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• (/ J?r Joseph Cubby. MACON, JULY 86, 1869. Volume XXXHX—No. 44. the GEORGIA telegraph 1-i praUSHXp EVERY , t |.;SI)A V MOKNING. terms: IDOLLARS, IX ADVANCE. I' j(>j n every case whore (lie suliscriptior ■' .' tM i‘iii of the Office. SPEECH - , non. AIFKED IVERSOX, p, ,a\ J Griffin- July J4, 1859. . tder of » pihlie dinner, and thn highly tV/. 0 ., rv demo Miration* which yon hnvo this f,,irarii mi, would fill me. I fe«r. with too r ii l did > Ot feel and understand that the iiisivl nt.ire of the movement were to en- ItS^pnrove', in in iminwingand emphatic man fcfJJtin.ents u blob l uttered in the Senate of P^. iVirs daring the last session, in my speech I- ' l ivilie Rail Road Hill.—ArJ whilst I am fi^riWe *" the honor conferred open me. per ; "*T t ,h,«(i manifestation*, of your favor and l tin more gratified to ronaid Jr them oa •"* iktt ” ir hearts snd the hearts of the people “CJeissrr sound and right upon the (Teat Hues rkM iitr."* themselves upon the public atten ****'-Jin which I am called to address you to- : z, IS n i >’ , A .mill' ntjofsuch peculiar and nomplicated ■»‘”' rott n—of iueh vast, multiplied and im- s ** nnaitsry. commercial and political inter ' al , „ r j, extended and extending territorial ’.., M tiens of a most grave and important f rver arising to agitate the public: to h *y*»’ hl» botaw | in gigaatte proportions In the memorable contest thou 'h rr't itlvirtYiir*#! upon-^ I of 1B5G, could not but arrest the attention, excite yet 2S n *** e ' ** *■“*•»* arouse the indignation ofevery South* country are : ,„, r gics of the ststesinsn snd pstriot. til the (feat subjects which have excited the ■ sin'drd t'srli'". and threatened the peace tdlit* 4 tl |r tiovernment. since its formation, „foitiiccd more sensation, more bitterness j jD ,. r r than the question of slavery in the ?<!«;"*oi this eontederacy. And well may i—these extraordinary effects. It ia tbj ; jiioo of paramount importance, and ■ .i’c to grow wider and deeper, in interest, V. swill*"'* U P alt others which concern the |“ • .y, t aion. It is not a question in which ..Si Slone, at tin* South, is interested; it ia • 3 which nil are deeply concerned—the iwl the poor man—the owner of Jiis nun- r , „„i tlmusauds of broad acres, nnd the —HI who never owned a negro nnd never m*n’em—all are vitally interested in the 5'. of slavery and its preservation, as it now V o the Southern States. Indeed, fellow citi- if there be one class of nnr people more in- ia its preservation than another, or all ’• i. that class who •• cam their bread by the ’of their brow.” Kmancipate the slaves of aih. snd what would be the condition of the hrkberisg white man ! It is said that slave labor — ia competition with, and cheapens the labor Z shits man. Set the negro free, and how -tmoid that competition he lessened? The * Maa4 . jive; he must he fed, clothed end housed ‘k’lin these necessaries of life, he must labor: -am all he works for now. he would work for ' «ifhs were free: In either condition his labor competition with the white man to that IS aadno more in the one ease than the other, 'the Whole Mack race at the South, was extin- Xi-rteed out of existence, then there would i aolshotG for employment hut that of the poor r man. and his labor might bo increased in va- hut who suppose* that w e shall ever get rid of ic black race tor centuries to come, even should hr emancipate! ’ «>»r Northern brethren oald not receive and ksep them.—The free black ‘imlatioB of tlic Xorthcm Statea is confessedly the cafest curse whir!) afflicts that country. The jihern people would he the very last on the face the earth to welcome nor liberated negroes themselves. Instigated by feelings of fa- aael-in. eavv and hatred towards the Southern {lie. they are evrr ready snd willing to s/cal them oas-tbst anuoys. harasses and injures ns, and ihie, thftr malevolence; but take away these Sirs, and there i* not a free State in the Union twosM sot prohibit the emigration of free per-. , coI t amongst them. What disposition, s.ecM be made of our four millions of email- ^sd siarrs I Would they be sent to Africa at ipeueofthe (lovegnment ? To say nothing »iit-xaaitv i f subjecting tliem to a certain L into h irbarianisin, the process of removal sUnkrmt the national treasury. Such a would he impracticable, and would not be The yen, rvut ;Adanthropy of our North ern, would never stimulate them to the re uf millions upon millions of their mo- rid the Southern people of their liberated pa. So. sirs, there would be bnt one solution potion. When our slaves are set free, with i ur consent, they will bo left upon our 2 gid to compete, in an altered condition, ithe labor of the pewir white man, and to curse jtorswiih their vicious, degraded and disgust- kabata How much better, then, would bo the ot the poor white laborers in onr country, r the tffroes free? How much more demand ildticrc be for white labor, and how much mere Itabir would it Ill-come ? To say the least of it, would be no material improvement, whilst in vial relations between the two classes, the very results would follow general emancipation, ronsidcrations connected with such a change upon the mind, all pointing fo its terrible ef- ponthe social condition, prosperity and hap- ef tV poorer classes of our white population time will not allow mo even to advert to them o the present occasion. There is one view of the e, however, to which no sensible man, rich or or, can shut his eyes:—African slavery, as itjtx- s ia the Southern States, elevates the character ‘tod.tiou of the poor white man, although he i that there is* class above him in wealth, edu- and social refinement, be feels that there is a isr below him. which looks up to him, yields i and >bcys him. fu political privileges, per- ngb . and social intercourse, this class can * sppj oach him. or interfere with him. This devstrs his pride, enhances his consequence, u- hi. morality, stimulates bis ambition and pibj manliness. - ■wits erect in the dignity of his color and ■ixf—k that he is a superior being, with more “ era and privileges than others, and ho the proud advantages of -uperlority. the slave, and the distance lo twcen the s at once lessened—the white ins i sinks tise.s, until all distinction i.- sooner or . S ill both assmne a degraded equality, ii. countries where slavery does not exist ? tcondition of the poor white clauses in and Southern States of this Union, in l ~ poor man is the dependent and ser- , with a class above him and none . "■ tn the latter he is free nnd ind -pendent, “joe-ftr below him in the scale of political, V iv P ow, : r - There the distance -"'ll and ins rich neighbor and employer is . - tir degrading—hire it ia measurably and .. tt , 1 extinguished; there the poor man -te ihc rich man's liouse on business or oth- **• •****» scat in tile kitchen, or stands in * Itdl and transacts his business with the f” cr, i* p proprietor; he no more presumes '■ ' I'lrlor, „r tab,, a seat at the rich man's , !j c vcri.*t slai e in all the South would ^ things here At the South, and all over _‘ J ” < - decent poor man and laborer, visits - heron ''nsiness or pleasure, with the • i a iretman. and the assurance of boa- * ;■»<»• «. II„ is invited to the parlor, or I'ttientaijd decent room—he imitakesof '(•*: a -M.*t the table of the owner, and ia civility, respect and kindness. Whst '* ouerence in the condition of the same ‘^,r r ^ sectional issue andvoted for ^one bT^hU ioS n in,h ® S ainte “ nce of and upon that issue-opposition to slsvery-what thiniYeTallTa^^cn 0 owa * be ffKToes- X did thismeant Did theymerely wish theiiw>eei« d ^ Und ,h « f «« Un 8* nnd sentiments of session of the government to enjoy the thepeopieofourownStstenponthis greatsnbiect, fishes" ofpublicpstrona'eeT J ’ "? ,^Jj“J , l”,t b ® 0 P !n , 0,, k * h * t j P,he /location was It would be paying a poor compliment tothekeen crois ahmw bw epe »°. P ® n - f Gf* 1 * 1 * 1 whether the ne- sagacity and statesmanship of thorn able and adroit ■** lo tho country, nice ont of I leaden who controlled that movement, to inppose «iir 12? W ^° ow ? * would vote In | that such was the only, or the main object of the ir if "aa’ K°. r ®:i h ®7^ d Uke U P »"“*• ; nor did they disguise their object—their > essuy, and fight to the aeath to prevent the in- I battle cry was : downwiththe Democracy—down rl ‘v " n r^*° with the accursed alaveocracy of the South-fre^ *2"* wjpoW'Cjtixena, the preservation of slavery in I dom shall reign eternal and uni venal over tbeA- inebonthern States is indeed of incalculable impor- I merican Sutes. Theltepublican papers in all of i «nl«»g« upon the subject I the free Ststes teemed with the most abnsive snd i ,l l on, !*Jwen my remarks to a good siaedvol. I vituperative articles, not only against slavery but “®, c :, bnt •H'itber my own strength, or yoor patience, I against the Southern people—a hatred more "bitter would permit ench a discussion. Slavery must be I and vindictive towards ns than ever rnled or ran- maintained—in the Union, if possible—ont of it If I kled in the tory breast, daring the Revolution to- lf we msy—forcibly if we wsrd the immortsl Whigs of thst glorious and mem- VO( */ of the Northern abolitionist snd I "rable period—s jealousy and envy more violent theI Southern snbmissionut would cry, ‘"The Union I than that which instigated the brethren of Joseph it most and shall be preserved—. My voice and I to conspire his death, and which doomed him to ex- yonra is, "Slavery^ at the South—it must and shall I He and Egyptian bondage, filled all their thongbts tie preserved, nntil in onr own good time, onr inter- I —poisoned all their words and blackened all their esta and our philanthropy shall decree its extinc- I dseds daring that exciting and excited contest. U 0 j’ ,*s the institution-In danger in the present I If they had succeeded, do yon snppoie they wonld rederal Union 1 This is a great, important, mo- I have been satisfied with the mere possession of mentonsquestion. IJke the commandments in scrip- I power 1 That power would bnt have stimulated lure upon which 'hang all the law and Prophets,’ np- I them to other and more fatal assaults upon the °”}!»» great question hang the interests and fate of I rights of the Southern people, millions. If it be in danger, then onr interests, onr I In all ages and in all countries fanaticism grows Honor, our peace and prosperity, nay onr safety and I more ravenous and voracious as it devonrs the vic- setr-preservation demand that we shall avert the I tims of its fury. It feeds and feeds nntU all being danger snd nee from the wrath to come whilst we I consumed, nothing is left to gorge its gloated maw. have the power to eaeape. I know that there are I And so with the fanaticism of the Northern Statea many Southern men who believe or affect to believe, I what bnt envy, hatred, and malice conld have atir- t hat the institntion of slavery is on a safer fonnda- I red up ao much sympathy lor the deserved chastise- fatuut,” lures only to destroy, and without serious lion now than it has ever been since the formation | ment ofa contemptable paltroon, even though it... or the Confederacy. Some of these parties are hon I done in the Senate Chamber of the CapUol f If „ eat in their views, whilat in others, “the wish is fatln I Southern Senator had been chastised in the same er to the thought," and in many selfish considers- I place and in the same manner for a personal insult “?*■* (five utterance to sentiments and opinions I or Injury, what Northern man, or Northern Press which are not seriously felt or entertained. My I would have raised a voice in condemnation f It own opinion is, t bat the institntion of slavery in the I would have given them unmitigated pleasure. It Southern cutes is not only in danger, bnt without a I was no sympathy for Sumner’s person, that prodne irompt, bold, firm and manly course on their part, I ed such a luror of indignation and excitement * /loomed to inevitable destruction. The evidenoes I throughout the Northern States, it was sympathy of the truth of this proposition are numerous and I for the cause of abolition of which he was the msuf- unmiatakable. Upon the present occasion. I can I ting advocate. It was no personal dislike to Brooks only glance st a lew of them—their history is writ- I as a man, it was s deep rooted and violent hatred to ten upon the outspread pages of the times, and in I slavery and the Southern people of which he waa characters so large thst "be who runs msy read.”— I the noble and honored champion. Who bnt a peo- The first dawning of Northern hostility to Southern I pie steeped in fanaticism and malice and lost to aU slavery was exhibited upon the admission of Mis- I sense of justice snd forbearance toward their South- aouri inlo the Union. I need not deUil the ciraum I ern brethren, conld have presented s mere msu of stances of that exciting and eventful period of oar I straw for the highest office in the gift ofa great na il is tory—they are as familiar to yon and all the A I tion, and rallied to bis support upon a sectional is- merican people as "household words.” In tbevio- I sue, the electoral votes of nearly one half of the power of'Congress under the constitution lent opposition of the Northern Sutes totbe admis- I Sutes of this union J Whst is to be expected of wise, to prohibit slavery from entering th sion of Missouri because slavery was tolerated by I such u party when firmly seated in office and look- " ' " '' - — - — her Constitution, the Southern people recognised a I ing to slavery as the only impediment to the consol- decided hostility to tbeir "peculiar institntion" | idation and continuance of its power 1 It has al- amongst the masses of the Northern Statea, and a I ready violated every constitutional obligation whieh design to cirenmscribe its ares, to prevent its ex- I it conld violate with impunity. The right of the tention, and finally to aboliah it altogether. It was I Southern people to a peaceful and prompt reclama- not only the violation of a constitutional right, but I tion of their fugitive slaves, guaranteed by the con- a manifestation of implacable hostility to tbe “In- I stitntion and protected by law, bas been diapised, stitution" itself. Tbe Sontb saw and felt it in this I contemned and trampled under foot. Congressional light and resented the dangerous and daring attack. I statutes enforeing the right have been openly repn- The controversy was angry and bitter. The North I diated by legislative enactment in many of the tree S ressi'd the subject with that obstinate snd unyiel- I States, in others it bas been resisted and set at ing tenacity and acrimony which always accom- I naught by organized mobs and rendered utterly vab pany fanaticism, and the South, to preserve the I ueless to the Southern people. Organised societies Union, with short-sighted wisdom yielded to a de- I have been formed in all the free States, and laige grading and unconstitutional arrangement, which I sums of money raised to pay abolition Pirates tat has anbsequently been tbe fruitful source of stilt I stealing away the slaves ot the border States to hsr- more degrading and insulting exaction from the I rasa, irritate and injure their lawful owners. In North. If the Southern States, had then, planted I short the conduct of the masses of tbe northern Peo- their feet upon the Constitution and demanded Mir I pie exhibits more bitterness snd hostility towards rights os tbe only condition upon wnich they wonld I their Southern brethren, than ever marked the remain in the Union, we should never again have 1 bloody contest of border nations since the world heard of Missouri restrictions, Wilmot Provisos, or I began. They are this day, the most unscrupulous. Squatter Sovereignty. A weak roan never secures I the most violent and vindicative enemies which the £cyh.d the necessarily resulting right ofpro.ee. "tories. and demands tion in the enjoyment of that property, daring the al „ , trine o{ jj ou gi«a and his existence oft fie territorial government. As a matter ThetkTutnwa. en- of constitutional obligation, and ‘ I [m-Si toKansas, and H juStice had been done her, the Southern people.it waa tbe duty of Congresa, I titled to Kansas, idisaeree with those immediately alter the acquisition of these territories. *•>« “, n ZpSoCT fot^heliriendM to organise territorial government, not only without I Southern men who as , j,at ,he soil and a prohibition as to slavery, but providing tor itsireg- of K *f*“ , re unsuUed to slavery, action snd protection in esse it either existedin or chmste of.that Temtoo are^ > muld enter any of them by the voluntary emigre- I Its soil *°/j c *‘ ivr M (crn > Missonri and it is a noto- ■ion of tho Southern people. Bnt bow was U ? 5 he der coonure Wratora MlsMUrt^o^u a^noto Northern abolitioniseTWhig P«ty h»^th«°»- SXbfc^h»n Miuou- jority in the Honae of RepresentatiyeaI C ensns tables of teso exhibit the fact that ■eat sections! how much more proud, refused reorganliegqveratnentsforthoieterritonra 2avervhadincreas«d in a greater ratio in the State except with a provision exolndtr g slavery. Sucn at slavery uaaiucr e ten years, than in biU passed that body, but the Southern I t i» T e State in the Union, and that increase dedby the. votes ofjlorthere auiajl confined to the 'Ve*tern portion of the Here enviable and happy the pon '■ fieutbirn than Hie Northern man! Let •‘""iisbed in the Southern States, and the *■ poor laboring whiten ivonld »oon ' ^Mha» that of tli« nimilar «laaant the ’.Vinb w n boast of ti f ••••aperior ■ to* ‘i more ueuerat dll , •do- all < !*»*(*, wbUat it » ii aacer- ‘ lii ‘t morn ignore ace pre' "nongst »»ir du»«» hum in any oth* *> tion of Tbay C4u* road and write at d cypher, * g'-aeral knowledge of men and thinga. ®l'v*tively profu !y igoorjint; they • ! thtir own, and it of other countriee. :!h - I^gu, the poorer olasaes mi) not be **od in book learning, their general _ ’nrn and things, ia far more extennve Sft Xi do with . h higher and i ore edo- ^ quire a knowledge, aml take ; c dy ii* relation to the alfaira of their f foreig.. *and«—they are famil- politir of the day—with the W uj 1 "* (i «Vfrnmen f . They are, in abort, a most intelligent, moat prond, jcr poor daaa of any nation in the f°P l nority is, to a great extent, at- existence of slavery amongat us, v!,:5 K t^uduncies of that Institution, n r ,Ran knows nnd feels it. When the J m ‘s told that bis continued aggres- I Xi ? :a *’ iustitutjun, 1 ' I that his continued aggri ion, will drive the South 2 replies, tliat a largo msjori- :eJ!j? trn people do nut own alaves, are (C,T""**tbi! maintainr.nce of slavery, and Ue-u ~ ,!| c slaveholders to break up the t —. '' l . t '' r . 1: ’-'»t»k<i, in my opinion, was ever i; ’■ *ver existed. The poor '■*« ofTt'/ . kll0w * too well what would be b lf.., , IUua designs—he knows what would p25i?f ,a »»cipition—he well understands P*iau? • * b< d'»hed the value of his own S ! in —h*”*' b >* political and social oon- Uia personal safety itseit greatly ^-isrits j ,h * “egroes free, and the rich man ViT®‘! Ml **r,snd dreading tbe evils that 'bln,,p:r"‘follow, can escape them by re- “i Tv — * * tuor some other safe and quiet —berths s* r mi " msofa vpon the soil, to ^torsr^T*^ "fthst "black plague," which 5 6 *«tw£ , “? Kt - And that is not all, tho eman- Jkvta , ,**. l M, Pot»tlon would sooner or ^•edfislVk-'r twwn ,h * races, the moat n.i ” w stained tbe annals of that war would neoes- 1 !“ i ^-tt:ss# ” i ><K,rt:r classes oi the white *rau ,5““ »»«ld f*U mainly upon them, r . il * —filch i,*R * r J ch bervest of all those Ur- t^-» *“*•'•« Ht* sUveholdsr and Ue ceatunes to repair; but tbe the forbearance of his more powerful enemy by sub- I Southern people have on the face of the wide earth, initting to a wrong or compromising a right—his 11 speak of the abolition hordes of the North and the safety lies only in a firm and manly resistance at I Black Republican party of the free States. I admit the outset, a resistance, if necessary, even unto I that there are exceptions. death. It has been the constant readiness of tbe I Tbe interest of tbe commercial classes in tbe large Southern people to submit to unconstitutional ag- I cities, smother their fanaticism, bnt like a hidden greaaionand wrong, “to save this glorious Union,” I volcano, its fires are only pent np for the present, that has whetted the appetite of Northern fanati- I to burst forth at a future day. carrying devastation cism and made the Northern abolitionists bold and | and death in their train. The Democratic party ot defiant in their arrogant and dangerous demands.— I tbe free Sutes. allied with tbeir Southern brethren. It remains to be seen whether once more and again, I in political contests, and looking to them for the ob- the South will be lulled to sleep by the "Union's” I tainment of political power, bas for many years, syren voice, and be lead on to inevitable destruction. I given to the constitutional rights of the South a Having made an entering wedge, by the Missonri I manly support; but like an army in tbe face of a restriction, towards the accomplishment of the final I superior and more vigorous foe. doubtful of its po overthrow of slavery, the apirit of abolitionism, a- I sition and conscious of inferiority, it has kept pp, a< larmed at threats of disunion from the South, al- I it were, only a retreating fire, whilst its ranks nave though feebly uttered, rested for a brief period. I been constantly thinned by desertion snd death. It broke out again in a few yeara aud presented it- I until at length it has surrendered nearly every inch self in tbe form of petitions to Congress from all the I of ground to the enemy. From the beginning of Northern Sutes, demanding ths anolition of slavery-1 this abolition war, to the present day, not a man has in the District of Columbia. The *' 'tb, by a united I goneoverto the sound Democracy, from the free- effort successfully resisted this um-iiStitutlonal, in- I soil ranks, whilst the lessening and wavering hosts suiting and dangerous innovation upon her rights; I of the former, have year stter year melted sway bnttheapirit ofaoti-alavery at the 'forth waa fed by 1 before tbeir fanatical enemy like the snows before the contest, and fattened !• :o such huge propor- the rays of a burning sun, tions, that in a few years i' * sallowed vp the great I Whatever others may say—whatever delusive Whig party of that section, snd tnreatened the over- | hopes msy be entertained to the contrary, I consid- throwofall opposing elements. The Wilmot Pro- I or all lost attl|e North. Thu constitutional sound viso and the outrages of 1850 were tho bitter fruits I Democracy ol the free Sutes, If not dead and bur- of that increasing and rampant power of abolition-I ied, are parelized and powerlea—even the bold, ism on the one band, and toe submissive ,i, ! yield* I g ib. ,.t- -once sound and anfiincliing Douglas—once ing temper of the Southern States on the other. The I tbe able and manly defender of Southern Rights. Wilmot Ihroviao—which waa to ah-A ont atavery I has yielded to the storm and bowed his thick and from all the Territories acquired from Mexico, and I stubborn neck to the yoke. He has not it is true, from all that might be acquired in the future from I gone over “bag and baggage” to the ynemy. and an- any and every quarter. If Empires were obtained I uounccd his allegiance to them, but he Stands to- with the blood or treasure of the Southern people, I day with one foot in our ranks and one ia the ranks they were to be consecrated to freedom, and the I of our mortal foe; and he is surrounded by the very South and her institution forever excluded. The I flower of the Northern Democracy, who are ready manly voice of a few Southarn patriots, the voice of I to follow him, body and soul, “horse, foot and dra- the Southern Rights Party, of Georgia, and some of I gocna” into the enemies’ camp whenever his bon- iier surrounding sister Sutes, drove the North slow- I eat convictions or his selfish interests may speak the ly and reluctantly into tbe Compromise Measures I word of command. Judge Douglas has been accns- 0 f 1850. ed of deserting the South and carrying off thousands FeUow Citizens, there arc doubtless sbme here to. I of the Northern Democracy with him in the I«w»r day—there are thousands elsewhere in Georgia, and 1 ton war. lie deserted us, it is true, in i • r tbs whole South, who thought them "wUe, liberal I tant and exciting struggle, but it waa no M“ and just.” They were advocated and supported by 1 ton, a voluntary desertion—be w ** many Southern men, equally as honest, and much | sition by tbe public sentiment of . h “ iser than myself—they have been acquiesced in I he w«» Wije along by a current which be found sor, and behold the array of Northern Free Sod Governor! over Kansas.—Reeder, Gaery, Shannon, Walker and Medary, all hailing from the same sec tion, all of the same materials made, and all conse crated and devoted to the same great end of ma king Kansas a free State, and thus Kansas was lost to the South. If the Southern Ststes had planted their feet upon the firm plank of their sovereign Equality aud constitutional rights, when Territo rial Governments were formed, and demanded pro tection to their slave property by federal laws, du ring the existence of the Territorial Governments. as a condition of remaining in the union, we should never have been cursed with the wretched uncer tainties snd unmeaning generalities of the Kansas Nebraska bUl and the thousand bills of which it has been the prolific source. Will it be argued that un der that bUl. slavery has been established In New Mexico ? Who believes that it will become per manent or be maintained as the settled policy of thst Territory T It has been adopted through official intrigue and under the influence of official patron age and power—it was covertly and suddenly done —it took the South, as well as the North by sur prize. Butthe North would even now. snd before this have overcome snd obliterated it from/be Ter ritorial statute book,by her hordes of abolition scum sent there by her emigrating aid societies, “to reg ulate the domestio institutions of the people,” if she had not reserved it as an element of agitation snd success in the next Presidential campaign.— Whenever she chooses she can wipe it out in twelve months. She has only to bring the guns of her aid societies to bear upon tbe doomed land and slavery will flee from it as it did from Kansas. No. fellow citizens, give no legal and tangible proieetic slavery, snd it wiU never plant an abiding loot pnnt in any Territory of the United States. I shall not stop here to argue the doctrine of congressional protection to slavery in the Territories, nor to com bat tbe errors of “squatter sovereignty.” I take the occasion to confess that I waa once the advo cate of the latter heresy—carried sway by its attrac tive but delusive sophistry, which, like the “ignis examination into its truth ana general bearings, and looking at it as the only alternative of the Wilmot Proviso, I was ready to take it as the “best we could S it.” I was wrong and 1 admit, regret and recant e error. Subsequent investigation and reflection soon convinced me that the only true theory in i lation to Territorial Governments in the Union, thst both tbe power snd the duty are conferred and imposed upon Congress to pass laws for the pro tection snd regulation of slavery, wherever it ex ista or may exist upon the common soiL I am as well convinced of the truth and propriety of this doctrine, ms I am of the doctrine of salvation declared to man in the sacred word of God, but whilst I Insist upon the absolute right of tbe South ern people to legal protection in the possession snd enjoyment of their slave propertv in the Territories of the United States snd the power and duty of Con gress to give sneh protection, 1 utterly deny tbe »n or other- „ the Territo- rlea, or of abolishing it. if there. To regulate and S rotect the property of the citixen is one thing—to eprive him of it, is another and altogether differ ent thing. One is not only within the power of all Governments, but is one or the main objects snd ob ligations of aU Governments. The other cannot be done in onr Government and under our Constitu tion. except for “the public use” and not then with- out just compensation to the owner. Such is the language of the Federal Constitution. This right of the southern people on the one hand, and this power and duty ofCongress on the other, are, 1 hope and believe, fast becoming the settled doctrine of the Southern people and will sooner or later be de manded by them, with a spirit and powerwhich can not be resisted. But this doctrine, so dear as it is, and oughtto betothe South, will never he recog nized or admitted b/ the North, whilst the South is divided in sentiment or undecided in action. The Black Republican party at the North scouts it. Tbe Northern Democracy anrinks from it. It will never with severity or harshness—a proper respect for tho I upon the heresy °f l / l l ,,,I,w •’’["JP'JIl”.*""" opinions and actions of a majority of my fellow- and middle ground b *‘*** n ,b ? citizens leads me to characterize their adoption on- I tbe North on the one bud,rand the Congressional fvas amost unfortunate and dangerous political er- Protection" doctrine of the tJouth “ntheother.- rnr ^The Terriloriea acquired from Mexico were They wore either not bold enough or honest enough nhtained «ith the blood and treasure of tho whole I to take the true Constitutional ground of securing country they were the common property of the peo- equality to the people of allthe Mates by Congres- of^£^^?5rfi25te5 t S£SS: , ?f ---"I- reanlnnir rirht ot Drotec-lritones.anddemsna.ita.exc.ua. A I860, but I do not hesitate to declare for myself, that I should consider it as a declaration of war against the institution of slavery in the Union, and a fore shadowing of a settled policy to break it down by the influence, power snd action of the Federal Gov Immediately alter tbe acquisition oi tnese lerriiorii-!'. ■ u an apology for"the surrender eminent. 1 cannot stop to enlarge upon the process to organlae territorial government, not only withent Southernmenwno^asan^apooKj thrt ^ ^ ^ hich luch a re3u f t wonld f, e r 7„. hed . r With every branch of the government in the bands of a party steeped in the g .1 and wormwood of anti slavery hostility, ambitious of success, and madden ed by opposition, no stone would be left unturned, no means neglected, no effort untried to accomplish its diabolical purposes. In the Union, its powers wonld be omnipotent The rejection of slave Ststes snd admission of free Ststes. wonld soon swell their majority in both Houses of Congress to an over powering snd irresistible number, against which tbe feeble voice of the South wonld be raised in vain. The reversal of the Dred Scott decision—the exclu sion of slavery from the territoriee by Congression al enactment, the repeal of the fugitive alave law, tbe abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the imposition of high protective tariffs to burthen and cripple slave labor in the South, in short, tbe exercise of every power, for which an excuse may be found or invented, calculated to weaken the institu tion snd finally destroy it, wonld be the first and early fruits of tbeir daring and malignant experi resi«i„d this foul demand and defeated the infamous . "““““/.r''”Kansas. The staple products of proposal. Theconsequencewastbatno temtonal S ate.c.m„ st^t*.^ Ind - mn ,„rn. tobacco, and slave-holder having no proection for his property, I ton m the planting Start^ ,^ mjn who ^grated and dreading the haxxardto^hich it would bo ex- I intelligent and , '; ed a f,. w «i a ves posed, kept aloof, even from s l!s land of -milk and at « early day, to Kansas «*d meJ* "ZtureTf honey.' and the political d-atin.- of the country was with him, that he cou d realizel , „ ° nnnum settled again-« Us. The South w* entitle.! to Cali- hemp, from tbr« to ..xhun^doll^ per annum forma. It U a notorious fact that ill mining opera- I to the hand. \\ here, in alt tb j » . Tlt .„ rn tions can be.carried on more o»Mjnly and more l*>r ^d multlpiy and 7 thrive in Missonri, menu. If tbe South submits to one. she wUl submit mi. hi* oteTn' i it not in' Kansas T Kansas was contigu- to another, snd to all of these abominable and dan inlv Ins P«rao..l exnen- I whv ms* it not in Kansas ^ . nabIo aggressions, until she will find herself both unable and unwilling to resist a decree of universal emancipation. In my opinion, the true safety of the South, as well as her true honor, dictates a firm and manly resistance to the tint success of the abo lition party, which shall bo founded upon opposition to slavery and iooks to its overthrow in the Union. If, therefor.;, the Republican party o: tho free States, which is only another same lor the abolition party, shall present sectional Northern candidates in lsco —shall run them as sectional candidates, and upon a sectional platform of opposition to Southern slave ry. and shall elect -them by a sectional Northern vote, it would, in my opinion, be sufficient cause aud ample time for separation. I care not in what specious form of words, such a sectional platform may be made; if the spirit of anti-slavery shall be ita soul and its animating element—if hatred to slavery and those w^o uphold and defend it, shall be its coutroliug power over the Northern masses, and shall carry them to tire polls to vote for their abolition candidates and thus the true, sound, con servative men of the North and South shall be borne down and defeated, it will be time for the Southern people to look to the safety of their “institution,” and to seek it, if need be, in the formation of a Southern Confederacy. And now you will ask me how is that to be done— by what steps and through what process is such object to be accomplished ? F,-now citizen*. I - hut hu humble man, with little pride of pinion h|c! no great confidence in my ability to suggest or ad i’* 8 - 11 ^'/Iroatiaitmient of so important a re- “ '* indeed a momentous subjec t. No ques- tbn vlnch bas occurred since the times when our taru-rs commenced the revolutionary straggle and Uecixred their independence of the British crown, !!“ ai .‘: , ' f ', J or , could “ ri *e to half its importance— -'nil deserve a more serious consideration, SSd C^otihel?' I«r is onlyhi. pWiVnl «pen- I why may »t wet wduii^ysathahd snd constantly enrage^, be g^ionM protection to ^ve property taK_a»u. ana is a. wassail. , profitable mu* be I the Southern people would have cU^yapplfe^ ,r * ,1 ^**p , “^ 1 ®^ ,l " d i “ Cllliforn J a ^i taking‘their,m^rore been rareeyed upaml Offered in market, as bsdaf- SBESS* sSmheraproplehsd Seen^.ran- teed protection and security to their slave prop-erty, thousand, of her adventurous snd entetpnsmg sons SEfiagsg refusal either to organise a territorial govern with protection to.l.vere, or to,.areey «»««•£ i&nri If tho South thkh nxd act* 4 with man ness-a-if it bad said in authoritath © • bSSS3«SSss%3 S£533gfiSgSi would have been t . jsao. But under lent, w ld ely exti nut'; j (ben and held Southarn eUvery. wmcn i d , et f rom * par- the Northern mind m bondage. mi to ty and a people who had the power a eiw hjk]ftbu Inflict flthknaht 1 a?f sidu that we are to appre- Unlon.Riathouglftana»aiau Ut - oni of South hend no danger! These gHf Southerc luturc. The demon of abolition felt an abiding se cure in mui.uk u.J —. into that rich and beautifir. country. Emigration would have poured ■rt* it from Missouri and the neighboring stave .States, and Kansas would have been oura. Bnt how was it 1 ' , Congress refund to give legal protection to slave S roperty inKansa*andleft alave holders to the ton er mercies of tbe .matter sovereigns who were precipitated upon her »qi by the Northern abolition emigrating aid societies..^ make it a free State.— No prndent man would car*, hi, slaves into the Ter- ritore under such circumst-V'e*. Slsvety is pro verb ally timid and wiU not go where it is not made safe in advance from the fang, w-that voracious ser pent, which is ever ready snd ea|* r «, ,wailow and e The^oss tf Kansas to the South wsi*ho legitimate and inevitable fruit of the -Sqoatter L,vereignty" elements of the Kansas Nebraska Bill, construed and enforced by its Northern authors am Mends. •Sievwcre enough in themselves to prodigu that result, but ms a part and parcel of the fnflueo-e and nowt-r of tbe tree-soil sentiment of the Not^ara 515“ the administration of even Gen. Pierce fcve w,v IW its bold and impudent demands and put ow k-.Las a batch of fiwaoil Governors am. othy F, b-ral officers to. warp will, official |.atrona Bl ami SSfiW.ee, Hie sentiments and pol.Ucal action ot Nebraska waa a Mrelky Territory no by all parties to free institutions—Kansas a Suthern Territory and oughtto have been "S ,'. ,11,, Southern control; but vo iding to the of Nortlo ru Anti slavery hostility nnd the r ,r ( urroot to make Kansas a free State—to xp- ' ,r ' 'll q-p- tit.- "t ■•'" -‘ii -n nou.-t. r, ““"book hi* bloody Augers at the President, he locracy. be granted or acted upon, nntil the South, united upon it, speaks in authoritative, positive and deter mined language to the North ana teUs it, “we are entitled to this right— we most have it—if we can- not get it in the Union, we will seek it ont of tbe U nion.” If the South ever brings its united mind snd heart up to that point, then her Constitutional rights will be respected snd conceded by the Feder al Government: nut without such a bold, manly and decided coarse, whst are we to expect from the Northern States, or from Federal Legislation 1 Look st the present condition and future prospects of public sentiment in the free States—at the present and fbture state of poHtical parties in Congress.— There are s tew sound and tree Northern men still lingering in the Senate.nearly every vestige ofsonnd Northern conservatism in tho other house has al ready been extinguished—four years morewUl give to the abolitionists the control of the Senate—1861 will witness ttie inauguration of a free soil Presi dent and then, with both branches of Congress, and an abolition Pnaident, the Supreme Court, the last barrier to fanatical encroachment, will soon give way. Vacancies upon that bench of stern old men will occur by natnre, or be made by Congressional legislation, to be fiUed by tbe creatures of party dictation, nntil that angust Tribunal will bow its neck to the yoke of unrelenting fanaticism, and then the acta of an abolition Congress, sanctioned by an abolition President, will be upheld bv the de erees of an abolition Conrt and enforced if neces sary. by tha bayonets of an abolition army. Tbe great high Priest of the abolition Church, Wm. H. Seward, has already declared in bold and vaunting terms in tbe Senate of the United States, that “tbe Supreme Conrt must be reformed,” and he has more power and influence over the Black Republi can party of the North, than the Pope of Romo has overthe'Catholic world. It ia in vain tobopethat a reaction wiU take place in the Northern mind and that a sound conservatism wUl eversgain rale the Northern heart. We have heard that cry and that hope repeated again and again, for more than twenty years, and yet the spirit and power °r abo lition have continued to spread, increase and strengthen, nntil now, they control the ooll'tcal ac tion of nearly every free State •“ •/Union, and ODenly Proclaim rotenuon of wiping out alave- in iuie American States. The bold and del ing declaration of tbe great leader of the Republican party In bis Speech at Rochester, last fall, that free dom snd slavery cannot exist together in the same Government snd thst one or the other must fall, was bnt the echo of tbe popular sentiment all over :' e free States. It has been repeated on the floor of the National Congress; it has filled the unblic press ; it has been re-echoed from the bastings of many popular assemblies and will be tbe great shiboteth in the campaign of I860. The Northern clans are to be mastered to the ery of “down with Slavery,” and the black flag of “universal emancipation” will be raised aloft, never again to be furled nntil it shall wave in triumph over a disgraced, degraded nnd destroyed South, or met at tbe threshold by a man- ly spirit of Southern resistance, be driven back to ita native regions to lead on the dark destiny and fortunes of a separate Northern Government. May such be its fate—and sneh will be its fate and its only mission, if tbe Southern people are only true to themselves, true to their rights, their interests snd tbeir honor—true to thatapirit of independence, and those sacred principles of civil and religions liberty which animated their immortal sires in the straggles of the Revolution. -wwiosuiors serious consideration, or w mild demand the exercise ot greater wisdom, courage and patriotism. If, however, the Southern people wareconthnetd nf ti,„ „ t, fere nee, as totbe political late of Kansas, has men to devise the steps, form the oiau, perfect the followed the example ot its ”iUastnous predeces- Wctnre and inaugurate a Govemmeut which woui.1 be the “wonder, the glory and pride of the world.' with an experience of more than three quarters of a centnry of Republican Government, with the de fects of onr present system seen, felt snd understood, with the lights of the past, the intelligence of the present and the inspirations of the future, we should be able to form a Government more perfect and more stable than any upon which the world ever looked. Doubtless, the most proper, ready snd cer tain mode of forming a Southern Confederacy, if the Southern people were united in the wish to do it, would be to hold a Convention of all the slave States, declare their independence of snd separation from the North, form a Government and put it ioto immediate operation. Then wonld follow as a mat ter of coarse, an amicable adjustment between the two Governments, Northern and Southern, of all questions arising ont of their former association—a just and honorable division of the public property and the public debt of the old Government, and a friendly arrangement of all fatwe relations and in terconrse. I know that many - ntertain the opinion that a separation conld not tak> place without blood shed and civH war. There wanld not, in my opinion, be the least danger of each a result. What motive would impel tbe Northern States to make war upon the Southern Confederacy? Nations do not go to war, except to resent an insult er injury, to gain an advantage or accomplish seme important or attain able object. What object could be hoped to be ac complished by a hostile demonstration on the part of the States from which we may have separated T Wonld it be to force us back into a Union with Vain foolish, impotent thought! No mao of -• -se in all the Nofth—no statesman would ever entertain it tor a moment. To invade and con quer the Southern States and force them back as revolted and subjected coloniesjinto a fraternal m- brace v. ith their imperious masters! never-never. The -sgacious statesmen who guide the councils of Northern people would know too well that such an effort would be fruitless—nay, worse than fruit less—it would be wicked and suicidal. The South ern Ststes contain a white poy ' tion of eight mil lions, snd could in such a contest raise and maintain an army of a half million of men, equal to any troops in the world; fighting on their own soil, in defence of their country, their rights, their honor, their altarsj snd their firesides, would it invincible. Defend themselves against the North? they‘could stand against the world in arms. There are bnt two instances 1 in modern times, in which a nation nnited, though weak, has ever bee: invaded snd conquered by a foreign foe. Mex : - was overcome by the arms of the United States. Mexicans are a feeble race, and no match for the courage, skill aud physical prowess of the Anglo Americans. Hungary, with less than eight millions of people, was conquered by Austria, but it required the aid of the colossal power of Russia, and the treachery of her own sons, to bow her neck to the yoke of the oppressor. Talk of driving the South back into the Union, when once she cats loose from it! The thought is preposterous, ridiculous and fool ish. No, sirs no attempt would ever be made to force a re-union of these dismembered States. Tbe North might humble herselfat onr feet and beseech us to try once more, the pleasures of her fraternal embrace; and if the terms of the proposed copart nership suited ns—if sufficient guarantees could be presented and agreed upon for tbe future preserva tion of our rights in another Union—if we could be impressed with sufficient faith in their fidelity snd honesty, we might again form, with our old friends, a bond of Union, and try onr fortunes once more in an American Confederacy; but not otherwise. It has been suggested that trouble would grow out of a division of the public domain, snd other property of the United States—the army, the navy, and mate rials of war. It is amistakeu apprehension—no dif ficulty, whatever, could or would arise from that source, (f no arrangement conld be made, each ’overnment wonld moat naturally and properly be al owed to retain the pnblic lands within its bounda ries. The largest share in quantity might fall to the North, but the South would care little for that—re taining those within her own limits, she would wil lingly surrender all claim to the mountain peaks and sterile plains ofthe Northern provinces. The army and its material are nothing. In case of sepa ration, its present elements would soon dissolve snd be merged with the masses of its own respective section. We conldsoon reconstruct an army of any size, which the exigencies of our country would justify or demand. The fortifications and armaments paid for out ofa common fnnd, would belong to the party on whose soil they were lonnd at the time of separation. The ships of war lying in Southern ports, or commanded at sea by Southern oflicers, and brought into Southern ports would fall to us, and we should want no more—if we did, we could build them. The public buildings st Washington City, costing over twenty millions of dollars, being on Southern soil, and in the Southern Confederacy, wonld belong to us; snd they are worth more than all the public buildings in all the free States, In this way, if no agreement conld be effected, a satisfac tory division would be made of all the public proper ty, of any value or importance. But the South would hola a sword over tbe Northern States which would compel a fair and amicable settlement of all such matters. The National debt, in case of a separa tion, would fall upon the old Government—certain ly we would be bound in good faith and honur, to ; lay our proportion of it, and so we would, if the sorth gave ns justice in other matters; but whether we should pay at all, how much we should pay and when or how, would be questions for us to decide.— The settlement of this one question of the public debt, amounting to nearly one hundred millions of dollars and not likely to be diminished, would draw after it, and as a necessary incident to it, an amica ble and just arrangement and settlement of all other questions—negotiation and treaty would soon close tue door against all disputes or difficulties on these points. I No, fellow-citizens, there would be no earthly dif- fi culty in tbe way ofa peaceable separation. If the Southern people were united and determined, to « k» th» step, tbe way would be easy and plain.— 0 *ar. would ensue, not a gun wonld be fired, ex cept in joy at our deliverance; not a drop of blood would be shed—no quarrel would arise between the two sections, over the spoils or trophies of onr for mer association. The muiu„i interests ofthe two Governments and people, and more especially tne superior interesta of the Northern section, wonld produce treaties of friendship, of commercial snd personal intercourse which would secure peace and make ns more observant ofthe rights of each other, than we are now in the present “glorious union.”— These would be the immediate, necessary and cer tain results ofa separation willed by a united South. But I admit that the prospect of ajiarmonicus union of all the slave States, in a great movement l : ke this, wonld be doll and doubtfiu under any, except ex treme circumstances. Circumstances might arise, which would unite them all, and bring about prompt, decided and successful action. Any act of the Fed eral Government in tbe hands of a dominant aboli tion party, looking tqfthe general emancipation of the slaves of the Southern States, wonld, 11 -e no doubt, arouse a universal spirit of resistance . * the South, and lead to immediate disunion. But io.-any cause less powerful than some wanton aggression upon Southern rights, it would be scarcely possible to unite the Soutberu States in a spontaneous and general revolutionary moment Tbe border States, lying contignons to the North dread the effects of separation, upon the safety of their slave property. Forgetting, or rinsing their eyes to the fact that both the motive to abduct tbeir negroes, and tbe opportunity to tbe negro for escape, are a thousand times stronger and greater in the Union, than they could poisibiy be in separate Governments, they urge this ak a great bug-bear in the way of any movement tending to separation, or even the manly assertion of oar rights in the UnioD. Why, sirs, whst guards or guarantees now exist against the wholesale abduction of the slaves of the border States, or their escape into the free States ? none, save the domestic ties and fidelity of the slaves themselves, snd the watchful vigilance of tbe own ers. The Northern people are allowed by our Con stitution and laws, as well as by social courtesy, to come amongst us at pleasure; they travel with im punity in every State, county and neighborhood, and have abundant opportunity to inculcate insub ordination and seduce our black population from their allegiance. The facilities for escape now, are quite as great, if not greater than they would bu if we were separated by a national dividing line, whilst the outside pressure upon the slave towards escape snd freedom, and his security from reclamation, are far more powerful and effective than they ever could be in the other condition. Now, under tbe Constitutional guarantees, we cannot .exclude the Northern Pirate from our soil—in a separate Gov- ernmjnthe would be an alien and a stranger, with out the right ever to enter, exoept b; legal permis sion. Now, all the laws which Congress has passed for the capture and rendition of fugitive alaves, stand as a dead letter upon the statute book. What are they worth to the Southern people ? Not tbe value of the paper and ink with which they have been recorded. In a separated State and independ ent Government, the abduction and detention of our slaves from the service of their owners, would be cause ol war, or of retaliating measures of resent ment and redrew—and the overruling cupidity and commercial necessitiesof the Northern people—the paramount importance to them ofpeaceful relations with us, and of enjoying the benefits of our trade and social intercourse, would impel them ioto trea ties with us, which would afford infinitely better guarantees against the abduction of our alaves, and for the return of those who might voluntarily escape. Give me the power over the commercial relations between the North and the South, and tbe foot prints of Southern slaves, North of Mason A Dixon's line, would be “like angels’ visits, few and far be tween.” If a stray negro should now end then es cape aud flee into that far and tree country, he would be caught and sent back to his owner in less time than he occupied in his vain race for freedom. The Nortbeic people may be controlled by their interest —they never have been governed by constitutional obligations, and never will be wbvti there is a negro slave in tbe case. But whilst I am satisfied that the people ofthe border States are mistaken in their opinions and fears in this natter, still it is a powerful, perhaps a controlling objection in their minds to the tormauon of a separate confederacy of the slave States. These and other emsiderations, both local and general, would, in all probability, prevent a common con currence of al the Southern States in a movement towards separation, even for causes which might be held sufficient by a majority of th*™* an 5*. \ whether a general Convention could be obtained to consult upon the common safety, and to consider and .decide the question of disunion; convention was assembled, whether llke unanimity would prevail in its counsels. How then shall those States less than the whole, or less than a majority,satisfied ofthe necessity* policy and red dutv of some action looking to tneur security tc ofthe Union—how shall they proceed towards * iKomplbhment of that object f of.*** fellow-citizens, the action of a single ota.e, ex cept under circumstances enlisting the strong sjm* pathiesof her contignons sixers, might lead to de-1 sepiration even by a single Btatc. would bring the I Nortfc P^ to their if any thing could people . ailedn-ed onnrsasiI open e ears and hearts to the voice of rea.ron five Tariff^which at 0 P ne time was'aidft.^re'beet d i 08 ** 06 ’ The North does not believe that tne seriously considered and contempl.* e( ] i s b 0 could not have resisted th ; combined oppo»; on of all her sister States, snd the power ofthe Fedta,] Govern ment, upheld ss it was by the approving voice of the country, j,” 'aiurv of her sons woud have maintained a haru struggle against Federal coer cion, either in the form of Federal laws or Fed'.ji bayonets.but they would have been forcedto yield a* last, snd resume their former position as a State in the Union. Whatever, therefore,might be my con victions of the unconstitutional and dangerous ag gressions of the Northern States, and the necessity and propriety of a Southern Confederacy to secure the rights, interests and honor of the South, I "should be slow to commend or approve tbe secession of a single State, without the probable co-operatii of her coterminous sisters, and stiU less again* *. expressed wUl and wish. But whenever a reap- South will dissolve the Union for any cause, and that they may push their fanatical schemes upon us with impunity: Conv’ ce them that the South is in earnest, by an in-posing step towards separ ation, and even fanat’ sm will pause and “look before it leaps.” The ? io. is far more necessary, useful and importer m than us, and they t-now it. They woi. probably drive us to tlm alterative of sc ..a t. n, if they were advised and believed that such would be the result of their hostile Ounouatrat: 3 ag- lust slavery apd the rights of the South •-,! In 1850, when a movement towfty], s , n v as made in Georgia, and a few of the . States, and there seemed to be some Vu,. . extreme measu es, the Northern mind lief .q recoil - the North- ble number ofthe Southern States, convincedef the 1 ern papers for the fi- ;t tin*. el nce the Union was necessity or policy of seeking their safety or happi- ness in a new Government, shall determine in such a step, they can accomplish that object, it not without difficulty, at least without bloodshed or ci vil war. Let the States ef South Or ’ i, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, become animated by a common spirit of resistance to Northern aggressions —let them become convinced that their safety, their interests or their honor demands, separation from the North and the formation of an independent Government for themselves and their posterity, and' a concerted and determined movement by the. 1 wonld draw every other slave State into their poli cy, and compel them to join, sooner or later, in a Southern Confederacy. Unless conciliated snd re concUed to their former associates and the Union, by the concession of additional and saiislactnry Constitutional guarantees, those four States could, in twelve months, break ” . nft ■ Union so far asunder that no p ; ’ vver re- unitethem. Let any . f C vention called by authorire-i -* -legislature, .... lemnly resolve thst th»' • ; [tuf / of the South was to form a separate and express a wil lingness and readiness .<q oin any of her sister South ern States in the formation and maintaiDance ofsuch a Government. Let her invite in au imposing and solemn '. all others agreeing with her in opinion . to appoint Delegates to a Convention to • st a time and place designated, for the pur pose of declaring their independence and setting up a Government for themselves. Let such Conven tion of the States suggested and others meet, and in obedience to the will and wish of their constitu ents, declare their independence ofthe present Fed eral Government; frame a Constitution and form of Government and proclaim themselves to the world a free and independent nation. Would any effort be made to force them back into the Union ? How and by whom? Conld the Federal laws ot the old Government be enforced over sovereign States thus united and determined to be free ? Federal laws and Federal officers would be alike powerless and impotent. Would ships of war be sent to block ade our ports, to enforce the collection of Federal revenues, to cripple or destroy our trade and break up our intercourse with Foreign nations ? Vain at tempt! Tbe million and a half of cotton hales pro duced by these four States, to say nothing of other articles of export, would burst asunder every bar rier which Federal power could throw around them. Prohibited by our owrn laws from passing into and through the adjoining Ststes of the’old Government, these immense objects of commerce snd wealth would find their way to the ocean snd over it to all other countries in spite of Federal laws or Federal guns. Any attempt to shut out such a supply from the cotton looms ofthe old world, would set all Eu rope in a blaze and bring to onr aid the libel ating navies of.every commercial nation. Would an attempt be made to invade and conquer us as rebels with Federal arms and Federal armies ? The first Regiment thst crossed Mason A Dixon’s line on such an errand, wonld be the signal for the rising up of thousands of stout hearts snd stalwart arms, e- ven in those Southern States that had not joined us, to drive the abolition invaders back to their dens. Who can for .moment suppose that the other slave Ststes would either stand indifferently by, or join in .movement of the Federal Government, usurped or controlled by Northern abolitionists, to strike down the spirit of Southern resistance snd coerce their kindred and friends into degrading submission? No. sirs, the very first attempt st Federal legislation looking to coercion—the very first military move ment towards our conquest would arouse the sym pathies of all our sister Southern States, and drive them out ofthe old and bring them with hasty steps into the open and inviting arms of the new Repub lic. Such would be the inevitable effect of any hos tile demonstration against the new Confederacy, and no such demonstration would be made. Nor would it matter whether any effort were made or not, to coerce the seceeding States into their former po sition in the Union. A new Government once form ed and pat into operation would attract all the other slave States to it—no human power could hold them off. The attractions of a common interest and a common sympathy—of a common race, language and religion—of common danger, insult and injury —ef kindred associations and kindred institutions— of similar pursuits and similar objects—ofa like or igin snd a like destiny, would be as potent ss the aU powerful snd all-pervading natural laws of attrac tion snd gravitation, to unite, fasten and bind them togetner by a bond two strong to be broken by the combined efforts of all the nations ofthe earth. No, fellow-citizens, let a Southern Confederacy be once formed by even a few of the slave States, snd all the laws which control human action would stamp their impress upon every Southern State of this Union, and be irresistable. forme i ?gan to -a 1 ulute ; t"walue and to urge the dang nd im.rol -y ofwrivjbg [be South to xtreirities. Meetings of the peon* were held and safe; 7 commit; • ,rt fi d to revike an ti slavery agitation J ■ s .0 power os.be abolitionists, and it tt-e So had acted with spir it and manliness ti e he :o’ sublet would have been settled ;.t ■ e a. I forever, by such Constitutional guar u a as -nuld have placed our rights and our . a. upo sure 1 ud lasting basis. But unfoitv. -U- for ue South, we bad then, and I fear we 1 shall ve, too nanyam- oitious public mc.i, i, j ere -iking to National honors,and who, fro-, i -e-q or fear, were wil ling to sacrifice our * .ts, “ "it ve the U- expeetcu so many person- And now, for what cause, and on what occa sion shall such a movement be made by any of the Southern States f This question is already an swered, to a certain extent, by the solemn declar ation of our own State, enunciated at Hilledge- viUe in the Convention of December, 1850. That Convention was not one formed by voluntary pri- marv meetings of the people assembled in small numbers, ana as usual tu —-.i-nW! hy a few leading and ambitious men—it was a con vention caUed by the Governor under the author ity and instruction of the Lcgislature*-the dele gates were elected by the people of the several Counties under the usual rules and regulations of law—they were chosen after a protracted and heated contest, in which all the objects and bear ings of the proposed Convention were fully dis cussed and considered by the people—it was an authoritative and imposing Convention, composed of some ofthe ablest and best men of both politi cal parties in the State—it spoke the voice of the people in unmistakable language, and although there was a large and respectable party in the State, which did not think that the Convention went far enough, yet they acquiesced in its final action and its solemn .resolutions of resistance in the future. I may safely say that if the people of Georgia were never before, or are not now, uni ted upon any other political subject, they are uni ted upon the platform framed by that convention. The 4th Resolution of that Platform declares,— “That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of this Convention, will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress up on the subject of slavery in the District of Colum bia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction ofCon gress, incompatible with the safety, domestic tran quility, the rights aud honor of the slaveholding States; or any act suppressing the slave trade be tween the slaveholding States; or any refusal to admit as a State any Territory hereafter applying because of the existence of slavery therein; or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves in to the Territories of Utah, or New Mexico; or any act repealing or materially modifying the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.” Since the adoption of that platform the unmis takable voice of most of the Southern States, has applauded and approved it, and expressed their determination to stand by Georgia in its mainten ance, “even to the disruption of all the ties that bind them to the Union.” Now, let any one of the provisions of that Platform be violated by an abolition Congress, and the Union would be dissol ved in less time than it took to form it It wonld tot, in my opinion, live another year. So far so good—come what may, the true-hearted South ern man, who i4 ready and willing to risk the al- ledged and apprehended dangers of separation and a Southern Confederacy, has the consolation to know that Congress can do neither of the acts embraced and prohibited in that bold and defiant declaration without producing disunion and bring ing about the ultimate and permanent protection of our institutions in another and better Govern ment. Let the abolitionists of^ie North take the Federal Government, if they can, and put our pluck to the test by violating any portion of the Georgia Platform. Jet them do it if they can—let them do it if'they will—let them do it if they dare. But is there no other cause, no other action ofthe free States which would justify separation and proba bly produce it? Fellow-citizens, I have said elsewhere,—“The election of a Northern President, upon a section al and anti-slavery issue, will be considered cause enough to justify secession. Let the Senator from New York, (Mr. Seward,) or any other man avow ing the sentiments and policy enunciated by him in his Rochester speech, be elected President of the United States, and, in my opinion, there arc more than one of the Southern States that would take immediate steps towards separatioa. And, sir, I am free to declare, herein the Senate, that whenever such an event shall occur, for one, / shall be for disunion, and shall, if alive, exert all the powers I may have in urging upon the people of my State the necessity and propriety of an im mediate separation.” This I deliberately said on the floor of the Sen ate in the face of our enemies—this I deliberately say here to day in the presence of friends and neighbors. I should consider such an event fraught with the greatest danger to Southern institutions, and I would not wait for the development of its results. I would nip the danger in the bud, and take immediate steps to unite tho South in a move ment which should end, either in safety within the Union, or safety out of it. A movement towards nion,” from which th al blessings. Fellow tizens, if ' South would preserve their rights ' obtain their independence out of .t, they . c. take 'heir sub ject into tbeir own bends—speak out their senti ments with a joldue; that becomes freemen and teach politicians the aialutary lesson, that “he who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damn ed.” Whether the election of a Black Republican President upon a sectional anti-slavery Platform, and by a sectional abolition party, shall be con sidered a sufficient cause for alarm and separation by a majority of any one or more of the Southern States, remains to l-e seen. I do not hesitate here, as I have elsewhere and every where, to express my own opinion, that it ought to be so consider ed, and if the time shall ever arrive, and the event ever happen, com3 what may, in office or out of office, if alive and able, I shall raise my voice in vindication of the sincerity with which I have ut tered the sentiment. Fellow-citizens, let no man suppose or infer from what I bare said here, or elsewhere, that am in favor of dissolving this Union as a matter of "hoice It :s t e, that much of my confidence in ; t has been shaken—much of my respect for it lessened—much of my love for it weakened, by the ever** of recent years. It cannot be denied^ that in respect to some of the most important ele ments with which it was intended to be invested, and many of the objects of its creation it has prov ed a failure. It was intended as a Government of defined and limited powers—it has become one of construction and almdst unlimited, consolidated powers. It was intended to be a creature—it bas grown to be a Lord and Master. From its forma tion to the present time its powers have been grad ually enlarged, whilst the powers of the State hai been diminished until the latter have scarcely any left,that are worth preserving, and the former scarcely any wanting necessary to absolute domin ion. The States, their offices—their honors—their interests, and their powers are all overshadowed by the more dazzling rfnd seductive attractions of Federal honors—Federal offices—Federal interests, and Federal powers. Constitutional barriers are broken down with impunity—Constitutional rights are trampled under foot without remorse, regret, or redress. Sectional interests, sectional preju dices, and sectional power, if they have not al ready, soon will control all the operations of the ’irul Government and make it little less than a urSj'o.i.^i, subject only totbe capricious will ofa numerical majoritv. Not content to exercise the powers granted in tbe constitution, this majority, composed of the bitter enemies of the Southern people do not scruple to usurp powers not grant ed whenever the interests or prejudices dictate the assumption. Heretofore, a national party organized upon the i-asis ofState equality and State sovereignty—of equal rights, equal privileges and equal burthens to all and upon all sections of the Union, has to some extent withstood the encroachments of this irresponsible majority and preserved the Union from destruction. But that party is last melting away before the re-ieated and vigorous assaults of ourNorthern foes, andthe discordant character of its present elementsaffords little hope or prospect of its future ability to preserve the constitutional rights of the weaker section. ■ Such, fellow-citizens, are the present condition and future prospects of the American Union, pre senting but a faint hope to the Patriot or the States man of the permanence of that true Republican Constitutional Government upon which our rights alone depend. Still, “habit is a second nature” and early affection —ancient associations and ha bitual love and reverence for institutions, founded by our fathers an • emented by their blood, ap peal with a powet difficult to resist to all the feel ings ofthe American neart. They affect me— they anect you, nd I doubt not affect every son of the South. I would surrender this Union only when convinced that it had failed ofthe great ob jects of it- creation, that its powers were perver ted to unholy ends and that instead of proving a blessing, it had become a curse to the Southern people—a Union administered for the equal bene fit of all—respecting the Sovereign rights of the 's and the rights and interest of the people ctions—a Union which confines the gov- , power to the limits of the constitution, and ally guards, observes and protects that sa- inst -ment, would have my love, my revtr- ex.ee and support, to the latest hour of my exis tence. But when I see and feel that tho great, paramount objects of its creation have been or are about to be defeated and prostituted to up hold the power, promote the interests and pander to the prejudices of one section—to exalt one and oppress another of its equal and constituent parts —to bring blessings upon one and curses upon another portion of its wide domain, I am ready to surrender it, at any and all hazards, and to try a- nother experiment for the preservation of those rights which are dearer to you and to me than the existence of any Government or Union on earth. If this be treason, let those who call it so, make the most of it. I will not take back one jot or tittle of the declaration. Nor do I consider it absolutely essential to the prosperity and happi ness of the Southern States that they should re main in the present Union. They hare the abun dant elements of both within their own borders, and they would possess and enjoy in a confedera ted Government of their own, sources of wealth, prosperity, progress and power, unsurpassed by any nation on the face of the earth. In what sin gle respect would a Southern Confederacy be wan ting in all that is necessary to make a nation great and a people happy ? In agricultural wealth and plenty, we surpass the world. Iu *11 the varieties of soil and climate, we arc richly blessed. We can raise breadstuff-* and all the necessaries of life in sufficient quantities to supply the increasing population of centuries. In Geographical area, we have even now, length and breadth enough to sustain a hundred mUlions of people, without be ing as closely packed as England or France. Flor ida, Louisiana and Texas can supply all our de mands for sugar. The Carolinas and Georgia can give us rice. Maryland and Virginia can admin ister to our taste for Tobacco. Kentucky and Missouri can make the Hemp to cover our cotton bales. The Atlantic and Gulf States can furnish the world with Timber and Naval Stores, and the cotton crops of the planting States are at this time worth annually two hundred millions of dollars. We have navigable rivers running almost by the very doors of our whole people, and where nature is deficient, artificial high-ways afford facilities for the transportation of all our products to cheap and ready markets. We have outlets to the ocean and to other countries in Harbors of unlimited ca pacity along a line of coast over two thousand miles in extent. Tbe bowels of the earth contain inexhaustible mines of mineral wealth. We have iron, copper, lead, saltpetre, gold and silver in quantie? equal to any region in tho world. Our streams afford facilities lor the abundant manufac ture of cloth to cover our people and administer to their comforts, conveniences and luxury. We have a population, healthy, hardy and industrious —a people, “native and to the manner born,” ho mogeneous in rpce and language, habits and laws —in pursuits and interests, in politics and religion —in all that bind men together and make them latriotic and poweiful. In the language ol Louis Napoleon, our Government “wonld be peace."— Our agricultural products would attract the com merce of the world and keep all nations at peace with us—whilst other Powers might depend upon the sinews of war, ours would wield the elements of peace and would command it with the civilized world, and no nation on earth would be so much interested and so anxious to preservo friendly re lations with us as our quondam Northern brethren. So deeply concerned, would they be for our fa vor, our commercial friendship and our social in tercourse—that they would ever be to us what ranee is to Sardinia, au ally ready and willing to drive every invader from our soil. With all these elen-'-nts of wealth, prosperity and happiness in creasing, expanding and developing themselves as population thickened and consumption required, what limit world there be to our progress, our power and jnr glory ? But we should not stop here. Our expanding policy would stretch far be* youd our present limits. Cuba, now withheld from us by the voice and votes of our abolition ene mies, would scon be ours. She could not be held by Spain a year after our Government wasformed No neutrality laws wouldreftrain our adventurous sons, and Spain would feel the necessity of her situation and the certainty of its loss, aDd would soon transfer it to the Southern Republic. And Central America, so rich in tropical products, essential to the wants and luxuries of mankind— Sugar, Coffee, Cocoa and every variety, of delic ious fruits—a land abounding in rich soil and cov ered with dense forests of valuable woods—a coun try highly adapted to slave labor, and requiring only the supetior genius and enterprise of the an- glo American race to make it “bloom and blos som like the rose"—Central America would at an early day fall under the vigorous influence of our enterprising people and join their destiny to ours. Now, the same feeling of anti-slavery jealousy and hatred which heejx, Cuba from our grasp, suppres ses every attempt to revolutionize Central Ameri ca and make i: what natnre intended it to be part and parcel of a great siavcholding Confederacy. Separated from the North and united together as an independent power, we should take all Cen tral America within our sisterhood of States and soon settle it with a thriving, prosperous and growing population of Southern people, with lan guage, religior tastes, habits, interests, pursuits and objects similar to our own. With do abolit ion emigrating aid societies to impede our march orinterfere wiia our legitimate and natural ex pansion, we should stretch our arms all along tbe line of Northern Mexico to the Pacific ocean, and soon have a chain of slave States from that Sea to the Gulph of 1’exico; and then With our Central American pope lation on one side pressing upwards, and oursouth-'restern population on the other side pressing downwards, all Mexico would fall by de grees into our possession, and become American ized and translormed into slave States. As our slave population by its rapid increase would fill up the Atlantic St lies and the valley of the Mississip pi, and become too dense within present limits for safety or profit, it would gradually and naturally, overflow across the line into vast regions of invi ting climate and soil, and here ana there under the dominion of the white man, live and flourish for agesto come. And thus, with a Republic lar ger in extent titan all Europe, united under a Gov ernment more perfect than was pver formed by the wisdom an! patriotism of man—with funda mental laws to preserve onr institutions from de cay for all time to come, homogeneous in every thing, we should exhibit the world an example of greatness, prosperity and power, which nothing but the hand of God could ever weaken or destroy. Spring & Summer Fashions for 1859. ro THE LADIES! MRS. F. DESSAU, TRIANGULAR BLOCK. Adjoining Bostick, Kein & Co’s Store. G RATEFUL for the very liberal patron- f age of whic 1 she has so long been the re I cipient from both city snd country, begs to" announce to her patrons and the ladies generally, thst she is now receiving her 8pring and 8ummer Stock, consisting of every description ot iTIillinerv & Dress Trimming G-oodLs, which for richness of material, elegance of style, extent and variety, are worthy of attention. Her SILK, BAREGE AND ORGANDY ROBES, Laces, Mantillas and Cloaks. Traveling Dress Goods, Embroideries, Ribbons, Head Dresses, Flow ers, Wreaths, and Bouquets are all of the very la test importatioca, and will be sold at reasonable pri ces. All orders by mail promptly attended to. mar 29—tf Mrs. S. Andoin, H AS returned from New York with a beautitcl assortment of SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, Consisting of all the Newest and most desirable m styles of Fronola Hats, of every variety. Also, many rich and fancy arti cles, beautiful Km broidery, elegant Laces, Pompa dour Lace Settf, Hair Ornaments of every style, Grecian Curls, Hide and Back Braids, Wigd, Fans. Sec. Call and e:tamine for yourselves before pur chasing, as it will be much to your interest. She is thankful for patt favors, avd solicits a share of the liberal patronage of our thriving c^ty and surround ing counties. Pereas Cash. [mat 29. WAR! WAR!! WAR!!! ON DRY GOODS, AT E. EINSTEIN’S. . we have com- eztermination of L>EIXG obliged to repair our Store, D manned a general warfare of ex prices on our Goods. We are now selling the balance of our stock of Goods at New York Cost, To make room, among which wiU be found a beau tiful Stock of French Lace M uitlcs and Points, Double Jupe and two Flounced Silk Robes, Double Skirt aud two Flounced Barege Robes, Organdies and Ja conet Double Jupe Robes, Figured and Stripec Fancy Silks, Plain and Fig ured Black Silks, Swiss and Ja conet Collars and Sleeves, Embroidered and Lace Setts, Kid Gloves, Ladiea&Misses Hosiery, Hoop Skirts, Mt slins of all kinds. Men’s and Boy’s wear, Bleached and Brown Sheeting and Shirting, Irish Linens. Tible Damasks, Linen Drills and far mer's Satin, Cottonade, Ac., Ac. t3P*Call and tee for yonrseives. ELIAS EINSTEIN, jnne 7 Cor. 2d St. and Triangular Block. IALEGANT SPRING CASIMERE SUITS, at JL C. H. BAIRD'S N OVELTIES IN NECK-TIES. COLLARS, Ao., at C. II. BAIRD’S. N ovelties in cassimere vestings at C. H. BAIRD’S. UPERIOR FRENCH BLACK CASSIMERE C. H. BAIRD’S. INE BLAC K CLOl'll FROCK COATS at C. H. BAIRD’S. S I COATS at F I ISLE THREAD SHIRTS, SOCKS A GLOVES, Lt at C. H. B URD’S. A nother £ot of sufekiorkidgloves at C. H. BAIRD'S. A nother lot superior English cot ton SOCKB, at C. H. BAIRD’S. D RAP D’ETE, ALPACCA and LINEN COATS. C. II. BAIRD’S. QUPERIORFANCY MARSEILLES VESTS just O receivedby c. n. RAireu- april 5 Telegraph Building. STRONG & WOOD, Dealers in BOOTS & SHOES, Lea ther, Hats & Caps, At their old Stind on Second Street, Opposite BOSTICK & KEIN, MACON,.. GEORGIA, H AVE now Ii full supply of Goods in their line, to which 'hey are making constant additions, of all the different styles of workmanship and wear, and which will lie sold on ss good terms, for cash or approved short iredit, as any Shoe establishment in Georgia. They solicit a continuance ofthe liberal patronage so long enjoyed by the firm, msy 31—ly Give me your Likeness! S an exclamstion often heard when friends are X parting, an 1 as the season is at hand when friends are lea\ ing for the North, or Summer re treats, they shoild remember that they have no as surance that they will return—considering Railroad accidents—but they have an a*8urance that at .Pugli’s FINE ART GALLERY, they can obtain a fine likeness of themselves and friends. Pugh is still st his poat, and gives his personal At tention to ever)- picture. His GnUery will be open the entire Summer, and all persons visiting the city should visit his Gallery also. Admittance tree. A Urge nuftoer of life-size Photographic Paint ings on exhibition, which will be found to surpass any thing in point of Artistic merit ever before seen in Miicoii. (.'<* mnissioni for this style of picture [which can be taken from Daguerreotypes of de ceased personal attended to with promptness and special care. Ambrotvpes, Vc , from *1 up- Fine fancy esses, cheaper thane> er. J. A. PUGH, june14