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• POUTHAL. *JK. WILDL'S SPKIXn, At the Co!iini!-isi diuurr, 01. the I :iIU Sept. Girca in honor of that portion of the Georgia Delegation in Congress, icho voted against the Force Bill of last session. The following Toast having been drank— “ The majirity of our Delegation in the late Congress —Their enlightened and prompt resistance of the Force Bill , evinced their fitness and qualification, to sustain the rights, and represent the true spirit of their con stituents.”— .Mr. Wilde rose to return thanks. In the absence of those, he said, who would more eloquently and appropriately have responded to the sentiment they had just heard, it de volved upon hun toexpress, as he might, their feelings, and his own. If to serve and not to please, was, as it is said to be, bv the familiar wisdom of a South ern people of the other Hemisphere,* one of the three things enough to kill a man; to please those we serve, must, on the contrary, be one of life’s greatest pleasures. And if those who were ptoaeod with our service, im perfect as it tn'ght be—those who overrated our good qualities, and were indulgent to our faults—thought proper to honor us w ith a pub lic testimonial of their approbation, such kindness demanded, and received, a return of the warmest devotion and gratitude. To himself, this mark of their favor was pe culiarlv ind deeply touching; because, though he had less share in it, perhaps, than any of those colleagues with whom he acted, it was offered by those who had known him from his boyhood. Ho stood on old familiar ground, amid the witnesses of his early professional career.upon the scene of more eager struggles, and more valued triumphs, than any his flag ging spirit could ever know again. lie saw around hun well known faces, in whose hon est smiles he had read approbation of some youthful sally, at the expense of older and nfiler counsel,by whom he was overmalehedjhe heard voices whizh had cheered and encour aged hi n in defeat and despondence, and whose words had come over his memory thousands of miles thence, like music he loved, f Cheers] In short, he was among long and well.frcd friends, who had helped to raise him front the humblest fortune, to the summit of his political ambition, [CAecrs] and to whom it might be truly said, if he some times forgot hints If, at least, he had never forgotten them To such friends, what could hr say, beyond the homely, yet expressive phrase—•' Mv countrymen, for myself and mv colleagues, from my heart, I thank you!” The vote which had been the sul.j *rt of their peculiar approbation, appeared to thos" who gave it, a simple and obvious art of duty. Most of his colleagues, who voted with him. and, perhaps, all of them, believed, and had avowed that belief, in common with several successive Legislatures of their Sta e, and a large majority of their constituents, that pro tective tariffs were palpable and dangerous jjpJii.tjpijs, of the Constitution. An act to bean unconstitutional aet. With thuir opin ions, then, it could not he singular, they should vote tint*. The difficulty was, to imagine, hmv they could veto otherwise.— That difficulty was for those to reconcile, who held protective, tariff's unconstitutional, yet in sisted they must he enforced. His colleagues wore, clear of it.— For himself, however, he was bound to sus'aln his own vote, on dis tinct, and it might he, on L*ss commanding ground. He had never been able to bring his mind to the conclusion, that the Tariff" Acts were plain and palpable violations of the Constitution, either within the cognizance of the Judiciary, or liable to he nullified by the States. Ho had said they were frauds on the spnat of that instrument. He believed so still. The justification of his vote, then was to he found in his love of Peace—his attach, moot to Union—his regard for the happiness of the whole Republic : and his devotion to the peculiar interests of constituents endear ed to him hv all the ticß that ever bound a man to fidelity and gratitude. Though he bad not been able to find thp tariff laws strictly and literally unconstitution al, he had no doubt they were unjust, op pressive, and pernicious. He had done his best towards procuring a change in them.— Failing in that, was he to turn round and vote for every measure calculated to give them new life and vigor? He could not perceive the obligation. Upon what principle was it muintainedt that as soon ns he could not obtain the amemlmen of an unjust and oppressive law, it was his duty to increase its evils, and aid in rendering it more effectually and practically unequal and oppressive! Where was that obligation to stop? If he of the minority, was bound to assist the majority by his vote, in enforcing a wicked and absurd law, which they would not repeal, was he not equally bound to assist them hv his counsel also ? Must he not say to them. “ Gentlemen, vou have left a loop hole here—there is ‘a flaw yonder—these irons are too light—and those ring holts arc 1 defective. Have the goodness to provide us with heavier tetters, and give me a hammer, that I may help you to rivet the!” (cheers) No honest man would sav he was under any such obligation. On the contrary, tho lan guage he had a right to hold, was this: “You deny us justice, and are fatally bent upon mis chief. I have endeavored to point out to too the road to Peace, Harmony, Prosperity— your own happiness and ours. You refused to follow it. You are resolved on measures that may braced civil strife—shed kindred blood—convulse tne Union,and afflict human ity. Goon Isince youjshut your ears to advice, and to entreaty; but from me, you shall have no help, no counsel, no encourage ment!” Mr. W. said ho considered every vote given to the enforcing act, as a vote indirectly given to the tariff policy—a vote to strengthen arid perpetuate it. For that reason, hu bad lefi his bed of sickness to say No! and for the aatne purpose, if it were possible, he. would have left the place of rest ho mo6t coveted, Ihs Grave. It would lie taking too narrow a view of the subject, lie added, to consider that measure alone. They could not separate tho law to be. enforced, from the law enforcin',’ it. Tile acl they condemned, and the tariff iPich it sus tained, were art and pari *n the same syst id. and differed from each other only a* principal and acc as try. He did not mean to give th<- Instorv of the last session. Tucy all knew 11 There is an I uhlan saying te tint efftt. GEORGIA TIMES AND STATE RIGHTS’ ADVOCATE had opened with tne brigh st prospects. A change in the Tariff had been strongly re commended by the President’s message, and tne recommendation was followed up by tne secretary of the Treasury. 1 hey had the best reasons to believe it was an ad frustration measure, and would be supported by the whole strength ot the Executive government. The Bill of the Committee of Ways and Means —Vcrplank’s Bill, as it was called— had been launched amidst plairtiits, and borm on in triumph : an I never, he might be per milled to say, as an humble tiibute to a gen tlemau and a scholar, now in private life; never was the fate of any measure entrusted to more faithful hands, than his, whose num it bore. With the exception of the represen tative of some districts eminently manufactur ing, no one was uissatisfied- llle* o J question for a while was, \\ ill the South ac cept it ? Will it quiet Carolina ? But scarce ly was it known that the South would be pacified, when coercive rnensiin s wer r. - commended, and the household troops de serted us. Mr. W. said he spoke to tacts: He was thereto tell the truth to his constituents— mt to eulogiz** or vituperate men or parties. He meddled with no man’s motives : tie could not search the heart: actions spoke for them selves. The plain matter of fact was soon stated. The orpportunily of modifying th tariff, and pacifying the country, was offered ro those who claimed to be the exclusive friends of the Administration, and, in an especial manner, the Vice-President’s friends. They were exhorted, entreated, implored to use it. They refused. The opportunity came, in turn, to their opponents. They seized it, and the danger which threatened the country, was averted. Butin the inter val, while it was certain that one party would r Tuse, and uncertain whether the other would act, what had lie, Ins colleagues, and thesi whom they represented, before them? The continuance of nn unjust tariff, for the im plied—almost for the avowed, sole purpose, of coercing South Carolina. Aye, sir! [continu ed Alr. W. addressing the President,] it be gin to be more than whispered in our ranks, “The Tariff must be modified—O yes, the Tariff will ho modified—But not yet —noi j now—not this year—South Carolina must be quelled first.” When such evil councils pre vailed, it was time to calculate the value of the Union—aye, and to prepare to preserve it, by other means, than those suggested by aspiring cunning, to political rashness. Such calculations had been denounced. lie dared, even yet, to make them. The Union was the most valuable of their possessions, save one: but there was one more valuable—Liberty ! ( Cheers ) What made, the Union ptecious?— The security it gave to Freedom. Fence fully maintained, then, in the true spirit of the Constitution, it was inestimable.. Forcibly or* s rved, by supporting perversions of tnai instnim nt, with cannon and bayonets, ii be came at once, venomous am! impotent—in image of the scorpion stinging itself to ib-ath. Jtd any who heard him, consider War among the States, as one of the ordinary, approved, and constitutional ineai)3 of preserving tin doubted, that, without a modification ol the Tariff, the enforcing act would have been the signal for civil, aye, and for 6ervile war?— Many of their North rn and Eastern brethren did not believe it. Hone-t and honorable men had told him so, and he was sure they were incapable of falsehood. But he spoke to those who knew it to be true! He spoke to men, who knew that Carolina would have resisted force with force—that Regiments, ves Divisions, of r, emits, from Georgia and elsewhere, would have joined her.' Some would have joined the other side, ton. States must gradually have been involved. Brother would have been arrayed against brother their Union propagated, like the Koran, with fire and sword—and a bitter struggle, like that of Wilig and Tory, continued, till their Country had become a mass of ashes, slaked in blood. If any one had a peculiar right to complain ofSouth Carolina, said Mr. W.,it was us.— Not merely for her bad management of a good cause, either. We had other and older griefs. In the day of our adversity, when wc struggled for like principles, the encourage ment she afforded us, was jibes and jeers. I was natural, therefore, that those who listen ed only to the voice of old resentments, should exhort us, to “ laugh at her calamity, and mock, when her fear cometh.” But this would have heen neither magnanimous nor wise. Virtuous men cherished no liatri ds in jurious to their country : prudent politicians indulged none, in conflict with their own true interest. South Carolina had Cults, it was true—inconsistency—.exaggeration— rashness. Still, in its origin, and its ultiuiati consequences, her cause was our cause.— (Cheers.) Resistance to unjust taxation, was the com mon object, and common interest, of the whole South. It was only on the character and measure of that resistance, we differed. In her motive, and her aim, then, Carolina was right; in time, means, circumstances, and degree, she may have been, and he be lieved she was wrong. That which she be lieved to he a remedy within the Constitution, Itc regarded as a remedy beyond it. It was one, moreover, which all the Southern Stab s were not prepared to adopt, because all had not vet realized the extremity of their wrongs, nor abandoned all hope of redress. IFhat then? Because they differed about the pro per means, were they to desert the com non end? The impetuosity of Carolina hail pre cipitated her into a false position. Enthusi astic h aders,and a brave and generous people moving tipon wrong tactics, had well nigh en gaged themselves in a defile, where it tvouid have been impossible to advance with safety, or retreat with honor. What was the duty of the other Southern States? What was their duty, as Georgians ? If, in premature conflict with a common adversary,into which they had been hurried bv inconsiderate or undisciplined valor,their fel lows were about to be overwhelmed and crushed by a superior force, should they cold ly look on, and say they were justly punished for their folly; or, remembering only that they were brethren us the same faith—chil dren of the same soil—men of one dime— one blood—one soul: should they not rush forward and cry out, “ For our friends and our good cansi—On Southrons! to the res cue! [ Loud cheers. If they would mike common quarrel in a military conflict, would they not interpose in i civil struggle, in the peaceful war of words .inJU..K? Ko though Virginia! mid he lev id Jtl'J hcnoK-J thr OM lEtrinion (ot it ? Mr. W. said he did not hesitate to avow it: no. was that the place when- such an avowal requir'd any extraordinary courage : he was Southron to his heart’s core ! Southron in cvi ry t u:g, but a few delusions. He had seen much~of their country, and travel was a school in which something might be learned, lie had found friends, and lost prejudices, every where. Among their Northern and Eastern brethren, lie had met with much to ulinire, with sornethingto condemn. He had iot hesitated to defend them, when their de-1 fence, though just was u 'popular; and in j -pile of the obloquy it brought ujwn him, I whenever it was necessary tie would do so again. But every where, and at all times, his own h ane had been first in his affections. lie i.id no faith in very diffusive patriotism. He who does not love his own State, hotter than the rest of the Union, docs not love the Union all as IK II as m.MsELr. In love of the Union j lie, (Mr. \>.) wotiuld yield to no one. Long j might it flourish, entire and in harmony ! But I if ever tne time did conic, when it would bo j roqiiisitrf*for him to choose between its parts,! he should not need the quiddities or the en- j tities ol political metaphysics, tr decide his | choice. H was made already. The South was his country, and he adopted the senti ment ol him who was southern chivalry per sonified : “always in the right, if possible:! hut ever successful, right or wrong !” (loud 1 cheers. These,he believed were the feelings of a ■ majority of the delegation. They were. unabie to comprehend, why the redress j almost promised, at the commencement o! j the session, should be so suddenly defer- j red. They could not discover what new of- j fence South Carolina had committed in the | interval, and were still more unable to I undei stand why, for her sins, Georgia, in common with other tioutliern Stater, was; to be subjected to vicarious punishment, \ by the continuance of odious and unjust taxes. U hen it was perfectly understood, and j almost openly avowed, that no moditica- i lion of tho Tariff need be expected, until I Carolina was subdued—when the cost of! her conquest in blood and treasure, was j calmly added up—and the length of time j it would be indispensable to continue the j tapitl, for the repayment of this New Dubt, was estimated, it became the dele gation from Georgia, to resort to their A iitinnetic. Though not very calculating persons,they too made a calculation. The alternative presented to the South, was between taking part with S. Carolina, a gainstlhe tariff, or taking the part of the tariff, against South Carolina. The ques tion was, whether they should light for taxes, and pay the exponces of the war, or give up the Union, to get rid of the tax es. Aol liking either ot the alternatives, they each, helunoied, had resolved, in his own mind, that if there were any possible escape h orn both, they would hail it with pleasure—no matter what individual re- A.ti'.iiiv.aw .... — what personal ambition) might be defeated by it. Eor his own part, he freely con icsscd, that with him,the case was beyond the limits of jiersonalattachments, or par ty allegiance. He had Iqng since endea vored to settle, in his own mind, an order oi priority, among the natural objects ofa politician’s solicitude : First, his constitu ents—then, his country—next, his party— and last ol all, himself. Ii there were any who reversed that order, the Lord reward them according to their works ! (tAerrs) They had oilen heard that these tariffs were less the work of manufacturers, than of politicians. He believed it. Many i .manufacturers professed to be as anxious for a liberal and permanent settle ment of the question, as themselves. He had heard the opinion often repeated, that an honest (Southern, and* an honest Nor- thern man, could make a pretty good la id'in four and twenty hours. After the late of Verpiarick’s bill was foreseen, sev eral Southern men were urged to at tempt it. Though grateful for the com pliment, if indeed it meant any thing but common place civility,- those who had or dinary experience and sagacity, perceiv ed, but too plainly, tout the honest men could do nothing without the politicians. If any thing had been wanting to con vince them, that tho principal manufac ture encouraged by the turitT, was the manufacture of Presidents,* they soon liau absolute conviction. Just as they were beginning to despair, another set provided them with a substitute. He meant noallusion to the principals,in either case. Ail he said was this. The readi ness with which majorities might be taught to march, wheel, and face, was surpi ising. It proved, if no more, the high state of party discipline : “that’s all, Eir—that's all.” He had said, he meddled with no man’s motives, lie had no more right to say that the Enforcing bill was part of a com bination toput down the late Vice Presi dent, and put up the present, than he had to say the compromise bill sprung from a coalition to put down the Vice President, and put up the Senator from Kentucky. Everyman might think as ire pleased, and he should quarrel with no one for their o pinior.s. To his own,because they were opinions merely, heaitached little* conse quence, and if he mentioned them at all, it was purely because he would not have, or seem to have any concealments. He dared say, there had been just as much virtue, and no more selfish ness,on all aides, tliau was common on such occa-ions. The force ot circumstances, and the passions of men exercised, perhaps, the most control ling influence. They who thought they had au antagonist in their power, wished to humble arid cripple him. They who had been at war, between themselves,! when engaged with a common adversary, : would naturally desire to make peace as soon as possible. Their reconciliation was hastened by their resentments ; and they accepted from each other harder terms, than they would have submitted to, from their mutual enemy. There was nothing tßßsidertul in all that. the?- £'~!*bnnrii,hc hid ntitht r affections nor antipathies. He harbored i no ill will—He indulged no partiality. As far as lie was capable of doing so, he had rendered justice to the minds and services of all. But it was not undervaluing any of them, to say, that the elevation of no one of them to the Presidency—no, nor the election of any man who ever had, or ever would, till that honored office, was worth the blood of One American Citi izen! ( cheers ) Must the peace of the country be al ways disturbed, its prosperity obstructed, its policy unnerved, by the never-ceasing strife of ambition and its parasites ! Would the day never come, when, in stead of candidates intriguing for the Pres idency, they should sec the people seeking for a President ? Is the destiny of the Republic, perpetual agitation ? Did it never occur to them to inquire whether these pretenders were worth the trouble they occasioned. Without offence to any one, ho asked leave to speak a blunt but honest opinion. From the lately distinguished and highly popular Major Jack Downing, down to the humblest of his rivals, there were ten thou sand men in the United States, any one of whom would make as good a President, as (lie best of those, for whose sake tilt* country was convulsed by factious ; and from that es timate. to avoid ail suspic on of sycophancy, “the present company were alwaysexcepted.” [Laughter vnd cheers.] Let it not be inferred, that he intended to recommend carelessness in the selection of their agents, or to insinuate their universal selfishness. Far from it. The choice of those in whom they confided,was worthy ot all care; and a disoelief in public virtue, is po litical Atheism. Government implied tiic necessity of officers to administer it; and the instruments were secondary in impor tance, only, to the work- It is on the instru ments, indeed, that the goodness of the work depends. “Principles, not men,” therefore, was the cant of men without principles. lie abjured it. Principles, before men, was the true reading ; for without men there could he ino principles. He meant to be understood ias saying this, and no more. Proper tools I would always he found for public works. The | interest of men, therefore, in comparison with tiie preservation of principles, was not worth a thought. It was here wc offended : Our sin was idolatry. Instead of keeping, the political commandments, wc had fallen into man-worship: “It i« the abject property of most, That being parcel of the common mass, Ar.d destitute of means to raise themselves. They sink and settle lower than they need. ****** Conscious of impotence, they soon grow drunk With gazing, when they see an able man Step forth to notice ; and besotted thus, Build him a pedestal, and say, stand there, And be our admiration and our praise I They roll themselves before him in the dust, Then, most deserving in their own accouut. When mostextravagaiffin their own applause, As if, exalting him, they raised thertiselves : And sober judgment, that he is but man, a ; 0..—.n him cm. That in due season, lie forgets it too ! j But the worst evil was not thttr own de basement, or the. infatuation of their idol. The bitterness of party spirit was often in proportion to the worthlessness of the object. Tho blue and green factionsof Constantino pic, massacred each other, in compliment to (lie heroes of the circus.— Vv hat did they see, even then, in their own country? Nullifica tion had spent its force, for good or for evil. The Union was safe. Civil war was no lon ger a) onr doo.ru. In * h» C»<»U€. of the Union party had declared the object of their devotion was secure, their services were no longer needed, and they retired from the contest that tneir country might enjoy repose. The Nulhfiers, too, proclaimed a triumph: the Tariff had been struck down, and the Constitution preserved, in respect to both, he spoke neither in a complimentary, nor an invidious sense. He stated facts. Even in Carolina, then, the question for the present had Ceased to be a political one. Agitating it longer, was like continuing a war, to find out who first broke the puce. Yet, hero in Georgia, we were as deeply en gaged in discussing it, as ever,or rather tlie collateral and less important topic of the mer its, or demerits, of Andrew Jackson , Martin Van Burcn, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay, aivl Daniel Webster. Thus it was, even when important princi ples were involved, the original cause of contention was abandoned, as soon as per sonal interests were admitted : and, forget ting our country, and the main point in con troversy, wu quarrelled about "Some incident, because it was connected with a man ! If there was any thing, a few years since, in which Georgians were unanimous, it waes attachment to the Union, and abhorrence to the Tariff. Now, to his astonishment, some es his old friends were so enraged with the Nullifcrs, that they half justified the Tariff: while others were so outraged by the Proc lamation and the Force act , us to be disgusted with the Union. If his self love did not deceive him, find it was not too presumptuous, in llieso clays of '•hang», for any one to he sure of thoir own position, he was where ho had been—A gainst all protective tariffs—because they were injurious to our whole country, ami op pressive to the South ; and against all acts to enforce and perpetuate them at the expense of civil war. Hut he was for the Union still, because vigilantly watched, it might subserve, arid not subvert, its purpose—the increase of Na tional Power, without tho abridgement of Popular Libert;/. To do this, it nuigt respect ! the Sovereignty of the States. ( cheers ) This ; vigilance should increase, rather than diinin | ish, if the Proclamation, and tho Enforcing act, were to ho taken as literal expositors of the President’s -opinions. He said if, be cause they had heard, that ho discriminated and explained ; and because those who pro. fossod to speak for him, seemed as anxious to distinguish his doctrines from those of the Senator from Massachusetts, as the Senator from Massachusetts appeared desirous of j. dmitifyinfc his dogmas, with those of the President. Hut, ifitiisv were, what then ? Georgia did not make Rxccntivc opinions the rule of Iter faith. She changed not, when they changed. Our cause was not ruined, though our chief might be in titc hand* of the adver sary In the war wo lost tho Presitlcat, but Uo Constitution always triurnplnd (chart.) I v«wy r. Tiie Enforcing act was now but distant thunder, to warn and remind us, 'J he boll had passed, and the sound was not danger ous though terrific. Did any one imagine, in the fulness of innocent, and more than pastoral simplicity, it was only meant to* frighten, not to hurt? What a pity they should be mistaken. Teubifiehs is a word that would contrast very prettily with Nillifieus ; and, ren dered happily ambiguous by our vernacular pronunciation, might prove a significant ap pellative, more appropriate and less cum brous, than some of those complicated foot and a half Ion? compounds, which few could remember, still fewer define, and no one un derstand. (cheers and laughter.) He had intended to have said something on one or two other topics, and amongst tho rest Ratification. That ill-omened word remin ded him of the sinister influence which the Proclamation and Enforcing Act had exer cised over their local politics. But the dan ger was over from that quarter too, lie be lieved. I'ariduia’s box was yet shut, and he trusted they would keep it so, with, at least, Hock within the lid. Mr. VV. concluded by proposing the fol lowing toast • The Citizens of Columbia County —None know better than themselves, the price of Freedom . Perpetual vigilance—disinteres ted zeal—devotion to Principles—inditfer cnee to Men. Prom the -V. Y, Commercial Advertiser. The Way it was dime. A letter from an authentic source, received from Washington this morning, states sub stantially, that Mr. Duane was altogether too much of a tnan to resign his office, but u as turned out in the true Jacksonian style. The following arc the particulars as reported: The Cabinet council convened at the Pres ident’s house on Monday, when the Secretary of State, Mr. AlcLane, the Secretary of War, Gov. Cass, and the Secretary of Treasury, .Mr. Duane, each presented written opinions, ad verse to the view of the question presented by the President at a previous meeting. These documents having been severally rear.— The President declared that he had deter mined upon the course to pursue; and turn ing to Mr. Duane, required him to sign the circulars to the officers of the customs, di recting the removal of the deposites. The Secretary of the Treasury replied, that he had duly considered the subject in all its bearings, and could not consent to the issue ing of any such order. Whereupon The President, who, as his flatterers tel! him, “ was born to command,” turned from his .Minister of Finance, (with a cloudy brow no doubt) and directing his eyes to the At torney General, said — Mr. Taney, I APPOINT YOU PE GRE TA RY OF THE TREASURY. There was no mistake in this delicate in sinuation.—Mr. Duane was no longer Sccrc taiy of the Treasury.—Oliver Cromwell could not have done it in better style. Exeunt Omnes. From the IT. States Telegraph. The refusal of Mr. Duane to remove the deposttes, and his consequent dismissal from th ■ office by the President, and the appoint ment of Mr. Taney, upon the condition and the purpose of making the removal, before the 1 meeting of Congress, now so near its session, raises a question, not only as to the power ol the President, but as to the motive and etfcct of that proceeding. Had the President referred the subject to it rrj Tjur3t*om\l>lft s*. Lothor ho woulil have felt authorized to order tho removal un less he had obtained a vote of a majority of Congress in favor of that measure- By usurp ing the power to make the removal, he has changed tho issue—much ot the mischief and injury to flow from the removal, will have taken place, and Congress, instead of being called upon to decide upon the propriety of permitting the public deposites to remain in the Bank of the United States, will be re quired to determine upon the propriety of re storing them to that Bank. The first ques tion would have been decided by a bare ma jori y ; the other will require the concurrence of two thirds. It certainly never could have boon intended that the veto power should give to the President such control over ti e money of the people. We have always un derstood that the Representatives of the peo ple are the guardians of the public purse; but that power is wrested from them by the act of the President, and has been done under cir cumstances, and at a time when there can be no doubt it was done under a belief, that an application to Congress to make the transfer would have met the fate of a similar applica tion made to the last Congress—-It would have been negatived. It will remain to be seen whether the Sen ate will approve the nomination of Mr. Ta ney, thus appointed to office, in open violation of the power delegated to Congress. W. know that the ruling passion of the Ex ocutive is a thirst for conquest, and as he lias throughout the whole course of his long life, been at all times embroiled in a struggle for conquest—in a trial for power—in wreaking his vengeance—it is plain that the next ob ject ofattaek in the Senate. Having triumph ed ever every other victim—having prostra ted the mammoth bank, what other adversa ry but the Senate is worthy of calling out his energies } To this point, then, will all his artillery be directed, and here we trust, his good fortune will desert him. “Utitler wlticii King, Bvzciiiaii apeak or die I” Wo beg leave to put a case to the procla mation-party, and, more especially, to our dear Unionists. England, Scotland and Ireland are called the “United Kingdoms”—are governed by a single King,and by the same Parliament. But suppose that, by means of her greater representation in Parliament, England op. presses Scotland, to a very violent degree?— As genuine Union-men, you would doubtless, with your peculiar felicity at political reme dies, advise the “ Land o’Cakos” to make hasto and cure the mischief, through the proper, conservative, constitutional, republi can, moderate, safe and adequate measure, of changing her representatives. Not that it was they who volorl for the measure. They were someone to five of tlioso who voted.— But no matter: that is tho Union-pretcip. lion. Well; you change vour men: a wise measure—for it a mu:;- a your people—arid yrv-r adversary, too. Ifawcver, uuU tr? th’ not mend. On tho contrary, the vtT v ~~nl7 appe of which you complain is doubfod''upon you. If people will let others impose uZ them- grind their faces—pick their pocC, —break their heads—and the like ; whv it may not he precisely amiable, or fraternal n honest, in the plunderers: but, as long as tho plundered are paltry enough to bear ,7 shall say them nay? Who has a right to find fault with their virtuous patient or to reprehend their taste? But finally, as endurance doe* not alwava teach foibearance, nor pusillanimity insoire respeet, let us say that England, marching without check from one assumption to another at least claims the wholesome power whirli always should be vested in the laroer’secliut of a country, of drubbing the other section whenever ihe latter is sulky or the former arro’ gant. Ad rein venitur: they come to blow,' the throat of a Scott or two being cut by t|uj peace conservative efforts of certain red coats, the Gaul’s metal is roused, at | as and he lucks the assailants from Jonny Groats’ house halfacross the county of York ; making with tho lucks aforesaid, certain apt comi, rnents of broken heads and bloody noses The English non, thereat, gather their bZ and arriere-ban ; and fall u ; .oi, Scotland Now, good sir, being a Unionist, wha . would you say? Asa Scott, would vou join the invaders ? Asa citizen, owuw bil pat none regards to the whole country, v L|!l you not be bound to assist in cutting the nc cessary number of your countrymen’s throats to reduce them to a due willingness to endure meekly thereafter the legal kicks? Certainly y°u would. Heaven forbid that wo should doubt il ! rour allegiance would clearly be due to England, precisely for the ri a < on which ma 'c her oppress your own country because, namely, England was the h,L, part of the empire. But heav ens preserve us ! What a sad oyer signt we have committed! We forget a ir tins while, to stay this Moody extremity ’ aw i to re-establish every thing upon a footing 0 f freedom and security for Scotland, by two A tnosc simple and most efficacious contriran cts, which abound in Union politics. Wa were utterly oblivious that Scotland, with her inferior vote in parliament, might “call a convention.” Perchance such ' (Jonvrmion being gainsaycd by the plundering minority’ might, like G lendower’s spirits, be in no haste to come. No matter. 'Fake you no liend of that. You are following the true town mail, ed, and besides, if you be that amedamme— that thing accursed—a nullificryou know full well, that, could a Convention be called, you would still, as before bo in the power of your more numerously represented oppiessors. Ah ! but then you have yet another glorious relief! There’s Secession, which you can resort to, whenever you conceive a taste for hanging; or whensoever your oppressors, having sucked you like an Orange, throw you away, as one does an Orange-peel, Columbia. Telescope. Jefferson »sot a IfnlUfler. 1> e avail ourselves of the industry ol"ano ther, in laying before our readers the opin. ions of the sage of Monticcllo. Theflhillin nave uniformly claimed Air, Jefferson as their guide, their grand pio .err in all things—even m the abominations of Nullification, it is curious to see, in the following extracts drawn, it seems from official documents, that Mr. Jefferson repudiated every doctrine ad vocated by the nullificrs, by upholding doc trines and sentiments pr cisely the reverse. We give them not as our own, but asJ/r. Jefferson's opinions ; and leave them for the agitators to “roll, as a sweet morsel under their tongues.” —Federal Union, "J'ffcrson not a Nullifcr." —Nonsense! U is wonderlul to sec nion, neither drunk nor mad, putting fortli such abominable absurdi ties; and we are at a loss wli tlier, most to pity the ignorance, or despise the villainy that prompts them. “ Mr. Jefferson not a Nullifier ! ’ A most w onderful discovery, in deed, at this day. Hut there is no telling liovv a good/or office will sometimes brighten toe intellect—it has more virtue in dispelling the “dull vapours” that envelope the brain, t .an even Sir John’s “ Sherris Sack." And we are indebted, no doubt, to the virtue/ of the Office, lately conferred on the Senior E ditoro! the Union, for this valuable discove ry concerning Mr. Jefferson’s real opinions. 1 o the same source, we may look, for the rot ny bright and shining qualities that adorn the character of our most worthy President- And to whose lot soever falls the distribution of the “loaves and fishes,” he straight be comes “the greatest and the best,” whether it ho Andrew Jack-on or Amos Kendall. The assertion that .Mr. Jefferson was not > Nullifier, with the Kentucky resolutions sta ring one in tho face, is too stupid to require a serious denial. And yet we find the collar presses teeming, daily, in greater absurdities even, than this. Free Trade f’rijiciplcv in Ohio- We have recently conversed with an intel ligent gentleman who resides in Ohio, who informs us that tho opening of the trade wit’ l Canada, where, American pork and wheats'® ■iiimitt. and free, and flour at a very low duty, Ins had an astonishing influeneo in convinc ing the people of that State of tne benefits of I‘rre trade- They see an immense marnctl open for their produce in a foreign eountr.'il in addition to the domestic markets of A c ' f j Orleans and New-York; and the farmers h ave l begun to find out, that, as the American p® o- ! pie must eat bread and meat, they arc al«a. s l sure of the home market, and thatil theycaa| have a foreign market besides, it is that in* l '! clear gain. Our informant says, that »g cn j from Montreal now penetrate into Ohio, | make contracts for produce ; that pork'Tl that State actually goes to supply the I navy on the Halifax, arm probably the ■ India stations; and that he hasseea nin J glass, manufactured in Oh.s, *°l<l Montreal. J J In addition to all this, wo learn that Rights doctrines have many ad'oeate* Ino, and that a large portion of the | J can party regard the principles of the mation and the force bill with abhorrer ■ Phil. £«»“**• ■ Ship Hold. Wilson, owned lias been seized a? Vera Cruz l” r ‘ on board several boxen of spin ,ol j _■ intended to be thrown into fir™ ,l „■ The sbip|>ers of the article a |( _ and the consignee liar been information obtained that a « ({ M on her voyage, has a large M ♦he same article. V five ■