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THE COUNTRYMAN.
189'
fully repay me by following it to the let- |
ter. Do so, and if ever you rue it, iny j
name isn’t Wm. Woodpile.
Eatonton, Ga., July 10, 1860.
At a large and enthusiastic meeting of
the national democracy of Putnam county,
held in this place, today, on motion of P.
H. Dawson, Esq., B. F. Adams was called
to the chair, and L. C. Dennis, and D. T.
Singleton were requested to act as secre
taries. The meeting being organized,
Major D. R. Adams offered the following
preamble, and resolutions, which, after
being supported by him, in an able and
eloquent speech, were unanimously adopt
ed ;
Whereas, in consequence of the seces
sion of a portion of the Charleston, and
Baltimore conventions, the democratic
party is threatened with a division, and
defeat; in order to avert, so far as may be
in our power, so great a calamity to the
country, the national democracy of Put
nam county do hereby re assert, and pro
claim their long-established principles,
and policy.
Resolved, That the principle of non-in
tervention, by congress, with the subject
of slavery in the states, and territories, as
contained in the compromise measures of
1850, re-affirmed in the Kansas-Nebraska
act of 1854, asserted in the Cincinnati
platform of 1856, triumphantly maintain
ed in the election of Franklin Pierce, and
James Buchanan, and again endorsed by
the national democratic convention re
cently assembled at Baltimore, embraces
the settled policy, on that subject, of the
great national democratic party, and
ought to be supported by all sound demo
crats, in every quarter of the union.
Resolved, That it was the true intent,
and meaning of those great measures, that
congress should not legislate slavery into
the teriitories of the United States, nor
exclude it therefrom; but the people of
said territories were left perfectly free to
form, and regulate their domestic institu
tions in their own way, provided, in so
doing, nothing should be done contrary
to the constitution.
Resolved, That, pending the discussion
of those measures, it was pubiicly declar
ed by Mr. Breckinridge, and senator Hun
ter, and others, and is a fact undeniable'
that there existed a difference of opinion
between northern and southern demo
crats, as to whether the territorial legisla
tures possessed the right-to regulate the
subject of slavery, before forming a state
constitution; and that said difference of
opinion was amicably and . honorably ad
justed, by referring the same to the Su
preme Court of the United States, whose
decisions should be binding on both par
ties, and faithfully executed.
Resolved, That said compromise meas
ures, and adjustment, admitting, as they
did, of. no unconstitutional legislation,
were a fair, safe, and just settlement of the
question, and was agreed to, and acqui
esced in by both' the democratic and
American parties of the south, thus em
bracing the whole of the slaveholding
states, and was, and has been, until re
cently, opposed only by the abolitionists,
and black republicans of the north.
Resolved, That having agreed to, and
acquiesced in said compromise, and ad
justment, the character, honor, and good
faith of the democratic party, north and
south, was sacredly pledged faithfully to
abide by them.
Resolved, That the course of the sece
ding delegates, at Charleston, and Balti
more, by which they seek to introduce
new’ tests, to take the question out of said
adjustment, and bring it back to congress,
is a palpable violation of said reference,
and adjustment, contrary to the principle
of non-intervention, violative of our solemn
engagements, and exposes the people of
the south, for the first time in all her his
tory, justly, and openly, to the imputa
tion of bad faith ; and while it secures no
protection to southern rights, which is not
equally obtained by said compromise, and
adjustment, tends, inevitably, to divide
and defeat the democratic party, to elect
Lincoln, the candidate of the black repub
licans, and ultimately, we fear, to bring
about a dissolution of the union.
Resolved, That the national democratic
party, at Baltimore, having re-affirmed its
former, and long-established principles,
and pledged itself to abide by the decision
of the Supreme Court, on the territorial
question, agreed to be referred to it, chal
lenges the support of ail national demo
crats, £nd we hereby, cheerfully, and cor
dially, give in our adhesion to its nomi
nees for president, and vice-president, viz:
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and Her-
schel V. Johnson, of Georgiy—and pledge
ourselves to use all honorable, and proper
means to promote their election.
Resolved, That the chairman appoint
delegates to attend the dsmocratic
convention, in Milledgeville, on the 24th
inst.
On motion of Dr. McMichael, the blank
was filled with twenty, and the chairman
appointed the following delegates :
D. R. Adams, D. T. Singleton, R. A.
Reid, Dr. McMichael, Jas. W. Hargrove,
John Calloway, Thomas Whitfield, Peter
McHenry, John Linch, P. H. Dawson, C.
N.'Horne, W. A. Reid, A. H. Coates, Jas.
Wright, Jr., W. F. Rainey, I. H. Scott,
W. T. Hearn, J. D. Andrews, Jas. Nich
olson, L. C. Dennis.
On motion of Dr. J. G. Gibson, the pro
ceedings of this meeting were requested
to be furnished to the Augusta Constitu
tionalist, and Atlanta Confederacy, for
publication.
B. F. ADAMS, Pres’t.
D. T. Singleton, ) -
L. C. Dennis, $
Secretaries.
Why is it, that while some good and
true men support the policy of Governor
Brown, that all who are regarded by their
neighbors, and friends, as lukewarm, and
disaffected, rally to his standard? Why,
oh! why?—Tel. & Confed.
“ The French described the battle of
Aboukir as a drawn battle. ‘Well,’ said
Nelson, ‘they are quite right—only they
draw the blanks, and we draw’ the
prizes.’ ”
Rebellion.—Even Lord John Russell
confesses his inability to see any cause
for the excessive indignation manifested
in the north, at the crime of ‘rebellion.'
England, he observes, rebelled against
Charles I.; rebelled against James II. ;
and the people of New England, not■ con-
tent with these two rebellions, rebelled
against George III. Without deciding
whether those rebellions were justifiable,
or whether they were wrong, or whether
the southern rebellion is justifiable, or
not, Earl Russell says :
‘ The n\ere fact of a rebellion is not, in
mv eyes, a crime of so deep a dye, that
we must renounce all fellowship, and com
munion, and relationship, with those who
have been guilty of it. I own I cannot
but wonder to see the offspring of three
rebellions really speaking like the Czar
of Russia, the Sultan of Turkey, «* Louis
XIY. himself, of the dreadful crime, and
guilt of rebellion.’
What adds to the audacity of this out
cry, is the simple fact that there has been
no rebellion at all, unless it be that of the
black republican party, against the Amer
ican constitution. There must be al
legiance to a government acknowledged, ,
before resistance to its authority be*
comes rebellion. The states never
owed allegiance to their agency at Wash
ington. They were the sovereigns, to
whom, and to whom alone, the supreme
allegiance of their respective inhabitants
was due.— Richmond Dispatch.
Gov. Brown’s Message.—The whole
message may be put in a nut shell:
1st. Davis made an imprudent speech
in Macon, and Brown has made a more
imprudent reply.
2d. Brown wants Davis out of office,
and power, and himself in office, either aa
the perpetual governor of Georgia, or aa
president of the confederacy.
These two items embrace the matter for
which he has convened the legislature.
The whole message is nothing more nor
less than an electioneering document. * *
It reflects credit neither upon the head
nor heart of Georgia’s chief magistrate.
It is difficult for anyone to express hit
feelings, after readiag such a document.
A true Georgian feels humiliated, when
he sees the executive of his much-loved
state, in a state paper, stoop to the un
manly act of venting his spleen upoa the
highest functionary of the government.
He don’t want anybody to think that
he, Governor Brown, because he can writ#
such a document, is in favor of reconstruc
tion, or submission. No, not by any
means ; for although this message may
look very much like aid, and comfort to
the enemy, he would have the legislature
to remember that he had his dwelling, and
other houses burned.—Sumter Repub.
It is said that true charity begins at
home; but the great fault of that virtue,
now-a-days, is that it never goes visit
ing*
» <1 shall be indebted to you for
life,’ as the man said to bis eieditori,
when be ran away to Australia.’