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214 THE COUNTRYMAN. TUKNWOLD, GA., APRIL 11,1805. “ We take it all Back.” So says the Confederate Union of 28th ult.—And what is the occasion of its say ing so ? In its issue of 21st ult., it de clared this journal to be a ‘fair paper,’ but called upon us to show cause why we should not be condemned for certain edi torial utterances of ours, concerning Gov. Brown’s course. In our issue of April 4th, wo endeavored to ‘show cause/ and tried to play the amiable, and agreeable with our neighbors. But our neighbors would not wait for our answer to reach them, but have proceeded to condemn us unheard. They seem not to understand nisi prius practice. But we understand the cause of their failure to do so, now. There is a mighty rushing tide against their governor’s course, and they feel the necessity of losing no time in damming the crevasse that rushes, like the whirl pool, against their executive friend. Be easy, gentlemen 1 You had a« well at tempt to dam the Nile with bull-rushes— you h^d as well attempt to span the Mis sissippi with sand, as to undertake the task you have before you. Popular opin ion will wash your governor away. We admire your heroism, and magnanimity, in placing yourself in a position to share his fate. In our answer to tho call of the Confed erate Union, we congratulated ourself that our cotemporary thought well of us— thought us a ‘fair paper.’ Now, it says it does not think us so. Well, this gives us some concern, becauao we do like for our friends to think well us. It is a weakuess —perhaps a vanity—of ours, possessed in common with the human family, to wish to enjoy the confidence of our confreres ; and we are glad when the Confederate Union thinks well of ua. But we became accustomed to our cotemporary’s caprices in 1854—eleven years ago. At that time, we edited the Independent Press, and up on the appearance of our first number, our esteemed cotemporary spoke well of us. But in our second number, we showed that we were a union man, and our friends of the Union, then, as now, retracted the compliment they had paid us. Tho rea son was, they were secessionists, and we were not. Here is the manner in which our friends retracted tho compliment paid us, eleven years ago: “Too Fast.—We were, perhaps, too fast in locating our brother of the Inde pendent Press, politically. In an article in his last issue, headed ‘The Southern Convention,’ we could not get the hang of his position. May-be when he gets fairly under way, he will settle down, so that we can count him.” Now, when the Confederate- Union re tracted the compliment it paid us, eleven years ago, it caused us no small trouble: but then we have survived its censure, up i to this date, and have received a good many compliments from it since. This induces -us to hope we may still sur vive the censure of the Confederate UniOD, and live eleven years longer, and perhaps more than that number of years: and we. do not despair, either, of even receiving further compliments at the hands of our cotemporary, at some future day, when we agree with each other better than we do now. Let us examine, however, a few things said by our cotemporary. First it says, with reference to us, ‘ Now any fair man would never have attempted to make ah issue between the governor and the cause for which all good men are fighting.’—As Gov. Brown has done this, what say our friends of him ? Is he a ‘fair man ?’ Again, our cotemporary says, ‘ Gov. Brown is as good a friend to the Confed erate States as Mr. Davis, or Mr. Turner/ —That may be true, but the parties have different ways of showing it. Pr. Davis, and Mr. Turner, the latter in his very humble way, show their friendship to the Confederate States, by showing their op position to the yankees, all the while, while Gov: Brown vents all his antagonism upon the man whom tho southern people chose to be their president—and in this he agrees with the yankees. But, according to our cotemporary, ‘Gov. Brown has taken an oath that Mr. Turner has not, viz., to defend and sup port the constitution of the Confederate States, and he would perjure his soul, were he to keep still when he saw that constitution violated by Pr. Davis, or any other power, capable of doing that consti tution a violent wrong/ This all sounds very well. But will our cotemporary tell us why Gov. Brown is so silent, in all his state papers, about tho wrongs inflicted upon our ancient consti tution by Abraham Lincoln, and Sher man ? Why is he so silent about the wrongs inflicted by Joe Brown, in seizing salt?—in seizing stills?—in threatening the Inferior Court of Worth county?—in threatening to send patrols from Hancock county to the front, without a hearing ?— in overriding the habeas corpus in Wilkes county ? Why can Joe Brown and Abra ham Lincoln disregard our ancient consti tution as they please, and yet, if Jeff Davis does so, our governor is loud in his con demnation, but never says anything about Abe Lincoln, and his friend Joe Brown ? Come, now, Confederate Union, . tell us this, if you please : If Joe Brown ‘perjures his soul’ when he does not re prove Jeff Davis’s violations of the consti tution, does be not perjure his soul, when he does not reprove Joe Brown’s, and Abe Lincoln’s, and Sherman’s violations of tho same constitution ? But Brown has ‘sworn’ to support the constitution, and Mr. Turner has not.—It makes no difference with us whether wo have sworn to do a thing, or not. What ever is our duty, we endeavor to do, with out any swearing. Our word is our bond ; and our moral obligation is equally our bond. Therefore there is no need for us to swear to support the constitution. We can support it, without swearing to do so, “If friend Turner wishes to make an is sue between Gov. Brown, and Pr. Davis’s official acts, we have no objection—we are ready for the question. But he can not make an issue between Gov. Brown and the cause, or the confederacy. No such trick as that can be palmed off’ on the in telligent voters of Georgia. The Coun tryman will gain no laurels in any such undertaking. We advise the editor, if ho intends to fight Gov. Brown, to use tho weapons of fairness, justice, and truth, particularly if he wishes to succeed/’ We have quoted from our cotemporary at some length. Let us pay some atten tion to its propositions, seriatim. ‘If friend Turner wished to make an is^ sue between Gov. Brown, and Pr. Davis’s official acts/—We wish no issue. It is Gov. Brown who makes the issue. ‘But he cannot make an issue between Gov. Brown and the cause'—We make no such issue. It is Gov. Brown who does that, too. ‘The Countryman will gain no laurels in any su||$ undertaking.’—We do not aim at laurels. We aim at truth, and tho independence of our country. ‘We advise the editor, if he intends to fight Gov. Brown, to use the weapons of fairness, justice, and truth, particularly if ho wishes to succeed.’—It happens that our friends of the Union think, at this time, that we do not use the weapons of fairness, justice, and truth. In timos past, our friends have Said that we were very skillful in the use of thoso weapons. That was when wo agreed with them in senti-. inent. When we agree with them, then we are fair, just, and truthful. Whea we disagree with them, then we are the con trary. The test of the Confederate Union, then, with reference to fairness, justice,