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jjy Joseph Clisby. Ieokgia MACON, JULY 19, 1869. TELEGRAPH r mus»» svrar .^V MORNING. nOlL'BS. IN ADVANCE • , n (TtrT case where the subscriptior ^doat of t!ie Office. Di| INK l « ... N \ rfl • linoti Dyei" Winter, Ac. A »A»*I> BOIA;” 11 , .; 0 ti dye in winter l ^”»bi«kie punches flo— JT-it <.1* .re .Rating ii* o r ice and sno ~ l - v ,jp meat ia phrving knotsi. thick; 1 ,j4kud think ov dighing, *,«»{“ lin K 1,ick? dte in spring time, »ii»ihe‘ arn “P S ,wn *> .iT^rmng ov the lcttle fr.wg., ‘^TkiUrkS-.rlyscreems; r'ftsrl- begin tl.e.r wobbling 7»i«. jin to sprout- ‘?V„k t v« so » gobblenng ] Ad toon ihm l>eg out. ni knod <it* > n summer, the pH*" ««— i^iau»>R , ' utwrmi,k ~ VhSpbeein the gr.ee; •"JktouJjr »n * unlm * r « The. every thing . so bolt, „-he whUkif Jew-lipa— '« ino« : ile rather knott. nikaotoivr in ortum, Vrtpeevhe. till for e.Ung: | *: ^ntr korn is getiuig wnpe 1 /..••nes.ietreeUig. other wreasons, . jjo dye in the ph.ll; ithort it over r.’ nt W* liye » tall. rlrfllou. A. II. Stephens, i n iiwtsTA, <u., on Saturday, jrLY 2, 1859. jut, Gentlemen of the Committee, joxfhil Auditory : 1,’fcBonstr.tion, on my retiring from 11 irtum you my unaffected and un- The circumstances attending anting assembly—consisting, not > number of voters of the Dis- 11{•> wny of the fair of the land—the ci daughters, tvho give honor by tact—sre well calculated greatly to s appreciation. It is not every- one k«n in public life so long as 1 have, !«n so fortunate as to receive such a ■nt at its dose. It was not an uncom- ,.vt amongst the ancients for public men itncistd and exiled, even by those who ted them to paces of trust and dis- Jlut the totmonial ntw tendered ot exclusively from that Mass of niy rnts This inay, jarhaps. be owing persons] ilian to public considerations, it may, however, let this mnnifesta- shown to me here, without dis- eif party, by the generous and liberal ,uci'of this enterprising and flour- r—distinguishcsl alike for: ntelligcnce, tad public spirit, spring front what- n it may, of this you may be assured, 11 feel it most profoundly, and make ieifftuciits most sincerely and grate- ather merited or not, it is more than It is much more than I desired, nurd public life reluctantly, with- xcivrs, and without any- object of a>n or aggrandizement, I should a4 when the state of affairs favored to go quietly into that retirement anongciiial to my nature, without word of approval of my conduct to acllan that of my own judgment, raws, of having, on all Osca rs ail jafstions, endeavored to dis- y duty huthfully and with an eye sin- uiHrnance of your rights and the ad- the general public weal, idiosc that it should be otherwise, I a eiosidcration of the relations wc mnrds each other, as Rcprcscnta- shtnents, declines compliance with S'- And it is due to you, in can- iat, SO far as jiersonal gratification ' this display does, in some nicas- sate for the labor, toil, sacrifice, and tear of body ami mind, ever at- n him who undertakes to watch over; protect the public interests, oion itself naturally suggests feelings - “• partings do—the severance of t binding us together in relations of deuce and responsibility, is not un- “ of other tics that link the tcndcr- >ls of nature. I find however, of though t and reflection which as of a different character from mflnr attend ordinary sc|iarations ;s Some of these, it may not be > mention—not exactly-, then, *• who is about to take his de- Wie, from ft-iends, from all he a loubt and uncertainty whetb- * meet them again ; but rather ’■xaten mariner, who has sucees- v Pml* ->f his last of many dan- “ter and across the mighty elated heart and inward re- Trt h:s home-haven Anally reach* -urrto encounter ocean storms ’ troubled waters more. Thaw . ■ . • I 1 •dttda rough and uncertain sea, aCv r ?' n *"'* ^"gvrous elements ■“«. however still and quiet they J"*"*J* ® rroe an< l portentous r . ■ *">1 perhapa they were Jjr*?' lasheil into greater fury * wa repeatedly- during the pe- i . shattered (higments, « n >*ny a gallant baric, , .adrift on either side, borne ’wishes* sway; and many no- r"*ttridei have been seen “r«/ri l i £, n “ l0 \ I s it not natural, j 'now, i» contemplating the ^Tpenonal gratification that I 'ths! m !,un,10U »tt tlicse perils, ’^r.sks »nd hazzards, not only , VNf V 0UI,, ler, ora stranding, but hie i* :ni ' , or single spar ? For * u*,o ' l0 ' lr b'vncroirs confidence, i, r, ltr reflection far more im- r*- " mc h tnore interesting 'eat^ B^t'fy'ng to rnysrif— country not only In as co "dition than I found it **y have threatened us, the ' :r |«l no serious detriment, nal resource*, intellectual ad- «r political status. n, i whatever short-comings na, ijs, 1,1 *hat fuller derclop- ■e> r / attained in some of if/Jv*' the whole, her pro- "'f better, has been most WT"* 1 . This is true of the < dsw if so each of the parts «a of our own State, b^^wnt, in vour minds the l »Wnll JS,c4ll y *nd inullcctu- W 5« entered the lewisla- ,k,w - The change tta^the works of magic. PiSd * the | * nrvelopmenta which !fc »on r *?' 0r of being styled the k* S,8t * 18 of the South, i hiEW° U,e j dt 'P»rtment—that AtU?!? *?" nobler improve* tk"m.1 " ul . on «college in the i'w 0 **tl a ; i! c * t ' on °T ,nen - Now, Ijea, ^ number, of the same P -. 1 heii.r** not in the State, V 4 * ^cstiin ^ ngle , ch ^7 d 1 aJ'y wd regular gradu- ** J —- 5 ac h as conferred the lit H U1C PS^Thc Ueorgi. Female r hrp,^ 1 T*"ret«d in 183#, with ,,*«*ki n j ^ P°»ets, I believe, *u ,v y*h«re. The move* b I fcav U- nlj* - * 00 °T ainuse- P’bat it n u .f W< * 0n * < * “ this orcs- sending forth their cheering beams in ev. rv di. rection, like new stars in the firmament above, just brought into existence in the progress creation. "Whatever honor, therefore, Georgia is entitled to for her ether great works of im- K vcment and achievement; and however ad, massive, and substantial the materials may be that enter into "the monument reared to her fame; and however high they maybe piled up, let this still beat the top the filling and crowning point of her glory, that she took and holds the lead of all the wor tion. In a national point of .view, our progress has also been great Vast territories have been ad ded to our limits. Our trade, our commerce, our manufactures, our exports and imports, have been more than trebbled. History fur nishes no equal to it in the annals of nations. All those great sectional questions which so fu riously in their turn agitated the public mind, forboding disaster, and which, from my con nection with them, caissed me to rentain so long at the post you assigned me, have been amica bly and satisfactorily adjusted, without the sac- rifice of any principle, or the loss of any csscn tial right. At this time, there is not a ripple upon the surface. The country was never in a profounder quiet, or the people from one ex tent of it to the other, in a more perfect enjoy ment of the blessings of peace and pre secured by thoea institutions, for wh should feel no less grateful than proud. It is at such a time, and with these views of its con dition, that I cease all active connection with its affairs. In reference to those agitations, and theques- tions giving rise to then, and my conduct on them, which you have been pleased to speak of in terms of such high commendation, I ask your indulgence only to say a few things, and these few only as of mntten; that are past They were questions of no ordinary magnitude; they were vital in their ch.iractcr; they oppresse ’ me with the mostanxious care—with the heav; weight of the most intense sense of responsibii ity—and the more so to they subjected me, on several occasions, to the roast trying of all poli tical ordeals—the separation in action from old allies and old friends. The first of these wns the annexation of Tex as. This arose on my entrance into Congress. It was to me a new fie! L and a new theatre. It requires an effort, at this time, to recall the scenes of that day—the arguments for and a- gainst—the passions a wl prejudices that were aroused on both sides. The public mind was perhaps never before more thoroughly excited. It was my fortune, with a few others, to differ, not only from our own party friends, hut from a majority of those on Lac other side. We were for the measure. We lielieved it to be consti tutional and advantageris, notwithstanding the contrary jndgmcnl and -he fearful consequences predicted by many sag es in council, in whose wisdom and patriotism we had ever confided.— We were for it, howevti, only on condition that the rights of the South should be settled and guaranteed in the bonclr of Union. In this po sition wc held the balance of power in the House; and it was not. jntil various other pro positions, which left ti c sc points open, were vo ted down—wc voting with the general oppo nents of the measure on them, that ours, which secured the existing guaranty four for slave States, to be carved out of the Territory and ad mitted into the Union, if the people should pre sent such Constitution*, on their application for admission, was taken up and passed by the gen eral friends of the me^iure. The true historr of these resolutions hac never been given. Col. Benton, in his “Thirty Year’s View,” quotes them at length, and says that they were intro duced at an early day of the session. He says, they “were sent down from the State Depart ment" In this, he m ikes one of his flings at Mr. Calhoun, who was then at the head of that Department This is, in every essential parti cular, a mistake. These resolutions were not introduced at an early <lay of the session. Con gress met on the 2d day of Decamber, 1844; on the 12th of that month, Mr. Charles J. In- gersoll, chairman of tho committee of foreign af- fkirs, introduced the Administration measure.— After that, there were six other plans of annex ation introduced, before the resolutions, which fipally passed, were offered. They were pre sented by Mr. Milton Brown, of Tennessee, on on the 18th of January, 1845. He and I con sulted frequently together. We agreed in our views. We could not support any one of the plans submitted, but wc were anxious for the measure to succeed on the terms I have stated. He drew up the resolutions embodying our views, securing the settlement of the vexed question, and the guaranty as to tho four future slave States South of the Missouri line, just as they passed. Neither Mr. Calhoun, nor Mr. Tyler, ever saw the resolutions until they were iffered to tho House; and I doubt if any other person did, except Mr. Brown, myself, and Hon. Ephraim U. Foster, one of the Senators of Ten nessee. ’Mr. Brown informed me that Mr. Fos ter concurred fully in our views, and would pre sent the same resolutions in the Senate on the same day, which he did, remarking at the time, that he had neither consulted nor conversed with any other Senator in relation to them. As for the phraseology of the resolutions, that w due entirely to Mr. Brown, but for the «,ub- slance, I feel fully justified in saying that wc are both jointly and equally responsible. My course in the matter was taken, not without some doubt and distrust that it might be tt rong, as so much talent, age, experience and worth were arrayed against it—hence, you may imag ine the gratification I felt, six years after when Mr. Webster, in his celebrated ith of March speech, fully admitted the constitutionality of the annexation, and the binding obligations of the guarantees therein secured. The recognized constitutional expounder, and one of the lead ers of the opponents of the measure, though not in official position at the time it passed, lived to give the constitutional question involved, the sanction of his high authority ; and now few men ofuny party or any creed raise a point up on the subject , The next question of agitation arose out of our acquisitions from Mexico, embracing also, the Territory of Oregon—the title to which liad just been definitely settled about that time. This was the greatest of all, before or since. It involved the powers of Congress over the Tern- lories, and the right of the General Government to exclude slavery, as it exists with us, from them. The principle was one of vast impor tance, whether considered injan abstract or prac tical view. Its assertion abstractly earned with - and degrad ild hai IS up. lie-,, , and prevented idl future growth and expansion. The point the South made was the ngbt to go into the Territories with their slave property, on the same footing, and with the same sceunt^y as other property under Ihe Constitution. Ihi. was her demand; and it was on this basis tl settlement was made. The Territories are to be kept open for settlement and colonization, by all, alike, without any discriminating legisla tion on tile part of Congrats for or against any species of property. lintT the people come to form their State Com titqt OWl for admission in to the Union—when they art to be admitted either with or without slavery, as they may then determine for themselves. Tins is non-inter vention. And, as ydu all may know, it came short of what I wished. It was, in in) view, not the full measuroofour rights—that required, in my judgment, the eiu.t tuient by Congress, oi all needful laws for the piotection of slave pro perty in the Territories, lolong as the Territo rial condition lasted. .... e But an overwhelming majonty t of the boutn was • gainst that positio n. It was said that we who maintained it, yieldsd the whole question by yieldiiig the jurisd -:tion—and that, if wc ccnccdod the power to p rotect, we necessarily conceded with it the po u «r to prohibit. 1 Ms, by no means followed, i i ray judgment nrDvailinri opinion. Ana it could not lift lh which w AH tfitog* nml relations to each more, in tlie cyu lhroughout ,he material um- But auch was the prevailin,; opinion. And it was not until it was well nicertained that a large majority of the South » ould not ask for, even vote for Congressional | lotection, that those ol as who were for it yielded to non-intervention, because, though it can o short of our wishes, yet, it contained no sacrifice of principle—had „ i this pres- nothing aggressive in it nnd secured fm a 1’™ C - l'?P | OTin„ war® support, tical purposes, what wa.« wanted. 1 1 beyond the unrestricted right of expansion over the com- ^? c '»»io^ tU ' ne Wenda, the ex- moil public domain, as inclination, convenience, ^ ‘Wfc-'* 1 only in our own or necessity may require on the part of our pco- P. 0WCI ^V ay , a* those great Empires We now have ; pie. For, while Con gnu ■s abstained from all di- time,, p«“ centuries ago—our own ' : I.:.., ;Vt legislation on Me .-object, yet the lull* u r) which "- >a Volume XXXIII.—No. 43. camziog Territ< rial government- granted to^he local legislature* the power to pass laws “upon all rightful subjects of legislation, not inconsist ent with the Constitution of the United States." This gave them the power to pass all needful laws for the protection of slave property, if the people wanted them—that being a rightful sub ject of legislation—but none to prohibit or ex clude—that being inconsistent with the Con stitution of the United States, and the exercise of a power that Congress did not possess, and could not grant This was the view we took of the case, and this has since been sustained by the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott de cision. Thas the settlement was made—thas the record stands, and by it I am still willing to stand, as it was fully up to the demands ol" the South, through her Representatives at the time, though not up to my own; and, as by it the right of expansion to the extent of popula tion and capacity is amply secure*L The sub sequent excitement on the Kansas bill, in 1854, was but a sequel to that of 1850. In carrying out the principles established in 1850—of opening the Territories, and leaving them free for settlement by all, alike, without Congressional interference, it berame necessary to take off the old restriction of 1820, which had been put upon that territory. The 8gilatiou this gave rise to, was caused by nothing but the dying efforts of the old res- trictionists to hold their old ground, and to fight the battle of 1850 over again. This was a struggle mainly for principle—abstract prin ciple on both sides. In the result, we were triumphant. But it was not a triumph of the South over the North, so much as it was a tri umph of the triends of constitutional equality and right, over their enemies everywhere; and let no uau consider this agitation, so far as the South is responsible for it, as useless or unnecessary, inasmuch as it was a struggle mainly for an abstract principle having prac tically nothing in it. Let no one indnlge the belief that it would have been bettor for the South to have quietly let the old restriction against us remain upon the statute book, as there was little prospect that slavery ever would go to these Territories, and as the Su preme Court has since decided, in the Dred icott case, that the old restriction was uncon stitutional aud void anyhow. Let no one think that the amount of practical interest in the result did not justify tne popular commo tion that the controversy evoked. Let no one take any such view of the subject as this practical results should weigh but little when great fundamental, constitutional, nod abstract principles ofGovcrnment are to be settled.— These underlie all popular rights, and con stitute the essence of sovereignty and inde pendence ; and the fates of natious depend up on a rigid maintenance of them. An insult to a flag has but little practical injury in it; and yet, if unatoned for, will and ought to justify war “at every hazard aud to the last extremi ty.” The war of the American Revolution which gave us our national independence, was fought more in vindication of abstract princi ples than for the redress of any practicafgricv- unces. Tbo grevanccs of the colonies were mainly the assertion of rights aud powers over them by the British parliament, which they denied. Hence. Mr. Webster said, truly, that it was fought “on a preamble.” It was not the amount of the tax complained of, so much the right of imposing it without representa tion. The very bill that led to resistance re duced the tax, but asserted in its preamble the unlimited and unconditional power to tax- It was on this measure, that the great Edmund Burke—a son, Mr. President, (Mr. John Bones,) of your own native isle, who ranks high above all the others of her most illustri ous names—high above Grattan, Curran aud Emmet, aud who stood foremost aud first a- moDgst orators aud statesmen not only in the British parliament but in the world, iu his day —if be has ever been surpassed iu any age or country —it was on this bill, thus granting re lief to the colonies, accompanied by the bare assertion of illegal right, that Burke, in his place, told the House of Commons that they were sending an angel of peace, “but with it they were sending out a destroying angel, too;” and what would be the effect ot the con flict of these two adverse spirits, or which would predominate in the end, was what he dared not say. His warning was not heeded. The destroying angel came; but with no effect upon our ancestors, except to arouse them in defence of even their abstract righto. It was England, who, under the influence of his un seen power, was left to mourn the loss of her first-born colonies. In politics, as in law, the greatest results of ten follow’the establishment of abstract prin ciples, when the amount of practical interest involved is too small to be taken in the estima tion. Principles deciding the titles to millions of property may be settled, and often are, up on a pepper-corn issue. In the case of Pierce and Twine, two hundred pounds sterling only were involved. But who could estimate the hundreds of thousands that have been controll ed by the principles established by it ? Or who would nndorluka to number tho millions upon millions which have and do depend upou the principles of hbellys case or Perrin against Blake? In this last, thousands of dollars have been speut in publishing books that have been written upon it-to say nothing about the amount or value of property it has con trolled, And yet. only two thousand pounds sterling were all that was practically in issue in it. And what was the amount practically in issue in the Dred Scott case, itself 1 Noth ing but the value of one slave perhaps jess than a thousand dollars; yet. on the principle depended not only many other thousands, but in all probability the destiny of this country. And who is vain enough to suppose that the Dred Scott decision would have been made, but for the agitatiou and the discussion which preceded it. and the sound, dear principles which that discussion brought to light ? W e gh not. therefore, too lightly the most violent dis cussions by your public men. even upon the most abstract principles. Nay, more, be pre pared to assert them yourselves as your fa thers difli nt any hazard, though there be noth ing at stake but your honor. Nor am I of the number of th«*e wh< > ^' , ^ e that we have sustained any injury by these ag itations. It is true, we were not responsible for them. Wc were not the sggressors. We acted on the defensive. We repelled assault, calumny, aud aspersion, by argument, by rea son, and truth. But so far from the institu tion of African slavery in our •ection being weakened or rendered less secure by *“*[ “ M enssion, my deliberate judgment is that it ha* been greatly strengthened and fortified strengthened and fortified not only in the opin- convictions, and consciences of men. but by the action of the government. _Quertion. that were doubtful and mooted hefore these notations, have since been settled—settled as lUave stated, settled by all the departments of the government, the legislative, executive, and judicial. The old Missouri Restnctron of 1820. has been taken from the statute boo . There is uot now a spot of the public territory of the United States, over which tba national flag floats, where slavery is excluded by law of Congress; and the highest tribunal of the iLd bss decided that Congress ha. oo power re nass such a law. nor to grant such power to L Territorial legislature. All this has been » :<& j: k, nr-T, % more anxiou to ^ „ eseat ^jet last ? or the future. ; t rcnc ,v the strife? - il V'till u to'b/tbecud of it? Gn this \nd wlut ** . t ha t the future is wisely Joint, I can onlj say im.i tbat x point, i c „ bv a curtain shut out froii , f j woll |d. and I would BOt if 1 .. Tt : a enough for us to take rare of the could. D is w j tb ', v |,| c h we are moving along, ever present, ^ ar| , DflsainK ;llva y. Nay. olb " 0 t f b ‘l. 1 th is 1 n 9 oll.ing B et7rnal. but change verse, there . j ajr . Our bodies yield lot of all—govern- Tbis js the uuiv ^ e " t au bject to tbe sam e law. The most anon, eu...v , ments « <- » u J , t j, v wi ||, , n course of thepartofourpco- poweifaloti e boie , Empires did, f . t •, ji ia— —„ nwsv. o —own can not escape the same inevitable doom. But when this will be—whether at an early or re mote period—I have no deposition either to require or to speculate. I have no hesitancy, however, in giving you the strong conviction of my judgment that it is best for all tbat the States shall remain united under their present Constitution just so long—if that be forever— as this end can be attained without the sacri fice of any Constitutional principle, or the loss of any Constitutional right essential to the safety aud security of any one of them, or any number of them—and that the Union on this basis, can be and will be preserved just so long as intelligence, virtue, integrity, and pa triotism rule our national councils. How long this will be, will depend upon tho people them selves. Legislators in this country, in the main, are but the embodied reflection of the characters and principles of those who elect them. As matters now stand, so far as the sectional ques tions are concerned, I see no cause of dan ger, either to the Union, or southern security in it. The former has always been, with me, and ought to be, with you, subordiuate to the latter. But on the present basis of govern mental action, recognised in all its depart ments, on those questions vital to the South. I see nothing likely to arise from it calculated to endanger either her safety or security.— Hence, nothing to provent the hope and ear nest desire that a still greater, wider, and high er career is before us than that yet attained. And for many long years to come, there is nothing in the diversity and dissimilarity of the institutions of the different States inconsis tent with this—nothing in any increase or ad dition of States; nothing in the future enlarge ment of the limits of the Republic, by further acquisition of Territories, as, in the event of continued union, there, doubtless, will be.— Already, we are looking out towards Chihua hua, Sonora, and other parts of Mexico—to Cuba, and even to Central America. Where are to be our ultimate limits, time alone can determine. But of all these acquisitions, the mrst important to the whole country is that of Cuba. She lies geographically in the natural line of extension and acquisition. The natu ral course for all national extension is on lines of lougitude, rather than lines of latitude— from North to South, or from South to North, rather than from East to West—so as to bring within a common jurisdiction the products of different dimes. As yet. we embrace no por tion of the Tropics. Cuba, besides her com manding position iu the Gulf, and all other advantages, would fill up this deficiency. On this subject, however, I will say that am not much in favor of paying any great sum of money to Spain for that islaud. If the peo ple of Cuba want to come under our jurisdic tion, it is their right to come, and ours to re ceive them, without let or hindrance from Spain. She holds the Island by uo tenure but that of conquest and force. The more appropriate policy would be to re peal all our own laws which make it penal and criminal for our own citizens to go and help them achieve their independence. Instead of offering Spain thirty or more millions of dol lars for it, I would simply quit spending other millions in keeping watch and guard, for her to oppress aud rob; I would simply quit bold ing while Spain skins. A million or two might be well spent to obtain so great a result with out difficulty, if Spaiu saw fit to receive it— not much more. But whatever may be our acquisitions of territory. I sec nothing to endanger our rights in the Uuioq, if the principles now established be adhered to and maintained in good faith,— Over all present possessions or future acquisi tious, we have and will have, by those princi pies, the unrestricted right to expand, to set tle and colonize with our institutions to the extent of population aud capacity. Wherever climate aud soil suit, them ala very can and will go. to tho axtont of population. Ou this point of extension, however, fellow citizens. I deem it my duty to repeat wbat I said in 183Q, when we bad just come out of the great struggle over tho" territorial policy of the government—whatever abstract rights of extension and expansion we may have se cured in the settlement of that policy, you may not expect to see many of the Territories come into the Uuiou as slave States, uu'ess we have increase of African stock. The law of population will prevent. We have not the people. Boundaries by rivers or mountains, do not make Slates. It takes people to make States ; and it requires people of the African race to make slave States. This requires no argument; and | very much question whether, with our present stock of that population, we can furnish the requisite number to secure more than the four States to omne out of Texas io the present Territories of the Uuiou. To look for, or expect many more, is to look in vain, without a foreign supply This question, the people of the South should examine in its length and breadth. It is oue deserving considera tion of the gravest character. It deeply con cerns our internal iuteresto and domestic pol icy. as well as the growth and extension of eur institutions. It should not be acted on or de cided hastily or rashly, but calmly aud delib erately. 1 only present it to you for such consideration: and especially with the view of impressing you with this great truth before hand, that if there are but few more slave States admitted into the Uuiou, it will not nec essarily be in cousequence of Abolitionism or Wilmot Proviso, but for the want of the right sort of population to settle and colonize with them- ' if is useless to wage war on those who may withhold Congressional legislation to protect slave property in the Territories, or to quarrel amougst ourselves, and accuse each other of uusoundness ou that question, unless we get more Africans to send there to be pro tected. I give you no opinion upon the sub ject. except this—that, without an increase of African slaves from abroad, you may uot ex pect or look for mauy more slave states. It the policy of this country, settled in its early history, of prohibiting further importations or immigrations of this class of population, is to be adhered to, the race of competition between us and our brethren of the North, iu the col onization of new States, which heretofore has been so well maintained by us, will soon have to be abandoned. It is iu full view of all this, that I have stated, that if the present basis of settlement between the sections of the Union, which has been sanctioned by a)l the depart ments of the Government, be adhered to, you have notbiug to fear for your safety or securi ty. For ou these principles one slave State alone, by herself, would be perfectly secure against eucroachmeuts or aggressions on her domestic internal policy, though all the rest were free. But this safety and security de pend altogether upon a rigid adherence to the Manciples. They are the ship on which, as r*aul said, you must abide if you would sur vive and be safe. Whether these principles should be adhered to, or not, depends mainly upon the South, with her people uuited, there is no danger. Indeed, a ith her people uuited, no oue need bare any apprehensions for the stability and permanence of her institutions, either in the Union or out of it. just as her en emies may choose to decide that question for her. We control the great staple which forms the basis of the commerce of the world; and it uuited, can and will be able, in any and every eveut, to take care of ourselves. African slavery with us rests upon principles that can never be successfully assailed by reason or argument. It has grown stronger by discussion ; aud will still grow stronger as discussion proceeds, and as time rolls on. Thirty years ago Virginia was on the verge of abolition. Now, uo such sentiment is to be found there. Twenty years ago, Wilberforce’s theory was carried out by emancipation in the British West Indies. That experiment has most signally failed; that error in policy is now attempted to be remedied by coolies, in stead of Africans, under the title of apprenti ces, instead of slaves. This is but verifying the proverb that one false step leads to anoth” er. Carlyle, the greatest thinker of England, has repudiated the folly of abohtioniim°; and the London Timet followed not far behind him. The worjd is growing wiser, and upon uo sub ject more rapidly than that of the proper sta tus of the negro. In my judgment, there are more thinking men at the North, now, who look upon our system of slavery as right, so cially, morally, and politically, than there were even at the South, thirty years ago. The leading public men of the South, in our early history, were almost all against it. Jefferson was against it; Madison was against it; near ly all of them were against it. This I freely admit, when the authority of their names is ci ted. It was a question which they did not, and perhaps could not, thoroughly understand at that time. It was theu a new question in the construction of constitutional government. It is still a problem, in process of solution. They met the paramount questions of their day as statesmen; so should the men of this day meet those before them. New truths arc always slow in development. This is the case in all the physical sciences. It was so with the Copernican system in astron omy; so with tho application of steam in me chanics; so with the knowledge of the laws of electricity, and the means of controlling it for great uses and purposes; this is also the case with new truths in Goveranment—and even more so; for legislators and rulers are not gen erally the thinkers of any country, lleuce, important facts within their appropriate sphere often lie much longer unobserved without the legimate inductions and conclusions to be drawn fiom them. The world bad moved on for centuries: States, Kingdoms, aud Empires had ri*«u. fallen, and passed away, before leg islators were even conscious of the great facts and truths brought to light by Adain Smith, touching the laws of trade and the real source of the wealth of nations. Even tyhen first an nounced, they were slow in impressing the miuds of those who controlled the action of Government. Now, they are recognised and adopted us maxims, by the wise and intelligent all civilised countries. So it has bccu aud is with thegreat fact, tbat in the frame-work of humau society the materials for ita structure should be selected and arranged in the order of nature. Pythagoras, Plato, and Ari stotle, the great est philosophers of antiquity, directed their miuds to the systems of government and the proper constitution of a State. The republi can form was the ideal model of each. They all saw the necessity of some sort of gradation in the elemeuts of its composition; but their systems failed, because they violated nature in making the subordiuate class of thesame race- Subordination ia the normal condition oftlie ne gro. This great truth, that such wijs the uor- mal condition of any race was not recognised in their theories; aud hence their machinery, in practice, could not work- In this conueution, allow me to say tbat I do not agree with some as to tho manner of meet- ingour assailants on this subject. Many seem to be not only astonished, but offended, at the “higher law” doctrine of the Senator from New York. (Mr. Seward). I, too, believe in the higher law—the law of »he Creator, as manifes ted in His works and His revelations. Upon this, our cause eminently rests. I claim nothing barely upon the ground that “ thus it is nomi nated jn the bond.” ( recognise tq the fullest extent, tho doctrine that ail humau laws and Constitutions must bo founded upon the Divino law. And if there is any right secured, or any obligation imposed in our Constitution, incon sistent with this law, underlieing aud over-rul ing all others, such right and sucli obligation must be yielded. I would not swear to sup- E ort any Constitution inconsistent with this igher law. Let us not deceive ourselves—this question has to be grasped aud comprehended in all its vast dimentious—on it, we need not orators so much as thinkers, nor declaim er* so much as reasocors. We jnust stand on the higher law, as well as upon the Constitution. The latter must be subordinate to the former. But as I read the inscriptions upon the canvass of the universe about us, and around us, and over us, as well as the teachings of inspiration “Order ii n»i“~'* first law:” «!»*• ii, gradation and subordination ; this principle ex tends from the Thone of the Creator to the utmost limits of His works. We see it in the Heavens above—in the greater and lesser lights —in tbo stars that differ from each other in magnitude and lustre; we see it iu*the earth below—in the vegetable and animal kingdoms —ranging from the stateliest trees of the forest to the rudest mosses and ferns. From the magnolia grandiflora gloriosa, the rose, and the japonic*, down to the most uncouth flower we tread under foot—from,the hugest uiou- sters ot life in the air, on the land, or in the ocean, to the smallest animalcule to be found in them all. We see similar distinctions aud gradations in the races of men —from the high est to the lowest type. These are mysteries iq creation, which are pot for us to explain. It is enough to know that they work out a grand harmony through tho whole; and that in our system of government, which, in my judgmeut, is the best in the world, we do but conform to these immutable principles of nature. Who, then, is warring against the higher law ? We who conform to it, or those who are striving to reverse the decrees of the Almighty ? Iu politics and morals, as in mechanics, it is impossible to war successfully against princi ple. The principle wilt ultimately prevail. The wickedest of all follies, and the absurdest of all crusades, are those which attempt to make things equal which God iu his wisdom has made unequal. It is a struggle against a principle which can never succeed, where rea son has sway, until “the leopard can change his spots aud the Ethiopean his skin.” The world, by wise men, is to be taken a^ they find it; audit is the business of statesmen so to contract the materials of society as best to promote the good of all. This can never de done by violatiog any principle of nature. If our system is not the best, or oannot bo made the best for both races, it is wrong, I do say, that there is no offico under Heaven that I desire, or wish ever to hold—there is none that I should prefer to that of Representa tive in Congress—especially from the Eighth District of Georgia. In quitting that, there fore. I quit for good and in earnest—hoping and believing that no such crisis ever will come when I should be required to take active part again in public affairs. As a private citizen, T shall continue to feel the same interest in pass ing events, and take such part in them, as all other good citizens should—nothing more. I cannot permit this occasion to go by with out adding, that if, in the heat of any of those high party excitements, through which it has been my lot to pass, I have ever, at any time, said or done aught to give offence, or to wound the feelings of any oue wantonly, or without cause, I do deeply regret it. It was never my intention to offend, or to give cause of offence to any, unless first offended against; and whatever instances of this kind may have 0C' curred, I deeply regret the necessity that oc cosioned them; and trust that the whole, alike, may be buried in oblivion forever. With you, my fellow-citizens, here present, and those of my constituents absent, I leave iny best wishes for long life and happiness. With our common country, I leave like good wishes, and the ear nest hope for undisturbed peace and prosperi ty, and that our institutions, unimpnirod. na tional and State, may long continue to bless millions, yet unborn, as they have blessed us. FERTILIZERS qeneraiTagency. Tho undersigned respectfully announces Planters and others interested, that they are con, stantly receiving direct from the Islands, and from the manufacturers, the following host approved Feutilizkbs mow kuowv. all of which have been thoroughly and satisfactorily tested, viz: No. 1 Peruvian Guano, Sombrero Guano, Rhodes’ Super Phosphate of Lime, National Fertilizir, Ground Plaster. These articles, which will have our brand, and be guaranteed as genuine, we shall, at all times, be prepared ta furnish in aiponnta required, and at the lowest prices. The "Super Phosphate," and "Fer tilizer,” at manufacturers’ rates, with expenses of transportation added, FATTEN * MILLER Savannah- Mae a—1» Low Prices for Cash. jSBW STORE—NEW GOODS. gear kit m, SECOND STREET, TRIANGULAR BLOCK, MACON, GA. Would invite the attention of CITIZENS, MERCHANTS AND PLANTERS, To their large Stock of Boots, Shoos, LEATHER AND FINDINGS, Selected expressly for this market, and '• comprising ONE OF THE LARGEST AND ! _ FINEST ASSORTAIEN TS j _ IN THE STATE, Which they offer at LOW PRICES FOR CASH. Examine our Goods and Prices before buying elsewhere, march 29—ly f Try ua, »nd yon will be suited. FASSsTIAN’S IRON HOOPS AND TIES FOR COTTON BALES. Price (1 cents per pound, 25 per cent, less than Rope. Any one considering the advantages of Iron over Rope us a material for binding cotton bales, will be surprised that it has not been adopted long since.— I utterly repudiate the doctrine of the greatest good for the greatest number. Oue huudred men have no right to have happiness at the ex pense of ninety-nine, or a less number. If slavery, as it exists with us, is not the best for the African, constituted aud made as he is—if it does not promote his welfare aud happiness, socially, morally, and politically, as well as that of his master, it ought to be abolished. But if it does this, then we staud upon a rock as firm aud impregnable as truth. And with union aud patriotism amougst our own people, wc have nothiog to fear from any quarter— either in the Union or out of it. We "hold our destiny iu our owq ipmds; aud in pursuing it to the end, *re shall bp t)dt fulfilling a great mission in advancing a new order and a higher type of Christian civilization. I must now take my farewell leave. My race has been ran—my career is euded; wheth er it has been for good or for evil, the record is made up. By it, I must be judged in the future, as ail others whose acts form a part, however small, iu the public history. I ain willing that my conduct os it there stands shall be squared by the Grecian’s rale, tbat “the course of every public man, upon all great questions should uot only be the best that was thought of by any at the time, but the very best tbat all subsequent disclosures shall show could have been thought of aud adopted under all the circumstances.” The rale is a rigid one; but I ask no exemption from it now or here after. Upon a review of the past, up to this time, I see no cause to regret any of my acts upon any of those questions to which I have al luded ; uor is there a single one of them that I would change. I retire from no feelings of discontent—far from it; no onc-cvcr bad less cause to com. ■ jlain. If you are satisfied with the past 1 am. i if any explanations are necessary to satisfy the inquiries of those who seem to thiuk it so strange that one should voluutarily retire from a place of position and honor, 1 state explicitly that it is because those questions having beeu settled with which I hail become connected, there are other pursuits more agreeable to my nature, and I do not know that I could reuder the public any more essential service at tin* time than by showing, to the extent of my ex ample, at least, that office is not the chict end of man. I do not say that I will, under no cir cumstances, ever bold office again, or serve the country in any emergency that may arise. That woqld be tantamount to a declaration of inciTism, inexcusable under all circumstances. An’occasion may arise when I should feel it a -ty even to choulder a musket—though 1 could not render much service in that way - But In is security against fire, tliere is an overwhelming reason for its adoption. The presses in tho seaport cities have been the main cause of its not being generally adopted ; but now that objection is removed generally, and the Orleans Press, the largest in New Orleans, gives it the preference over rope. Tho Passman Iron Hoop aud Tie is the improvement of one of tho proprietors, and is adopted from the fact, that it is tound, after long experiment, to combine the greatest merits in simplicity aud facility of application of anv one yet made. It is so prepared as to require no cliange for re-compressing, '(has obviating the only remain ing ditnculty nt the seaboard cities. The hoops aru sent of any length, from eight ot ten feet, nnd a full guarantee given that neither the Ties nor lloops shall break. And further, that all cotton bound in them shall be received on the same terms, at the Orleans Press, as rope bound cotton — The weight per bale is about thesame as rope, not one pound more or less. To show the opiniou shipmasters have of it, we give the following, among numerous commenda tions we have: Tito uttM-irnitfiital mustwra of vessels, having had cotton coinpresced with Passman's uew Iron Hoops mid Ties, hereby recommend the same. The bales being well compressed, and the buttons or hoop*, never breaking when thrown down in the ship" hold, or when stowed. L. L. Condey, Captain of ship Moses Davenport, A. Kobineon, •• *• Madras, James Thomas, “ " Henry, A. Talbot, “ “ llare&seeket, John Dean, “ •* James Flint, John C. Wilner, ** “ Mulljouae. 11. Kopenlioiqt, •* “ Ella A. Clark L. P. Mcrill, ’* Bark Kimball. The prioe of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6 cents per pound, aud all orders will receive prompt attention. Liberal deductions made to merchants foroity aoceptauoe. by F. BELCHER. Agent, may 31—6m I2j Commercial Place, N. O. SEAMLESS HOOP SKIRTS! 32 Watch Spring- Steel. i r\r\ JUST RECEIVED and for sale at t:t 50 by 1UU may lo UOSTIUK, KEIN * CO. 1 AAA BUdll. CORN, HUO bush. Bran, 1UUU 500 busb. Oats. 100 bales Hay. for sale by jane 7 AYRES,' WINUEIELD & CO $10,000 OastLl Valuable Plantation IN HOUSTON COUNTY - FOR SALE, rp 11E uudersigned will sell for Ten Thousand Dol* 1 lars cash, the Plantation in Hou.-ton county; known as the Uen Gray place, containing THIR TEEN HUNDRED Acres of Land. This Plantation is fourteen miles from Macon and lies in one mile of the South-Western Rail Road, said road passing through one corner of the Land. There is between six and seven huudred acres of Land cleared, and in fine condition for making a crop another year. Thtf 1 lace is well improved. Having Frame Negro louses with brick Chimneys to accommodate Fifty Negroes, and Frame Gin House, Cotton Screw and Stables. These Lands are level and well adapted to the pro duction of Corn or Cotton, and instead of wearing out, get more productive as they grow older, under judicious cultivation. The place will be sold on a credit of one, two and three years, for a sum equivalent to ten thousand dollars cash. Any further information desired, will be furnished by adilrtssiugthe undersigned at Busbayville. Hous ton County, Georgia. D. F. GUNN. Macon, Sept. 28. 1858. D. C. HODGKINS & SDK, 3S/Ea.con, G-a. TNVITES the-. j_ attention off,. J" _ tbs Sporting Public and oth- rz. to their "J3-' large selection of DOUBLE GUNS, RIFLES, PIS TOLS. POCKET AND SPOUTING CUTLERY. FISHING TA KLE WALKING STICKS. FOK- EIUN AND DOMESTIC AMUNITION, and every article found in a FIRST CLASS Sportsman’s Emporium, NORTH OR SOUTH. By carefulattenfion to the busioe**, and keeping the best GOODS in our line, we expect to receive a continuation of past favors. Repairing carefully attended ton* hereto- Oct. 26 fore. BROWN’S HOTEL. oreoSITK THE KEW RAIL ROAD DEPOT, MACON. GA. E. E. BROWN, Proprietor Meal* Ready on the Arrival of every Train, qpl 15 CONSIGNMENT. 30 000 Ribbed Tennessee Bacon Sides jane 7 ’ AYRES, WKGFELD * CO. Spring & Summer Fashions for 1859. TO THE LADIES! MRS. F. DESSAU, TRIANGULAR BLOCK, Adjoining Bostick, Kein Si Co’s Store. G RATEFUL for the very liberal pntron-jrwr* age of which she has so long been the re » ^ cipient from both city and country, begs announce to her patrons and the ladies generally, that she is now receiving her Spring and Summer Stock, consisting of every description ot illilliucry & Dress Trimming Goods, which for richness of material, elegance of style, extent and variety, are worthy of attention. Her SILK, BAREGE AND ORGANDY ROBES, Laces, Mantillas and Cloaks. Traveling Dress Goods, Embroideries, Ribbons, Head Dresses, Flow ers, Wreaths, and Bouquets are all of the very la test importations, and will be sold at reasonable pri ces. All orders by mail promptly attended to. Mrs. S. Audoin, H AS returned from New York with a beautitul assortment of SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, Consisting of all tho Newest and most desirabb atvles of 3?ronclx Hiats, wi avory variotr. Also, many rich and rxilfry arti cles, beautiful Embroidery, elegant Laces, Pompa dour .Lace Setts, Hair Ornaments of every style. Grecian Curls, Side and Back Braids, Wigs, Fans Jcc. Call and examine for yourselves before pur chasing, as it will be much to your interest. She i- thankful for past favors, nnd solicits a share of the liberal patronage of onr thriving city and surround ing counties. Terms Cash. (mat 29. WAR! WAR!! WAR!!! ON DHY GOODS, AT E, EINSTEIN’S. I jEING obliged to repair our Store, we have com* O tnenced a general wartnre of extermination oi priceii on our Goods. We are now selling the balance of our stock of Goods at New York Cost, To make room, amoner which will be tound a beau tiful Stock of French Lace Mantles and Points, Donble Jupe and two Flounced Silk Robes, Double Skirt and two Flounced Barege Robes, Organdies and Ja conet Double Jupe Robes, Figured and Striped Fancy Silks. Plain and Fig ured Black Silks, Swiss and Ja conet Collars and Sleeves, Embroidered and Lace Setts, Kid Gloves, LadiesAMissea Hosiery, Hoop Skirts. Muslins of all kinds. Men’s and Boy’s wear, Bleached and Brown Sheeting and Shirting, Irish Linens. Table Damasks, Linen Diills and far mer's >atin,Cottonade, Ac., Ac. E^Call and see for yourselves. ELIAS EINSTEIN. june 7 Cor. 2<? St. and Triangular Block. E legant spring casimere suits, «t. C. H. BAIRD’S N ovelties in neck ties, collars, &c., at C. a. BAIRD’S. XTOVELTIES IN CASSIMERE VESTINGSat i\ C. H. BAIRD’S. UPEUIOR. FRENCH BLACK CASSIMERE C. H. BAIRD S. "OLD MACmiAWmSKEY." T HE undersign*' 1 offer for sole the above stan dard brand of fine ltYE WHISKEY, nt their own dintillniinn, in Darrels and half barrels. The quality of thia Whiskey known so favorably in the South, for the past eight year,, will always be kept up to ita former high standard, and purchasers consumers can rely upon iu being perfectly ) RYE WHISKEY, distilled under our own per sonal supervision, and entirely free from any dele terious substances which render made up whiskies so objectionable. * Always having a large stock of ths above, and other fine Whiskies, in New York as well as Phila delphia, we are enabled to ship goods from either ci ty direct. FREEMAN Jc SIMPSON, Phoenix Distillery. OFFICE—109 So. Front St., Philadelphia. “ 96 Wall St., New York. octlS—ly SELLING OFF COST H* WATERMAN’S. . E will sell his ENTIRE STOCK of Summer Dress Goode, Silks, Brregea, Tisanes, Organ- lies and Muslins; also Mantillas, Talmas, Shawls, Dusters. Ac., strictly at N. Y. COST FOR CASH ! Berege Robes far C9 00, worth <12 50; Berege Robes for <12 00, worth <15 00; Beautiful Silks from <10 to <15, worth <18 to <20; tnd other Goods in proportion. Rich Silk Side Striped Robes, st IIALF PRICE. Ladies! tills is a Golden opportunity. Avail your selves of it before it ia too late. J. WATERMAN. Cotton Avenue, Macon, Go. june 21 A VALUABLE INVENTION G-mt/ta, IPerclia, NEVER-FAILING ROOFING. N EITHER time nor weather, aRer several years use, seems’to work a Chemical change, or af fect the material in the least. GOODALE & BATCHELLER Having purchased tho right of Macon, and an ad joining county, with extended privileges, are pre pared to contract and govern ourselves accordingly, for the covering of buildings with Ccmeot and Gra vel, or Sand. This roofing is pliable—does not check or crack—run or drip down—is impervious to water —lire proof—inodorous, hot or cold. In short, wo feel that a test will convince a reasonable mind of its superiority. Those wishing for a good rocf at n satisfactory price will please address june 21—3m GOODALE A BATCHELLER. IXE BLACK CLOIH FROCK COATS at V H. BAIRD’S. S ' COATS at F L A ISLE THREAD SHIRTS, SOCKS A GLOVES, C. 11. B YIRD’S. NOTIIEU LOT OF SUPERIORKIDGLOVES C. H. BAIRD S. A nother lot superior English cot- . TON SOCKS, at C. H. BAIRD S. T\KAP D'ETE, ALPACCA and LINEN COATS, LJ V. H. BAIRD'S. UPERIOR FANCY MARSEILLES VESTS just c. si. it tutu. Telegraph Building. S received by april 5 STRONG SL WOOD, Dealers in BOOTS & SHOES Leather, Hats <*V Caps, At their old Stand on Second Street, Opposite BOSTICK & KEIX, MACON GEORGIA, H AVE notr a full supplv of Goods in their lino. to which they are making constant additions, »f h11 the different styles of workmanship and wear, and which will be sold on ms good terms, for ca>h ot approved t>hort credit, as any Shoe establishment in Georgia. They solicit a continuance of the liberal patronage t-o long enjoyed by the firm. m*y 3t—ly New Groods AT E. SAULSBURY ; S. H E is now receiving a very large and well assor led Stock of SPRING CLOTHS, CASSIMEKES and VESTINGS, of the latest importations. He has also received the report of Fashions tor this Spring, with a variety of new and elegant styles. His Stock of Fine READY MADE CLOTHING will be replenished with the changes of the Seasons from the best houses in New York. His FURNISHING GOODS comprise everything that is new and desirable, in the way of Hosiery, Shirts, Collars, Ties, Gloves, Handkerchiefs, Ac.- All of which he invites his friends and customers call and examine, mar 1 To Southern Dealers! J. H. HANSOM & CO, 32 COURTLAND AND 39 DEY STREETS, NEW YORK, Manufacturers and Wholesale Dealers in BOOTS & SHOES, HAVE constantly on hand a LARGE STOCK OF FINE sod NEGRO GOODS, expressly for the Southern Trade, which they will sell at the lowest insrket prices for cash or approved credit. jan 18 Wbeeler «V Wilson’s SEWING MACHINES. > oS 0 2 SEW AND VALUABLE IMPROVEMENTS IPrices !E?,ed.-uced.. HESE Machines are the best ever offered t» the public. They are simple aud durable asily kept in repair; work without noise ; sew with great rapidity ; make an even and firm stitch oi both sides th.it will not rip; economize thread, and are applicable to every purpose and material com mon to the art iu question. 15?*A reduction nf 825 00 lately made in price. J. B. <Sc W. A. BOSS, Agents. Send for a Circular Macon, Ga. T f (Copy) Macon, May 31,1859. Messrs. J. B. & W. A. Ross. Dear Sirs—'This is to certify 4 that the Wheeler & Wilson's Sewing Machine, bought of you some eight een month* since, has given entire satisfaction.— Having repaired those of other makers and careful ly examined them, I believe Wheeler A Wilson’s for neatness and strength of work, superior to any uow in use. Yours, very respectfully, THOMAS DOUGHERTY, Master Machinist, Macon A Western Rail Road, june 7• Give me your Likeness! S an exclamation often heard when friends are parting, and as the season is at hand when friends are leaving for the North, or Summer re treats, they should remember that they have no as surance that they will return—considering Railroad aedidenta—but they have an a*turancc that at INE ART GALLERY, they can obtain a fine likeness of themselves and friends. Pugh is still st liia post, and gives his personal at tention to every picture. His Gallery will be open the entire Summer, and all persons visiting the city should visit his Gallery also. Admittance free. A large number of life-size Photographic Paint ings on exhibition, which will be lound to surpass any thing in point of Artistic merit ever before seen in Macon. Commissions for this style of picture [which can be token from Daguerreotypes of de ceased persons] attended to with promptness and special care. Ambrotypes, Ac., from <1 np. Fine fancy cases, cheaper than ever. J. A. PUGH, jane 14 VALUABLE PLANTATION FOR SALE IN UP- NON COUNTV. rp HE subscriber offers for sale his Plantation in Upson County, distant from The Rock 3-4 of mile, known as the Bunkly Plantation-through which passes the 2ebulon road. Of said Plantation, about Four Hundred Acres cleared, and in active cultivation—all under good fence; about Four Hundred Acres still in the woods. The impt-ove- ments are good, consisting of a genteel dwelling with five rooms, together with all necessary out houses; Gin House and Screw ; health of neighbor hood unexceptionable; water inferior to none; so ciety most desirahle, with Church, School, and Rail Road facilities all close at hand. Persons desirous to examine the premises and enquire a* to terms, which will be liberal, will enqaire of Mr. McCreary the place, or to the subscriber near Talbotton. april 5— tf JNU. E. BARKSDALE. CARPETINGS, FLOOR OIL CLOTHS, MATTINGS, RUGS-, AND MATS 1! A LARGE Stock, and a great variety of style! ot the above Goods, just received, which will be wild at far lower figures, and give purchasers a se lection from ihe best stock ever offered in Maoon.— ALSO, SATIN, DeLAINE, DAMASK. LACE and MUSLIN, WINDOW CURTAINS, WINDOW SHADES, GILT CORNICES and BANDS in great variety. Purchasers will consult their own interest by ex (mining mv stock before buying, aag 3—tf B. F. ROSS. Hardeman & Sparks Ware House AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS, ,lietcott, C«., W ILL continue to give prompt attention attheir FIRE PROOF WAREHOUSE, on the cor tier of 3d and Poplar streeta, to all bnsiness commit ied to their charge. With their thanks for past favors, and a renewed pledge of faithfuluess to all their friends and cus tomers, they hope to receive their fuil share of pub lic p.-.tronage. Liberal advances made on Cotton and other pro iuco when required. BT Planter’s Family Stores, also Bagging, Rope tc., furnished at the lowest market rates. rHOS. HARDEMAN. O. O. SPARKS. sep 7 TO PLANTERS AND MEHOHE^ISTTS. tT, T E offer the following articles on very occom- V V modsting terms: 1000 rolls Ganny Bagging, 1000 Sacks Salt, 25 barrels Potatoes, 410 bales heavy Gunny Bagging, ll oo coils Richardson’s Green Leaf Rope, 1000 pounds Twine, 175 barrels Sugar, 200 sacks Coffee all qualities. 150 boxes Candles all qualities, 100 do Soap, 75 boxes Starch, 100 boxes Candy, 100 do Nods, 125 kegs Nails, 150 boles Osnaburers. 50 bales Georgia Kerseys, 25 bales Yarns, 100 bales Brown Sheetings and Shirtings, 23 hhda. Molasses, 20 barrels Syrup, Large Stock of fresh and new I3ry Goods, Daily receiving in Store, which we will fell at living rates, consisting of the following > 20 raoea Prints, 15 cases Ginghams, 1000 pieces Merinoes, Delanes,Shally and Alpacas 1200 dozen Hosiery, * 25 bales Marlboro and other domestio Stripes, 10 bales Ticking, 10 cases Limeys, 10 coses Flannels, 525 pieces Satinets and Jeans 150 pieces Cassimerea, 5o pieces Fancy and Black Silks, 800 dozen Hxndkerchiefi, 1200 pieces white Muslins, Also, a large Stock of Clothing and Hats, with 35o coseis oi Bhoea of all kinds, and 1000 Negro Blankets. Wc respectfully solicit tho patronage of the public. Oct. 26—tf J. B. * W. A. ROSS. Book Binding. OLANK ACCOUNT BOOKS made toorderfor L) Courts aud Counting House, and the numbers printed on the pages witbont extra charge. MAGAZINES. MUSIC AND LAW BOOKS, bound in neat and cheap styles. DAVID BOSS, Cor. 3d and Cherry Streeta, feb l Over Georgo T. Rogers A Son. T HE subscriber haa purchased the Right to Row- and’s Patent Carriages and Springs for Blank Account Books, which he will put on work when instructed. DAVID ROSS, feb 1 Coal Oil UST received and lor sale 81 25 per gallon, by julya 11. F. McEVOY. Laud$ for Sale. T HE Subscriber, desirous of moving west, is of fering for sale his Plantation in Crawford Co., Ga., containing 1500 acres, a good Quantity of heavi ly timbered wood-land, some good bottom land in cultivation, comfortable Dwelling, Gin House and Screw, Granary, and a large number of other build- logs, every house needed on a farm yard cr planta tion, with fencing in good order, and Webs and Springs. The place has been remarkably healthy, Hnd lies on Walnut and Echeconnee Creek?, two miles from Hopewell, and t#entv*Hvo from Macon. Grain, Stock, &c., can be had wi:h the place. Terms to suit the purchaser. Address JOHN A. DANIELIA, npr 12 Russelvillw P. O, Monroe <’»>■. <*a. Checks on New York FOR SALE BY THE MANUFACTliKivliS’ BAM mar 3