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^ 1 • E. MERTON COULTER
the cornsrrryman.
By J. A. TURNER# “independent in everything—neutral in nothing" $5 Tor Three Months.
VOL. XX. TURNWOLD (NEAR EATONTON) GA., TUESDAY, MARCH 28, 1865. NO. 13.
Political Definitions— Political Tricks —
Doty of the Hour—The main test intompe-
tencv ot the last general assembly, admonishes
the people to a closer scrutiny as t< men who
seek to compose the next. The welfare of the
people, in its widest sense, will be confided to
them. In the last eleciiou, the people were
duped, under the delusive cry of ‘no party.'
This term, as practically construed by the po
litical hacks, whom the people had, again and
again, repudiated, signified, to the voter, thit
he must, unmurmuringiy, support the candi
date whom the clique of ‘ no party ’ men offer,
ed to him. The illustrious patriots who suc
ceeded, by the whine and cant of ‘ uo party,’
in smuggling into the last legislature the most
violent and bigoted party men, who had re
peatedly been rejected by the people, now, hyp
ocritically, denounce ‘ dissension,’ in thie hour
of our country’s peril. But what do they mean
by ‘dissension?’ Their practice explains it.
Dissension, in their political dictionary, means
4 an unwillingness, on the part of others, to
sustain a man for office, whom they, in their
modesty, and wisdom, dictate to the people.’
These exhorters of unity doubtless feel that the
hearts of the people should overflow with grati
tude to them, for relieving the people of all
trouble, in the small matter of selecting their
rulers. These amiable friends of the people do
somewhat more to ingratiate themselves in the
confidence ot the people. They, a small por
tion of the citizens, will meet at the court-house,
or, sometimes, in a private caucus, nominate
some one of the clique, and proclaim him the
choice of the county. In this way, unless the
independent voters of the county counteract it,
a few men virtually choose our members ol
the legislature. I warn the people again3t
these tricks, by which they are virtually dis
franchised. Distrust, watch, and oppose the
men who cry ‘ no party,’ and yet, invariably,
stick to their party prejudices. Such men
can find no man, out of their old party associa
tions, who, in tbeir estimation, is (he man for
the office. My countrymen, whenever you
bear a man preaching up unity, in matters of
•lection, mark him well, for he has a favorite
lor you to unite on with him.
The records of our history, as a state, furnish
no page more full of partizan bitterness, and
hatred, than the journal, and speeches, of the
the last house of representatives, of Georgia.
A majority of that body gave full vent to par
tisan prejudices, and hale, they had conceived
and fostered against our most excellent chief
magistrate, before the secession ol tlie slate-.
Every intelligent citizen well knows that Gov.
• Brown has managed the affairs of state with
consummate ability, unsurpassed fidelity, and
untiring industry. In the practical assistance
be has afforded President Davis in the pr.eecu-
•tion of the war, for the mantenance ot our ,n
dependence, he has no equal. Under his guid
ance, Georgia has responded, superabundant
ly, to every requisition of the confederate ex
ecutive. And it is worthy of remark, that in
the counties where he is best known, and pos
sesses the greatest influence, the patriotism of
the people is the most signally demonstrated.
And yet, notwithstanding he is, undeniably, an
able, good, prompt, industrious, untiring, and
faithlul officer, the no party men denounce him
most bitterly, and mercilessly. The mtn who
are, apparently, horrified at ‘dissension,’ strive,
unremittingly, to stir up 4 dissension ’ against
him. I conclude that the old grudge, against
the people’s favorite, is still alive. His adver
saries have not recovered from the heart-burn
ings conceived in past party conflicts. The
remembrance of their defeats still chales them.
They desire to sully the civic wreaths, which
<h« citizens of Georgia have placed on him, by
inducing the people to withdraw their confi
dence from him, at the last. j
In the gigantic war in which the confederacy i
is now engaged, every roan, who is a man, is
•zpectsd to do his duty to the country, either
in the tented field, or at home. The dissemin
ation of knowledge, among the people, by the
press, the education of tfie young, the exercises
of the pulpit, the medical profession, the pre
parntion and production of things for the sup
port ar d equipment of >the army, are most use
ful, and fields in which a patrioi may, a: home
effectually serve his country. A man, within
the military age, who is able-bodied, and not
employed in one of the foregoing occupations,
can alone manifest his patriotism by enlisting
in the army. It is contrary to the uniform cus
tom, and laws of civilized nations, for the
young to expect the old to be, as a class, the
soldiers of the country. And yet there are
young men who remain at home, not employ
ed in any occupation useful to the country, who
produce nothing for the support of the army,
or the widows and orphans of the soldieis, who,
aided and brought out by the ‘ no party ’ men,
and ‘ anti-dissenters,’ use every effort to shield
themselves from military duty, bv filling le
gislative offices, to which men of enlarged ex
perience, and mature judgment, in this critical
juncture, should only be chosen. In this try
ing time, no one should be elevated to office
who has not, by his acts, illustrated his devo
tion to the cause of liberty. The people should
rerainly disregard the pretensions of a candi
date who is willing to wear the honors of of
fice, without deserving them : or who may be
willing to go into tbe military service, pro
vided tie gets a commission, and, that failing,
unwitting to go as a private. Such caudidaies
sh juld be defeated, and be compelled to do mil
itary duty, in behalf of an imperilled couutry,
whose legislative offices, involving no danger,
and to be held in quietness, and 1 security, they
are so willing to occupy. It is a good rule,
worthy of the at optiou of the people, to vote,
alone, for men not subject to conscription. At
all events, let not the people aid a man in shirk
ing military duty, in these ‘times that try
men’s souls.’—Putnam.—Confederate Union,
1863.
Yazoo Fraud — Quarrelof Clark and Gunn.
- “We copy the following correspondence, Ac ,
from ihe Savannah Republican, of the 10th
inst , by which it appears that Gen Clark was
not content with the very moderate por ion of
2b.POO acres ol land, but insisted on a full
share:
Augusta, Saturday evening, Jan. 10,1795.
Sir In* conducting a business like that
which was the subjectof our dispute, this after
noon, it was necessary that some should re>t
their rights upon the confidence which they
had in others. You, as well as others of vou’r
company, assured me that I was down for a
share in the territory you have lately purchased
from the state: but, sir, you have deceived me,
and, to aggravate the deception, when 1 de
manded my right, you insulted me, and offered
violence to my person. I now demand that
satisfaction, which, from disparity of bodily
strength, I am obliged to resort to, and 1 hope
you will be just enough to meet me in such a
way, as will place us upon a footing of equali
ty.—My friend, Col. G., will settle the time,
and place. John Clark.
To Gen. James Gunn.
Sunday morning, Jan. 11, 1795.
Sir ;—Your note, of last evening, was hand
ed me by Col. G., in which f find your asser
tions are false, as your conduct, of yesterday,
was insolent. I am not in. the habit of neglect
ing the invitation of any man who merus at
tention, but previous engagements prevent my
attending, at this time, to the call of a man
who acts from an angry disappointment. If
this answer is satisfactory, you will wait my
convenience : if it is not, have the goodness to
make the occasion to do yourself justice.
I am, sir, your ob’t. servant,
James Gunn.
To Gen. John Clark.
Sunday evening, 11 o’clock.
Sir :—I this moment received your answer to
my note ol list evening. Be obliging enough
to let me know your time of convenience, for,
be assured, sir, I am as little in the habit of be
ing trifled with, as you are of refusing invita
tions of this kind. John Clark.
To Gen. James Gunn.
I do hereby certify that the above is a true
copy of a letter delivered by me to Gen. Gunn,
on Saturday evening last, and that the answer,
herewith inserted, was delivered to me. by Col.
Wade Hampton, on Sunday evening, 11 o’clock;
and that the answer of Gen. Clark, which is
also herewith stated, was offered, by me, to
Gen. Gunn, on the monday morning follow
ing. He did not receive it, but referred me to
bis friend, Col. Hampton, who, on receipt there
of, refused to continue the correspondence any
longer. Ambrose Gordon,
12th January, 1795.
It is unnecessary for me to comment on th e
above statement of facts. I (inly wish the pub*
lie, in their opinions, to'do the concern
ed equal justice. I shall leave town td-n v ;P rro ^ r
morning, ai 9 o’clock, having indispensabiJ
business at Greene court, which will sit on the
13th inst. John Clark.
Augusta, Jan. 12th, 1795.
I do hereby certify that the letter presented
to me, on monday morning last, said to be
from Gen. Clark, and addressed to GeQ. Gunn,
was never delivered to that g*aReman. For,
having declined tbe correspo: assur
ing Col.,Gordon, when he hooded* Trie tfi.’ ’let
ter, that Gen. Gunn had ttvken his measures,
by giving an alternative, from which it wa«
not probable ho would depart, the Col and my
self parted, and I thought no more of the letter,
nor ever saw a word of its contents.
Jan. 13th, 1795. W. Hampton.
Note.—It is within the recollection of sever
al respectable citizens, that the Brigaoier might
have made the occasion to do himself justice,
at the door ot bis lodgings—at least one hour
previous to the time he so prompty fixed on
for his departure from Augusta.’’
Victory vs. Numbers.-History is replete
with instances where victory never failed to
■crown the arms ol brave and determined war
riors, though the odds were much greater
against them, than we hav* to contend with,
to-day- Ailison tehs us that Clive took the camp’
of Surajt-e Dowiah, and, subsequently, de
throned him, with 2,600 men, against 59,000
horse, and loot, with 5U guns Wellesley won
the battle ot Assaye, with 8,000 men, against
50,000 men, and 100 guns. Lake stormed
Delhi, and won Laowaree, with 5,000 soldiers,
when it was garrisoned with five times that
number. •
The array of Italy, when Bonaparte took
command of itT was but 42,000 strong, and had
no magazines, no rations, pay, shoes, cloihing,
tents, nor shelter, yet, with his army in this
condition, he loughtsfour pitched battles, all
triumphantly, and conquered the whole of
nouherii Italy, including the Eternal City, re-
Laming master of all, Trom the Tyrol to the
l iber, iu one magnificent campaign, of a few
months duiation.
The history which our own fathers made in
the revolution of ’76, pleads to us, by every
thing that is near, and dear, and sacred, to
stand firm in the noblest cause iu. which free
men ever enlisted, and inoependei.ee will yet
be written upon our blood-stained banner, be-
nea'h which so mauy gallant sons have fallen,
to rise no more forever.—Augusta Constitution
alist.
“A man should never be ashamed to own he
has been in the wrong.”
