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THE COUNTRYMAN.
129
Recognition.—“ The Richmond Senti-
nrl, in an article discussing the probabili
ty of recognition, by the great powers of
Europe, reminds us of the following his
torical, and political ..truths:
France, on the 5th of February, 1779,
acknowledged the independence of the
thirteen American colonies, as so many
independent states. Even the articles of
confederation were^not then adopted. The
United Netherlands followed this example
Oct. 8th, 1782, and Sweden, April 3d,
1783. Great Britain, in the treaty of
peace, concluded Sept. 3d, 1783, recogniz
ed the several states in like manner, as so
many independent communities. This
recognition embraced Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, by
name; and it territorially included Ken-
tucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Missis
sippi. The remaining Confederate States
became possessed by their organization,
and admission, of equal rights with the
original states, and stand on the same
footing. The independent nationality of
Texas, was recognized by France, in
1836, and by Great Britain, in 1840. She
did not enter the union, until 1845.
In no other form has the nationality of
the American states ever been acknowl
edged by the European courts. John Ad
ams was sent, in 1777, to represent the
states, in France, and was soon after suc
ceeded thereby Dr. Franklin. They both
received their authority from the ‘ Con
gress of Delegates ’ of the several stgtys.
The articles of confederation were”'hot
adopted till March, 1781. Mr. Adams,
under an appointment revived in 1779, re
mained as minister to England, till 1788.
The union formed by the articles of
confederation, was dissolved March 3d,
1789. The union, under the constitution,
did not go into operation, until April 30,
1789, and then only as eleven states,
Rhode Island, and North Carolina, for a
time, remaining aloof.
In all these changes of the agency for
conducting their foreign intercourse, the
states deemed no notification necessary
to other governments. No recognition
was asked for any such nation as the con
federation of states, for there was no such
created ; nor any such nation as the Uni
ted States, for the same reason. The gov
ernments established by the articles of
confederation, and by the constitution,
were the mere foreign agencies of the
states, the true sovereigns, whose national
ity had been already acknowledged. The
European governments conceded to us the
right to change the form of this agency,
whenever we pleased. The recognition of
the independence of the stales, survived
all these changes unharmed—the disband
ing of the confederation,/in 1783 ; the in
terregnum of fifty-eight days that follow
ed; the separation of the states, which
then continued for some time, Rhode Is
land, and North Carolina remaining dis
tinct; and the accession to the numbei of
states, which afterward occurred from time
to time. The ministers sent by the federal
agent, were received on the original ac
knowledgement of the nationality of the
several states, and no other. No other
was desired, no other was proffered, no
other was thought necessary, or appropri
ate.
Let us notice some of the consequences
which may be deduced from this view of
the case, looking at it from a foreign stand
point, and excluding all secession. France
and England might say that Mr. Lincoln
was appointed in 1860, by an election in
which all the states participated—that thus
he was regularly constituted the diplomat
ic representative of all the states, for a
specified term—that, as such, Europe re
cognized him as appointed according to
our own forms. After the fourth of
March, next, he will sustain, however, a
different character. He will have entered
upon a term of service, to which various
of the states, acknowledged by Europe as
independent, had no partin electing him.
He canot claim to have any commission
from Virginia and North Carolina, or the
rest of the Confederate States. He can
show no authority to represent them.
These latter states at once refrained, and
were excluded, from all share in his ap
pointment. Of this, Europe is duly noti
fied, and it would be both an outrage, and
a perfidy, to acknowledge, as the repre
sentative of states, recognized as independ
ent, an agent in whose appointment they
had no. share. As well might the Empe
ror Maximilian assume to represent the
Confederate States, as the man who rules
at' Washington. Virginia, and the rest,
have claimed to change their foreign
agency, frequently, in the past, and it has
been accorded-—how can the right be
questioned now ?
Their responsibility for Lincoln’s ap
pointment, as the organ for foreign inter
course, has been discharged by the expi
ration of the term for which he was elected.
In the new appointment, they had no part,
and were allowed none ; and hence, it can
not be pretended that it represents them,
either in substaqce, or form. We say,
such views as these may well be adopted
by France, and England, without refer
ence to the other merits of our cause;
and we do not see how they can be over
looked, or how they could be met. And,
taking into consideration the duties which
these governments owe to their own peo
ple, to their own dignity, to sound inter
national principles, and to us—duties,
however, which they have declined, until
the neglect has become a severe reproach
—we think it very reasonable, and very
probable, that they will indeed profit by
the coming opportunity to abandon their
present position with a good grace.”
A Little Mixed.—“The celebrated
speech of Sir Boyle Roche, ‘ Mr. Speaker,
I smell a rat; I see him floating in the
air; but, mark me, I shall yet nip him in
the bud/ was evidently the model upon
which a writer in Kansas framed, the
other day, some remarks upon the recent
election. The Leavenworth Conservative
says, that, by the result of that election,
‘the pall of corruption has been dispelle 1 ,
and the wheels of the state government
will no longer be trammelled by the
sharks that have beset the public pros*
perity, like locusts.”
Gen. Lee as Commander-In-
Chief.—The country, and the army
will be delighted to hear that Gen.
Robert E. Lee was, on yesterday,
nominated by the president, and con*
firmed by the senate, as commander-
in-ebief of the confederate armies.
Wo do not doubt that ho will yield to
the call thus made upon him, and en»
ter, without delay, upon bis enlarged
sphere of duty—retaining personal
command, howevei*,‘of the army of
northern Virginia.
Let our whole people, and our gov
ernment, in all its departments, rally
to the suppoit of Gen. Lee, iu tho
position to which he has been thus
appointed, with all the resources, and
all the zeal, and energy at our com
mand. We must not expect him to
do our fighting, but to direct it ; not
to render unnecessary our own efforts,
but to encourage them, and apply
them.
We stand on the threshold of a
stern campaign. Soon we shall be
busy amid its trying scenes. As we
love our country, let us not lose an
other day of those which remain to
us for preparation. Let the most effi
cient means be adopted, tor gather*
ing in the absentees from our armies,
for bringing in recruits, for a whole
some reorganization, for providing
supplies, and munitions, and for put
ting forth our whole strength. Wo
have called General Lee to the com*
mand : let us heed his counsels, and
second his efforts.
We have the material for an admir
able campaign. We have a noble,
and powerful army. We have a
wide country. We have abundant
supplies. We are less straitened for
munitions, after four years of war,
than we were in the first campaign.
We can do great things, if we will
will apply ourselves to the work, like
men. We trust that every biekering
will now be hushed, and that there
will be among us only a noble emula
tion, which shall best serve his coun
try, and best support our leaders.-—
Richmond Sentinel, Feb. 1.
Richmond, 2d.—“ The house passed tho
senate bills increasing the pay, and emol
uments of the president, and the salaries
of the officers, and employees of the gov
ernment, in Richmond. ' Also, adopted
resolutions expressing the gratitude of
congress, at the additional evidences of
patriotism, in the various commands,
which have declared their purpose to
maintain the war for independence.”
‘ There is no bigotry so blind as that
which is founded on a supposed exemption
from all'prejudice.’