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THE COUNTRYMAN- 91 Hon. Linton Stephens and Two Ideas. In Hon. Linton Stephens’s 2nd speech on the Conscription Act before the Georgia legislature, occur 2 ideas upon which I pro pose to offer a few comments. The 1st is touching his resignation of his commission in the army on account of feeble health, and the 2nd is touching the danger of our losing our liberties, not by means of the yank.ee, but by means of the Confederate government. It is too much the habit of our people, just now, to indulge in unjust, unkind, un generous, and censorious remarks concern ing those whose physical debility keeps them out of military service. No one has any business in the army who is not a strong, able-bodied man. This is in accordance, not only with military practice throughout the world, but it is in accordance with the letter of our military laws. A feeble, un healthy man riot only does no good in the army, but does harm, by clogging its move ments, and by requiring an able-bodied sol dier to take care of him. Nobody ought to feel called upon to sacrifice his life, unless, by making the sacrifice, he can benefit, the country, particularly when his life might he of great service to his country outside of the army. Had I a commission in the army, and was satisfied that by remaining in the service I would certainly sacrifice my life to disease, without any possibility of serving my country, I would certainly do like Judge Stephens—resign : and not only so, but would hurl defiance in the teeth of all my maligners and detractors. And as an act of simple justice, and being indignant at the slanders that are heaped upon some of our bravest and best men, I now hurl back for them, the detraction which it seems be sets men in the condition of Judge Stephens. So far, ttie Judge and I are in accord: but with referei ce to the other idea alluded to in the beginning of this article, lie and I are in total, fundamental, major discord—in fact, as diverse as the poles. Judge Stephens says :—“ I want no sur render of our cause : but I still have fears, as I had from the beginning, that in our ef forts to establish a new government, we may fail in establishing a free government. I have read histoiy enough to know that in wars and revolutions, ambitious and design ing men have always found their occasion to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their country.”—All this is spoken in con nection with the Hon. speaker’s opposition to the Conscription Act. I think the Judge’s fears entirely ground less. Who are the “ ambitious men” upon whom he has his mind’s eye in out present struggle? I am unable to see them. I think that a more devoted and self-sacrifi cing band of patriots never breathed, than those who are conducting this revolution, and fighting our battles. Not even the taint of a suspicion, that I am aware of, has been upon the garment of any man in this revolution, that he intended to usurp, or at tempt to usurp the reins of government in his own hands. And so far as Conscription is concerned, that has the sanction of both law and judicial decision. If we are in any danger at all of losing our liberties here in Georgia, the danger is not from the Confederate government, but comes from an altogether different source. It comes fioin the opposition to Confederate law, and state decision : It comes from the high-handed usurpations of the Georgia leg islature and Gov. Brown in their outrageous robbery of the people of their property, to secure which, and to protect a man’s person, is the obji ct of all government : It comes from the total disregard of constitutional guarantees by the General Assembly of the state pi Geoigia, and of the incumbent of the executive chair of Georgia. These are the sources from which come all our dan gers, outside of the yankees themselves.. Against the views of Judge Stephens about the manner of losing our liberties, if we lose them by our own act, I put the following extract from a report of Gov. Johnson’s late speech : “ A great deal has been said in reference to the danger of a military despotism. He had regretted to see tho press giving cur rency, here ana there, to such apprehen sions. He was proud to believe that there is no man in the government, or in the army, who has any aspirations fora crown. Revolutions are dangerous to liberty, but their tendency is rather to anarchy, than centralism, or usurpation. Our safeguard is in unity among ourselves, and an inflexi ble adherence to our organic law, in all its purity and integrity. The great struggle is for a good government, and so long as we keep that idea in view, there is no danger. Military despotisms usually spring up in the midst of anarchy, or the corruptions of unbridled power. With harmony, and con fidence in the army and government, there is no danger of military despotism.” I must be allowed to speak a word in de fence of the press. When has it given cur rency to the apprehension that there is dan ger of a military despotism ? There has been much more currency given to this idea by such speeches as Judge Stephens has made in the legislature, than by all the press of Georgia combined. There has been mucli more talk, or much more inti mation of military despotism, by G’eorgia legislators than by Georgia editors. It was hardly fair for Gov. Johnson to whip the former over the shoulders of the latter. He should have directly scourged the shoul ders of the real offeudeis. But this may be pardoned in our new senator for the sake of what he says in fa vor of “ inflexible adherence to our organic law in all its purity and integrity.” How did the sinners of the Georgia leg islature feel under this ministration of polit ical gospel, when, in defiance of organic law, they had sent robbers all over the land to rob the people under the name of seizure ? Departing from tlie Law. The resolution of the Georgia legislature assuming to authorize the governor to rob the people, authorizes him to do so only in the event be cannot make “satisfactory ar rangements otherwise.” Now, Gov. Brown did not wait to see if he coaid make “sat isfactory arrangements otherwise,” but went to robbing rightaway. The Georgia legislature paid no regard whatever to the constitution, and the Governor paid no at tention to their resolution. It is to be hoped that the Georgia legislature will not complain. “Censorious as the world is, it oftener does favor to false merit, than injustice to true.” “Were we perfectly acquainted with the < i.ject, we should never passionately desire Have We a Government? We have a state government to oppress us, but none Jo protect us. The seizure lesolution of the Georgia legislature is pul ling out the keystone of the arch, and if it is not replaced soon, free government is gone. The constitution suspended and dis regarded in its plain, palpable letter, in one thing, will be thus disregarded in all. It cannot be disguised that there is a feeling of restless insecurity among our people. They feel that the aegis of the constitution and laws is gone. A panic is seizing them. Men regard each other, now, with suspicion and distrust. We are at sea, without chart, rudder, or compass. When the Georgia legislature threw the constitution overboard, tho old ship of state creaked and groaned from stem to stern. Unless the charter of our liberties is restored, the old ship will soon go down amid the blackness of the storm, and ail on board will perish. Wo be to the pirate hands that scuttled the hold.