anticipate a preparedness on the part of the public, to entrust to another con vention.the important business of remodelling their Constitution. But suppose the proceed, ings of the Convention are rejected, and the people, in tlie exercise of their discretion refuse to ratify the proposed alterations, what then will be our situation ? We will he ■ thrown on the ground we occupied, anterior I to the meeting of the Convention—we wffj | be placed under our existing Constitution ; with a thorough conviction of its defects, and | of the necessity of its immediate alteration | and amendment. And will not this amend | ment be had—this alteration be effected? j who can doubt it ? What produced the late | Convention ? What caused the attempted im provement of our Constitution ? it was t | |( , | conviction, that the prosperity of the State ! and the interests of its people, required its ; amendment, 't was, in short, the influence iof public opinion. And now when the mind ; is enlightened, when the defects of the Con. stitution are more glaring, and the propriety of its amendment, is obvious to the dullest vision, and plain to the most obtuse intellect are we to be told, that the people will be sat isfied, —that they will wear chains that gal) and carry burdens that oppress them) And' this too, when tlie increase of our population the extension of our territory, and the mul-' tiplication of out counties, render every year the burdens greater, the Opposition more severe, and the inequality in our representa tion, more unequal ? Why have we not had a Convention long before ? Because public opinion was either not ripe for a change, or it was not strong enough to force one. But at last, the people became clamorous—tlie* spoke in tones of thunder, and demanded, not only a reduction of the number of our Legislators, but an equalization of cur re. presentation. Their voice was heard, but their expectations were defected—their mur murs were regarded, but their complaints am not silenced. Amt will the fact of their frowning indignantly, upon live puny effort that is now made, to hood-wink and deceive them, have a tendency to calm the feelings of their discontent, or to silence tho voice of their complaint ? Will they be content to live under a constitution, that all—even those who lately in the Legislature, opposed their wishes ami defeated their will—acknowledge to he defective, and to require important a mendincuts ? And what difficulty—permit us to ask—will there be in the way of having another Convention? If vve fail once, througn the influence of party arrangement, or sectional combinations, arc wc never to make another effort ! Will wc not be en. couraged, to demand now anew Convention —to expect an amendment of the Conatih*. tion hi the manner that is prescribed bv tbs instrument itself. Every individual w pre pared to admit, that the Constitution mus'.bc reduced—that our expenses must be curtail, cd—and that our representation must be equalized. And will these faets be less obvi ous, and our conviction of their truth less strong, if the proposed amendments arc re jected by the people ? And if another Con. volition is demanded, and other amendments arc required, will not the one be had and the other aflectcd ? Who can resist the strength of rußLic oi'inion ? Who can stint its voice, or limit its requisitions? It shakes thrones, overturns dynasties, revolutionizes Governments, brings Kings down to the hu mility ot subjects, and exalts subjects to the dignity of Kings. When once excited, it walks through the land with a firm step and a withering glance; now, like the anger of insulted Omnipotence, it blasts all opposition; and then with,tho whirlwind’s dmdful sweep it bears away every obstaclo that intercstew interpose, and every difficulty that ingtawty can suggest. A* p'j'olic opinion's now rife on this subject., wc do not believe that the people w-fi ac t wisely in prefering the pro ucscj alterations of our Constitution, to the I Constitution as it now stands—because the only object they can possibly gain,is a reduc tion of the number of their representatives, and a diminution of their expenses—when to get these, they render their representation more unequal—their taxes more dispropor tionate—and make the distribution of politi cal power more unjust, and above all, aban don a principle in our Government, that has always been regarded, as the sheet-anchor of our safety. If then, the amendments are ra tified, the proposed Constitution, objectiona ble as arc its provisions,, unequal as it makes our representation, abandoning as it does,one of the conservative principles of our Govern ment —will be fixed upon us for years to come, without tiic probability of its amend ment. But if the proceedings of the Con vention are rejected, we will soon have our Constitution so amended, as to reduce more largely the number of our representatives— to diminish more extensively the amount of our expenses—to equalize more satisfactori ly our representation, an 1 to preserve more permanently the fundamental principles of our Government. With these facts before tlrero, will the people suffer their minds to he diverted from tlie contemplation of the true question! (Fill they act on this imjiortant subject, under the presumption, that the re jection of the proposed amendment, precludes the possibility of having another Convention, of having another Constitution ? Believing they will not, wc will, in the conclusion o our remarks, adopt as our own, the language of the distinguished and lamented “Orator of Roanoke”—“lf the people shall assent to ratify it—well and good— there is an end of the. mrxflcr-tbeir’s is the power—though uieirs will not be the glory.” —ll ash. yews. WV T t 11.11 AKE B> •asi© asraautffaso riMIE subscriber rcspectfullyitiforms I* ls A and the public, that iie has taken a P* the store occupied by James M. •■reefl ’ where lie will attend to Watsh-repatring its branches—Also, Engraving of * vcr y scription. Ladies and Gentleman s v cards, neatly engraved—door plates, n*w P “ cuts, As. . N. B.— Jobbing and copper-plate printing' ly executed—Gold melting—the palrouag public is respectfullysolicited. -_ K WM. W. IIOOPEB- grf Macon, May 12. HE f WE. V CHE f WILL attend tho Buperior Uoun* the Counties of M tiwagcc, Sumpter, Stewart, Harlan, a»4 Uarrvtotph, Talbot, Upvno, ***? ;J-K El'inlic, Ham. < cunty, Juru I-