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FOREIfi.I. FKOM THE NEW YORK AMERICAN. Affair*, of P*rtagnl. The following communication of X, is from the pen of a true-hearted and clear-headed American, and as such, readily finds a ( late inuur columns, though and life ring in its vu ms of the Portuguese quarrel, iron, iliose we have taken: Mr. Editor : —I have read wi h great re gret, notwithstanding my admiration lor toe brilliant acluo incuts ol Nupn r, the account in yesterday’s paper of tiie capture of Don Miguel’s fleet, by that of Don Pedro, and ol the still mere uii;sjri.iiit successes in the- Al gar res. As Auiciicaus, wc have much r. a son to u plorc ev i.is tci.dni. to increase Don Pe fro’s chance <>t sutci.ss. ror the n.onii ni that lie shad find Inn.s. it s..feiy csi.ibiisueil in the palace ol i.ragai.za, ami ioi.i ol Forte gal in tiie name of les tiuu-iil r, llie full mea sure of ms wruiu Hill be- turned towards tin Only nation winch has acted vvitn perfect neutrality throughout the struggle; and Which, following her invariable rule, ulrion lias Us ioumiattoii in respect for the para mount law of the popular will, was the first to recognize Don .Miguel as the law ful King of Portugal—as the man whom the Portu guese trait almost with unanimity const nted to obey. According to miriest, (me will of the People,) Miguel is m fact almost the only le gitimate sovereign id Europe, lnsleud of the favor which Americans now find in Por tugal, as tlie only foreigners who have avoid ed any interference in her political affairs, we shall be received with distrust; our incr chants will be hampered in their bu mess, and obstacles of all sorts thrown m tiicir way —and instead of that »oinmercial treaty, which would speedily have placed us on the footing of the most favored nations, the flag of our Union will, with difficulty hod entrance into the Tagus, The British ensign, on the contrary, will float there in undisturbed pro eminence, and Portugal return again to that colonial state in wlircn she has languished for so many years. I cannot help wondering, Mr. Editor, at the strange delusion which prevails m this coun try, on the subject of the great struggle by which Portugal is now convulsed. We arc in general a clear-sighted People in whatever concerns our own interest; and yet in tins matter wc have been completely led astray. We have had our heads turned by the cry of liberty and constitution, which the followers of J)on Pedro have sent forth, and been mys tified by the liritish Press into the belief that England was standing forth as the champion of freedom throughout the world. W’e have lent credence to the thousand falsehoods and calumnies invented by the most polluted press that ever existed, and given unqualified faith to w hatever has been told us, of ihc des potism and cruelty of Don Miguel, and the heroic devotion ot Don Pedro to the emanci pation ol Ins country. In short, we have been brought to consider the question as simply ol liberty on the one side, and despotism on the other. Nothing can be more fallacious than the notion that England is actuated in this mat ter by any love of freedom. W ith France it may be otherwise. In all her excesses of en thusiarn in the cause of liberty,she has shown a disposition to make proselytes, and propa gate her doclrincs in other countries. At the present moment, too, the throne which finds its II on so and unsteady a foundation, is w illing enough to divert the public attention from domestic nflairs, and tickle the fancies of Frenchman with the idea of extending liberty abroad. W ith England, i speak of coutse of the Government, and noi ol the subjects, whose gullibility is so su perior to our own, the case is wholly different. The sole actuating cause of liritish interfe rence in the afiaiis of Portugal is to place a puppet of her own on the throne, by iicansof liritish arms and liritish money, and thus re cover that ascendancy there, which she for merly possessed, without participation, and so selfishly rxercised. It is a question of pounds and shillings. To add a few more to the national store, she has not hesitated twice to int.oduce anarchy arid revolution into Portugal. By means ol her emissaries and tier told, she has excited the factious to conspire against the Govern ment, which tho mass ol the people wished for ami obeyed; exhausted the wealth and productive in iusiry of the country in arma ments anil preparations for nut mu* and ex ternal doi'e.lCd i driven thousands Into exd , and caus. and ire; best ol mat once g.ori oiis bill i.i.i, mm to flow freely o . lire seal foid. England is answerable to outraged hu niaqity and to Heaven, for tee civil war which she 13 now introducing into the noart ot that devoted country. But what is tone the result of lliia/toi.flict ? It is difficult for a nation so inconsiderable in numbers, and of such impoverished it sources, to struggle against llto combined efforts ol England and France, aided by the lew tac tions spirits, traitors to the national cause, Whom she may have cherished within her bosom. It is possible that the cause of Pe dro will prevail, and Portugal, drenched with blood and exhausted, fall anotir r victi n to foreign interference. But the strangle will no sooner be finish and than it will commence anew. The clergy, exercising undisputed sway over the people, will stir taem up to shake oil'the intrusive government, forced up on them from interested views by strangers to their usages and their religion. The con stitution ami the liberty presented to them from the points of British bayonets, they will hurl back with disdain. And Portugal, if o vercome, which wc sail do not believe slit will be, will return to her presciptivc right ol being governed as she lists. The follow ing sketcli of the relative posi tions, population, and resources, of the cities and coun'ry lately taken fom Don Miguel, by the Ibices of Donna Maria may be interest ing at this moment:— 'iuC little province of Algarve, which for merly cn.isti'uleil a part of the Moorish king dom of that jnttnc, extended nearly over the whole of tb* soulhern coast of Spain, and in eluded a part of Africa, t.mu .h still denom inated a kingdom, is vciy much curtailed. Ii is separated on the north from A lent* jo by the mountain* of MoU‘'he*|'»c !,| *d Csnllc-ro, and from Spain by tho G uadi ana } the mmiili <rn part i» bounded by the Atlantic Ocean. Its situation is p' culiarl) favorable for coin in' rc«*, posH l .ring a gr< at< r number of good Harlmrs than any oilier equal portmn of the country, Its great* -* length ts 7*l miles from • art to west, sod limit |7 to -> * broad, from Mufi <o •uutlt. It rout ..ns four cit s*, Id towns, til villages, and about 94,000 inhabi tants. The country, however, wants corn, from neglect of tillage, for the I dis good, and produces wine, off, r ia-, i.;;ii man;, j ot li. r fruits of which s v.-r and cargo's are year ly exported: there is also a good fishery on i the coast. Lagos, formerly the capita! ot tins kingdom, is an ancient city, seated on the bay of the same name, imigu.de by the larges ships; it is 1!8 miles distant, soutlfcJty fas of Lisbon, and contains nearly 3000 inhabt tants. It is irregnlariv fortified, and tw o fur. defend the harbour. Tavira, the pres- nt c pitalof Algarve, is a rather considerable city lit stands in a I rtile and pleasant neighboi ood, Ido miles southeast ot Lisbon, and -V from I algos; it has an excellent harbor, an is divided by a river into the east and wn - towns There are some vary 010 fortifies :.ons and a castle, hesu!' - two forts that dt fend the harbor. Ii contains 1100 houses and above 3000 inhabitants. Faro is a city with modern fortifications and a castle. 1 is situated in a level country, on a leiy 2' miles south by west of Tavira, ami has a goo* but difficult harbor for ships not cxcecdinj 200 tons burden. It is the sec of a Ilishoj and contains nearly 3000 inhabitants, win carry on a considerable trade in wine, sail, fruits, Ac. Its low situation renders it ra ther unhealthy. It suffered much in th great earthquake in 1733, by which ciftir streets were converted into ruins. The juris diction of this district and city belongs to tin Queen of Portugal, whose ouvidir reside.- here, to collect her revenues, administer th laws, Ac. All these cities have a sufficient number of churches, convents, &c. From the Heston Daily Advertiser , August 16. E.vglvnd.—The late accounts from England render it probable, that a crisis is approach ing, the result is not easily forseen. It isob vious, that the present ministry may rely with confidence on the support of the llouso oi Commons, and that the House itself express es more clearly than at any former period, tin popular will : hut it is almost equally plain, that whenever the strength of parties shall In tested in the House of Lords, a majority will hi; found against them. This state of tilings affords abundant room for speculation, and tin French and English journals accordingly a boun iin comments and predictions. Should the House of lairds consent to yield, as it Ini done hitherto, to the wishes of the people, the only difTDulty is, that they effectually losi their influence, as an independent branch of tiic Government: hut, on t#e other hand, i they venture to assert their constitutional rights, tiro consequences of such a step ur likely to be pretty serious. There is rio prob ability, that a Tory mim-try could sustain it self for any length offline: if Earl Grey is opposed by the House of Peers, the Duke of Wellington would meet with still more an fhoritativo opposition fro.n Commons and the people. The influence of the Lords may !> paralyzed by the creation of new Peers . hut this measure, under existing circumstances, though within the limits of the royal preroga tive, is evidently hosiiie to the spirit of the Constitution, an tone upon which the King has thus far betrayed no haste to venture. Il would appear, that the first step is about to be taken bv the Peers, by making a decisive stand against the bill introduced by ministers for the Reform of the Irish Church; which, at the last dates, had been sent to them by the House of Commons. Should this prove to he the case, onr next accounts from England will possess more than usual interest. Maelzel . —This ingenious man ha? made a fortune by bis exhibitions in tho United States, and so may any other ingenious man. There is no country in tiie world which pays so well for its amusements, or its curiosity, as ours. His Automaton Chess Flavor, after aston ishing the two continents, is now about to visit tiie West Indies. The secret oft is move nmnt is yet undiscovered. We are surprised •it the readiness with which tile GVmpilt rs of Magazines, arid the Editors o! E-e;. cinpedias have given into the imt'oii, that a dwarf is concealed in the box attached to the figure. I'ne London Encyclopedia contains some well executed plates, showing how a figure ,-ould ho concealed. But in our liumhk judgment, and in tins we have the concurrent -ipinu) iof the Editor of the Boston Journal, Mr. Mac.z I is ttic dir. sting power,and ‘here ,s no other. The dwarf must be a long suf fering cr. ature to consent to sit doubled up for so many years, in order to oblige the pro ,‘rietor, a.id ruin his own health, or else tne hvarf race must be very accomodating to tuve had a member of their family ready at a noment's wanting to g > all over the world, uni play cheas for Vo.i Keinpeien and Mac I zcl, during tile Ust 50 years! Who ever heard tho little mail sneeze or cough ? Be the '• xhibitio i ever sn crowded, or the room ■verso hot or cold, no noise is heard front the naumkin !! “ All around is silent!” I’her are some circumstances connected •vith the A itomatoil Chess Player confirming is in the opinion iiiat Mr. Muelzcl directs its movement. First. Machinery has boon constructed to do things as difficult a- to play chess. Mr. Babbage’s calculating machine is far more astonishing. Second. All the movements of the Auto maton inav be referred to two simple ones, one forward to any given line of squares, and the other at right angles to the fbrmet ex tending to any given square. If the arm w' Ic.'i is set in motion and opens its thumb mechanically can bo stopped at pleasure in these two directions, ttie great difficulty is overcome. Third. B cause the figure never played without Mr. Maelzel’s first touching the chess board,and carefully handling the piece cor r spending with that played by its adversary. His pauses were often very great even in placing this piece, which would have been done instantly, if the dwarf played the game. The figure always moved immediate after Mr. Maelzel stepped back. Fourth. B came the American Automa ton unquestionably contained no dwarf, Imt was mov'd by machinery, and it imitated Mr. ! Mai Izel'sclo««ly. It played null its left inn, that the person managing the machine could it, ! his right arm, evident y shewing that Ins convenience was consulted In fore that of any poison inside. Fur the person I i .side would neetl obliged to use his left arm n pitying. Fifth, Because llu American machine j was at fust very often beaten. A* aoon, how. I ever, a* the pro pm u,r iicrfs.il hi* stock ofl books <>n tie vilij' it ofr'.iiss, and improved ! GEORGIA TIMES AND STATE RIGHTS’ ADVOCATE. in Ins own playing, the machine improved and not before. bixih. Because the American proprietor t b . .pounced that he bail some idea ol discovering the secreet to the public upo; setting a certain sum of money subscribed <>. nade up to hitn, Mr. Maelzel bought the ma chine ! The American proprietor would never lave dared the risk upon the money's be in: •o raised, to nave told the public “ tliero t.* lolhitig curious about it—after all a dwarl lavs the game T’ He was too shrewd am •enslble a person for that. Our reasons arc notail given, but wc think uere is enough iu them to coil vine a our rea rs, that the Automaton is a machine of ad .nrablc yet simple construction, and that i .ireeled hy Mr. Maelzel. The doubts that l ive arisen, Mr. Maelzel no doubt w ishes to lontiimc. Take away the mv sterv. mid tin Vutomiton would not have made its master’s ortune. POLITICAL. 3 bite basis project—l tion. We regret tiiat wo had not sooner seen the ssays of Baldwin. It would have saved us lunsidcruhle time an ! labor, for we were go ng upon the same train of investigation hi ias pursued. But on seeing bis unanswera ole demonstrations, we have thrown aside what we had written, and refer the reader to his elearc-r amt better written articles in this lay’s paper. All we shall now do is to am plify a little, and place out rather more dis tinctly to i*s> If, the find result that oiircs!- lululinns had in view, and which Ballwin has alluded to among several other important truths he has presented. It relates to the white basis only. As the constitution now stands, wc ail know that tin; white population is unequally represented. The fact now demonstrated is, that if tiie proposed amendments of the cou stitufion should be ratified, THE WHI TE POPULATION WILL BE MORE INF, QU ALLY REPRESENTED THAN THEY NOW ARE. If this can be proved, we claim the vote of .■very white basis man in the State agams. ratification ; for no =u h person can with any consistency, vote to place the white popula tion on a worse footing titan t iat on which it now stands , for lie would Have to ackowledge that to improve the condition of the white population is not his object. We think Baldwin has made a mistake of an unit, hy allowing 34 nu mbers to the 27 counties having the highest white population: •ve ran make but 83. The error however ii it he one, is ton srn II to effect materially the final result; and whether more or less, it is against himself. We proceed to the proof that the proposed amendments would make the inequality o! representation even amengthe whites greater than it now is. The white people, of tho 27 most populous counties, being I'M,OH in number, and electing 83 members, gives (besides the fraction of a person) one mi tuber for every 2,183 persons. And the rest of the white peo ple of the State, say 133,614, elect 94 members—This gives one member for every 1,421 persons. The present difference therefore is 767 Thus stands the matter at present. It now requires seven hundred and sixty-seven more white persons in certain parts of the State for a representative, than it dots in other parts. W ill the iiinposct -It..—ni .t ino» equal among the whites than it now is 1 By the plan proposed, the 18i,681 whites of the most populous counties will elect 69 members, or one member ibr 2,633 persons. And the remaining 133,614 of th white population, w ill ct 73 members—4 his gives one member for every 1,781 persons. Proposed difference, 832 Leaving there loro the black population en tirely out of view ; leaving all questions of property out of view; taking no notice of the greater amount of taxes pai . in some parts ot the country, for the benefit of other parts; but taking tiie Convention on its own ground, thn white basis, the situation of this white population would hy the proposed change be ren lered worse than it now is in the exact proportion that 832 is greater than 7G7. The white people of Georgia are now 707 belotv equal. Il is proposed to make thorn 852 be low equal. Subtract the smaller number from the greater ; tiie difference is **3. So that the juggling of the Convention would disfranchise—would actually sink arid anni luiatc the cq ml rights and privileges of the free white people of Georgia to the extent ot 3.7 white persona to every representative.— Need any more be said to consign the project to the lasting reprobation of nil intelligent people ?—Georgia Journal. From the U. S. Telegraph. Facts vs. Theory. Not only has the price of coffee advanced since the repeal of tfle duty; the price of tea has also advanced—and wc find the following in the Philadelphia U. B. Gazette. “ It is a fact well worthy the attention of tbs) honest oppesefs of protection to American ; industry, that the principal articles of British manufacture which arc admitted at a reduced duty under tho altered tariff hare, advanced in price in England, so as to cost the consumer here more than when they paid a higher rate. Stuff' goods of every description, of which tin consumption in this country is immense an increasing, hate advanced full 15 per cent, and coarse woll ns generally from 10 to I2j per cent.” Ilia our Mr. Anti-TariflT any calculations to make in explanation of these facts ? Il'hr has, we should be gl.ul to he made acquainted with them. By the way, does the inci msc. prices tve pay for British alutfs and eoarsi wolli ns profit the laborers or tho capitalists o England ? Os th..s rise in the prico of wollous th. manufacturers of rhts country have no occa sion to complain. They, too, will increaw their price* accordingly. Good resuit* ti • he, sheep grower, tor wool lias advanced in price. Dut wherein is the consumer profit fd ? What becom *of the forty bale theory ? W’e hope Mr. Anti-Tariff - will apeak to these matter*. —ti run n mi ti (In ». Yu VVliai purpose arc the above r. marks made ! Is it to convey the idea that a diminu tion of duty on an imported articles does not diminish in its price; or that un increase ot duty is not followed by an increase of price; and that tins may be considered as a general proposition, on the truth of which the tuinois of the above named G.iZcltc arc willing to Make their characters as political economists? Or do they mention them as anomalous, ex traordinary cases, out of the usual run of busi ness, and which they can neither untb rstuu : nor explain ! Il would seem to lie the former .Mill the Philadelphia Journal, and tiie hitter witn the Cinciunatl Gazette. Had not tiie Philadelphia Gazette intended that its readers should draw such a conclu sion, it would scarcely have recommended die facts stated, to the consideration of the “noucst opposers of protection.” V. c may therefore presume, that the Gazette wishes to in numbered among the “11001*1.” friends ol protection. W e shall consider it as such, and will ask the Gazette, that if duties can be laid upon imported commodities without increasing their price, how conns it that iberc has ever been found, by any nation, any difficulty in raising any amount of revenue by duties on importations, w hich the necessi ties of the State may require ! and, also, how it conics that all the civilized nations of the earth have been desirous of a diminution of the duties upon imported articles ? Tins, os a general proposition, is true, altito’ there are portions of all nations who wish a continua tion of duty on the commodities which may come-into competition with the commodities w hich they themselves produce. For example ; tiie wooden inanlifactnrcr of the United Slates will be very willing to see the duty on wool taken olf, as ho knows and confesses, that by admitting that the wool ouiy free, he gets it at u less price than if he had to pay 10 coins a pound duty for it. The same with the indigo. Neither will he have any ot.jc ctio to get his sugar from Cuba, without the additional 2j cents. 8o it is with the sugar planter of Louisiana, lie would he very wiliin.. t« get his woollen from Eu rope, but the woollen manufacturer tells him, we cannot consent to that, uuless you will allow us to get oursugar from Cuba, without paying the g£ cents duty on them. The su g.r planters and the woilen manufacturer make their calculations, and they find, the one, that he will get more by the increase on the duty, titan he pays on his woollens; and the oluer, that he makes a similar gain on ins woilens. They, therefore, conic to the very natural conclusion, that low duties are are very good things, in themselves, but high duties are the best for them. Tats opinion of the increased price produ ced by duties on importations, although indi rectly denied, as in the instance above, by (lie two Gazettes, is yet as indirectly, if not directly, acknowledged, by tiie wuole coutse of the two Gazettes,and of their party gener ally. Why <io they wish the duties continu ed, if those duties will riot keep up the price; and why do they dr ad their diminution, if they do not feel that diminishing tiie duties will diminish lit* price ? There is also one other fact which, being universally received ;isa fact, will not be de rited by the Gazettes. High duties produce and increase smuggling. How could tins pussibly he unless the high duties increased the price? It is only by selling the commo dity at an increased price, that the smuggler can carry on his business. Lower the duty, and smuggling ceases. The li-k of .let- ctiou containing tiie same, and the price of the commodity diminishing he cannot any longer run the risk for the sake of the moderate prof it of the dnninshed price. Licrriisfc the duty —the price rises., ami it*» rs ngatn m ms triuiu. We put it to the two Gazettes. If the in crease of price which lias occurred in the cof fee and woolens contemporaneously with the modification of the tariff is to be consider! and ns a permanent rise, as produced by that mod* ificat.on—and as the usu-,1 result of a dimin ution of duty? Why should a manufacturer be averse to a diminution of duty ? There is rio mode of getting over the difficulty. One of three things must he the case. The in crease of price has nothing to do with the duty or it is the resuit of an anticipated increased demand arising from the conUinitJateu reduc tion, and will therefore, not be permanent,or the manufacturer are opposing a measure which is to their advantage, and all their out cries about th ; ruin tint w ill result to th- in from dimnishing tho duties, arc false and de cs ptious. W'o leave them to take their choice of their horn of the dilemma. A3 the Cincinnati Gazette asks an cxpla ilXtion of the facts, we will gWc it, and almost an answer to its questions. As to the coffee, the increased price tnay arise from several causes. There may lie an increased demand iu other countries. There nftv have been a dimtnsilied supply. There may have been &11 expectation of an increased demand conse quent upon the modification of tiro tariff'- Any one of thus may li .vc been tiie cause of tiie rise, and all may have concurred to produce it. 'These Inst being only connected with the modification of the tariff', so far as the rise is produced by that, it will be temporary. So far as the rise is produced by thg other causes, it will he effected according to the general principles of supply and demand. A rise in the foreign article was to have been < xpecled i as a matter of course. An increased demand woul I be anticipated in proportion to the di minution of the duty. If the increased price produced by tho anticipation, which we tnm call the speculative rise, should exceed or equal the diminution of duty, the demand will not increase, it will remain stationary,ordi inmish,accordingly as the rise increases or di minishes beyond the amount of duty taken 08. It the rise should he less, there will he an in ernas (I demand for the commodity, until the nriee regulates itself according to the general ratio us the supply to the demand. 'These ire the general principles—our readers can apply them to the particular cases. From the Tuscaloosa Intelligencer. TIIE UNIONISTS. I lie politicians are busy in coining appropri. ate name * to suit their purposes. Thev are sat sfied that Shakspeare was mistaken when he *aid that“a rose by any other name would smell as sweet and that certain principles will lie much more acceptable to tho people under 'he name of Unionism than under the name of Federalism. Oar neighbors, we ti list, will no! he alarmed at the uso of this last term; we have reference to tho editor of the Nation al Gaz ttc, tvl. 1 has never ‘aken offence at be-1 mg called a feth ralist. On the contrary, Iu j affirm l that repiitilicaunnn may do in times i of political ttinshinc aivl quint, but when- storms arise end t e government must act 11 critical emergencies, federalism must com to its support or it wilt fail to pieces. Wbil '.ve speak of tins editor therefore, we wouiu not have any ol our neighbors to l>e hasty 1. applying our remarks to themselves. W. made some observations, not long since, i. regard to a letter of Judge Crawford, to th. editor o. the Savannah Republican, in w iiici lie spoke of the manner in which it was at tempted to inculcate federalism in Georgia. AV uat does this mean ?’ said some of om neighbors; ‘for whom was tins cap intend ed? It looks like it had been made for us.' And so they tried it on ; ami however well ii may have fitted them,still they didnot like its looks ; and therefore began to hml fault with us lor having made it. Now, as we arc very much disposed to cultivate peace, it seems right to us to give this caution to those who may ho very sensitive ; do not appropriate In yourselves, with too much greediness, tha' winch you ate willing to acknowledge as properly belonging to you. Alter thispro- ICStunda, ivo may vtiilui* to speak of tilt use w Inch the editor of ibeNaiional Gazette desires to make of the term Unionists. Let him speak for himself. “ The mam and very seiious di unction ot American parties/ w ill ere long be that of the / - uiuiuit*, on one hand, defending the supremacy und integrity of onr National anil Federal Sys t m, under the plain text and spirit, and old up prehension of the Goiistitulien ; and, on the otli er, the disallecteit Nuiiifiersof the south, ral ying under all sorts of real and spurious Ntate rights, antiquated party prejudices, positions, and nick names, the questions of tne Enforcing Act, the Abolition ot Slavery, Internal improvement. Tariff', and so forth. The Unionists (now tin greui majority ot the people) will have something more to do for the iiitul triumph of their cause Ilian to resist the theory and piactice of nullifica tion : it -will be essential, on their side, iliut tm nalional defences' and plans of Internal Improve ment, and rite establishments which set ure an in dependent judiciary, a sound currency, an abun dant revenue, and .1 domestic supply of manufac turers, shoal Jbe preserved. In orut-r to perpetu ate the Union, the strength and dignity of Hit j General Government must bo consulted ; aim J Hus, not only by the means which we have jus. ! indicated, but by the choice of function ini;-. kuowu to be thoroughly principled and mliexibiy Is ted fast.” No one, we think, will deny that this i,- fedoruiism of the rankest grow th, which it i> attempted to propagate under the name ol L tnomstn. A supreme national government i> to be maintained, operating in all places, in terfering With our local affairs, restituning trade, regulating our industry, and in tiled assuming unlimited power, wtitle all preten ces as to the rights ot the States are to he op posed as visionary and absurd, leading to dt>- affection, turbulence, and ultimately to disu nion. 'This is t:te line vvhicn tne editor 01 the Gazette says is now being drawn. Ii you go lor the Union, according to Ins doc trine, you must give upSta e rights, as incom patible with n strong central government. But all tiffs, il may tie said, can have no application to us. O.; no : we are all goon republicans here, of course. Still there can be no harm in taking some cure to remain so, in these tunes of political cunning and trans formation. We have been told, even here, that there are hut two parties; that there i.- 110 middle-ground, that tState rights men art hut tiuililiers in disguise ; and that the ten dency of their doctrine is to disunion. If tu ker pon tn tins way, is there no danger that tho editor of the National Gazette should ho able, after a while, to gather us into his foiti of genuine Unionists? Against all this w. protest. We cumiot coalesce politically with those who sneer at State rights ; because, woollier they design it or not, they are aidmi nmi arc onsiiy engaged in arraying a • powerful parly in favor ot the iti/solnlv su premacy oi the General Government. W 1 call upon the reading community to mark the course of parties both iu the North and South, and say whether tiits- views be not just. We call upon the friends ol State rights, not nr partiz.ins, but ns patriots, not as men who have assumed popular names for place or lot poiv r, I ut ns thesa wtio huve advocated the rights of the States because they believed their preset,alien essential 10 the preserva tion of'liberty, afitl the perpetuation of the U nieitl ; tve cait upon them to hold fast to the true- republican faith promulgated in 1798. Do you not S' the > fforts that arc making 10 tiie Northern States, to array the old federal party ir. a form * ven inure offensive and dan gcrons than it originally assumed? Thet boast that they have already on their side a large majority of the people of the United States. Nome opposition they expect, and they expect from the South ; hut, encouraged hy our divisions, seeing us divided up into nullifiers, State rights men, rind Unionists— we beg pardon, Union meite-tlicy trust that our opposition will bo feeble. Is there no necessity for union among ourselves? This is a propitious time, the election is over and much bitterness of feeling, we trust, has passed off with that contest. Let hobbies now bo laid aside, and let all who arc true re publicans unite their efforts against the op posite principle. Federalism, or Unionism, (names are nothing if we can come at the m aning) tends to the concentration of al; political power in the federal government, and, indirectly, it tends to disunion; b;caus< our system <• an riot bear this compression : t wiil fly into “dishonored fragments,” to ns. the language of Mr. Webster, sooner than it can be converted into a single governmen with unlimited power.— Ala. Ini. AEXEANT TACTICS. When Gov. Lumpkin pardoned (he iir.pri sotii'ff missionaries, (Worcester and Butler,) conjecture and speculation were busy as to the secret influence w liicli h.t.l brought abou so unexpected a result just in time to sav Georgia from being subjected to iho forcc bill The mystery is developed at last. On our firs page will be found the ropy of a letter Iron B; ias W right, Jr. (U. 8. Senator,) Azarinh C Flagg, (Comptroller of the State of N. Y.) am Jo in A. Dix, (adjutant general;) andanotiie k ih r signed by Elipbalet Nott (the presiden of the Union college,) Win. L. Marry (now governor, then U. S. senator.) R. 11. W'ol. worth (chancellor of New York,) G. C. Bron son (attorney-general,) Simeon Ik wilt, (snr veynr-grneral.) John Savage, (chief-justice, Mr. Sutherland, (supreme mutt judge ;) al •f them members of the Albany regency with the exception of the venerable Dr. Noll and that he should wander from his classic In on the banks of the .Mohawk to take part i 1 political iutrigue, i* a matter of surpris and regret. These letters arc aildn ssed i< Gov. I.utnnkin—they justify the course 0 Georgia—they aclcnotrledgr. the equity am I'irtioo of the imprisonment—and thev orgi the release of Messrs. Worcester and rTT i,.on political reasons. “We new su-ah politicians," sav they. Yes, Georgia Ua. “ no trouble with the U. S. govermnemtfi! us get her out ol the scrape; but for South Carolina, let her go to th e __|* ur 1. r own way. Let tins matter be underst!* it is not the state of New York stepp,„.,T' .vurd as a mediator, through her cons,,,'" l luthonties, as Virginia properly ffm South Carolina affair—but a handful of j T* going partisans, without any authority f ,ne state, director indirect, audaciously , n I° B •bring with the internal policy of a .iu state, and virtually telling Georgia tha, q ,us not bruins enough to manage | itr Me easiness! Had governor Lumpkin treat!!! these meddlers as they deserved, he *„ It uave returned their letters in a blank env! jpe. If they are encouraged in this moll, course, we shall see them ere lonw vt r ;.- letters to the executive of Virginia tell mm what to do with the slaves,°u hat cr j IDR ,ia!s he must pardon. Perhaps they winky •y settle our vexed boundary question «ith Maryland. We should like to see them mak ;he experiment on John Floyd—-they , V 0 tmd him a different sort of a man from Win™, Lumpkin. 011 This attempt by the Van Buren regency New York to control the internal ,fi air ' sos Georgia, cannot but arouse strong and g ene " ff indignation within her borders, if there be my spirit find independence amongst the , »coplc. It must be very faltering to Ult| . state pride to see their slate police d,rrri„l by Martin \ an Buren’s Albany cabal. L Winchester Republiean. From the United States Telegraph. Some of the Union party in South Carolina arc openly raising the standard of federal, i hev are xmv—since the appearance of the proclamation—throwing oil the inask aril showing that they are realty federalists, and that then opposition to nullification is found, ed upon the same'principles that produced the opposition to Jefferson, Madison and Gilt* n ’93. ’ The line is ns distinctly drawn as it baser, er been drawn by ns, or by any nulhfii r. Jet', b rsoii, Madison, and Calhoun, on one side. Tins is now acknowledged. '1 he identity of their views and principles is so plain that some oi the Unionists no longer pr tend to deny it. They did to be sure deny it for a 'voile, but they have ever become ashamed of (tie denial as shewing cowardice, they arc flattered by the hope that tinder the name of Jackson they cun resuscitate the federalism nf ’9B. Wu arc struck with the art and duplicity with w nicli they have acted. Ilowcomal tc. iv dtd they conceal their real sen ti meats!— >V hen suspected and charged with it—bo-y indignantly did they deny it? And tbrir opposition to nullification. It proceeded, tiny Raul, from Us clhcacy ! It would not answer the purpose contemplated I ohuo!— 1 hey wanted a southern convention, and ii they could not su coed by means of a coorto uon, in ioicing a repeal of the tariff, lacy would then succede from the Union. This was tiietr avowed plan* Were they sincere ? Did they rtaliv intend what tact prole.-* it ? To these questions there caa e tiut 010 answer. They utd not intend what tnev prottased, if they then entertained tu< principles winch they profess now. ih ca .se it is morally impossible that men could honestly have advocated the course lltey did, entertaining the seninnii.t* ilnyp.ew j.ic.ltss. Ii «-.« •• ««s sure an artful and itcep laid scheme, on the part of those whose object was ;o threw obstacles in thu way 01 ar.|m-al ol the tariff, inis we believe to bate been tne case with some, although we believe tint the great body ol tbe Union party were really desirous oi repua.itig the tariff, and that liny .iul not see tho abyss into winch they were throwing themselves. And we also believe '-hat there are many who, at the commence* mentoi the contest, had not the slightest tuea vvuitiier they wo . Iff be led through their local excitement, for it is evident that local puli tics had the principal share at frrt in tho opposition givut to nullification. They,now, hovvi ver, tn .el themselves driven hy the force ol circumstances and party spmt aail smu* worship, into tha defence of principles wiiic.t tliey once abhorred. But this is the natural result when men forget princplcs ami look to men. '1 he candid avowal that is daily makingby the opponents of our principles, of their iden tity wtt.i those of the republicans of'oß, con not but have its effects. Anil it is an ac knowledgement for which we give them credit, for it must he somewhat unwillingly made. But the tiling is so plain, so mainfes | i that many of them cannot deny it, however willingly they might be disposed to do so, if they could do so without too great a sacrtltce of conscience. We must, however, object to the arranging of Washington on the side of Adainsand Jacx son, in regard to the rights of the States.-" The question was not brought forward until tho alien and sedition law, giving birth to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, tho f'lU 1 of a State to decide upon the uucoustitulioa. ality of an act ot Congress, came up for dw decision of the people and of the Slates. * ' know not that Washington took part in any disctisyoii upon that subject, or that he pro mulgated tus opinion in n lation to it. ,; have therefore Jackson auii om side, and Jefferson, Madison, and Calhoun, I upon the other, and the opinion of the l» tler confirmed hy that of the whole rep'jh' cJII party, down to the promulgation ol *h c ac ttrsed proclamation. 111 our paper of Friday, when alluding the history of .Mr. Randolph, we made the tt mark, “ lie appears never to have fU la l,ro if aff'.ictiorr fur any other woman 'h nn , '. mother,” and attributed it to the "an some gentle ministering spirit to 6^! n _ oysarn! sorrows. A correspondent (a ! rn an we think) writes in reference to this nark : “ There is a true story of an *• ,c , nont betwi en Randolph and a lady who' : few years ago in Richmond —a 'l 1 * -/rj. 'dutiful worn rt, who was at one timo t n F ed to him, hut afterwards married » nsra . ike. Tis hitter enough to pm* * in* world’s drcHiiness without M** ? 1 'ltd beloved spirit to hi guile the (, " e 1,1 0 ml difficulties of tho path; hut s *' . isheartcnmg, still more destructive c , ind'v h r ling, to have exprr cnceu ***!'., fan intercourse, ami to find *• 1 lr ,Mn " ' » •r cause, broken up and destroyed •'*< ’ I phil />7 l,r fl