Weekly Georgia telegraph. (Macon [Ga.]) 1858-1869, August 16, 1859, Image 1

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Newspaper Page Textj{,. Joseph Clisbt eotsTatelegrafh MACON, AUGUST 16, 1869. Volume XXXIII.—No. 47 (i M rriusan evkkt kSI ,aV moknino. tiki's: |lLA RS, IN' ADVANCE. 1,1 * t ‘ rV whore the subscriptior . of the Office. rAlwbed by Kequeil. (| itiiiiuni II. Seward. * . 0 KOCHESTER. MON dn- MONDAV, Oct.25. IKB. >t _TI>e unmistakable out 11 ,iich occur all around me show *'_ M t men—and such a man am '. fore, at least for a time, pass : '; rv and collateral i|uestions, prtionsl or of a general nature, * ihe uiaiu subject of the present f. irmocratie party—or, to speak ilr. lire party which wears that •'in possession of the fede- .... The republicans propose to ’’ rtr and dismiss it from its bigb ‘ 'a ..object, then, is whether the ,. v j,., r rves to retain the con- .'garicau people. In attempt' # it’ui*orthy. I think that I am , i, T prejudices against that party, ' in favor of its adversary; „,j, bv some experience, that ntiriotistn*. vice and selfishness, are and that they differ less in ,*■ ' .i,,,, in the jiolicies they pursue. , theatre which exhibits, in full ' i,o radically different jjolitical sys- ' ‘ r ,.»tinc on the basis of servile . the oilier on the basis of vol- j ina'inen. The laborers who s gt *11 negroes, or persons more ,: African derivation. But this <jl. The principle of the sys- .jkor, in every society, by whoin- - f j, is necessarily unintellectu- aail base, and that the laborer, ,o«n good and for the welfare ujht to be enslaved. The white whether native or foreign, is r.donlv because he cannot, as yet, ,; w bondage. Yon need not be told the dave system is the older of the lot once it was universal. The ..aofour own ancestors—Caucas- EaKpcans, as they were—hardly id a period of five hundred years, l ::;riie*r»tion of human society which me. ubibit. is mainly due to the a lithe system of voluntary labor 1 oue ot servile labor, which has al- a place. This African slave sys- aesUcb. in its origin and its growth, a ihegrtber fottign from the habits of which colonized these States and cs- cirilization here. It was introduced continent as an engine of conquest, . t'siablisluneut of monarchical pow- 1‘ortuguesc and the Spaniards, and j extended by them over all South .Will America. Louisiana and Mex- Icgititsale fruit* are seen in the pov- tciiity snd anarchy which now per- ’ortueuoe and Spanish America.— >rsystem is of Gcrinau extraction, txbi:>hrd in our country by emi- veden. Hollaud, Germany, Groat pj belaud. He justly ascribe to its ■ .tiength, wealth, greatness, in- i freedom which the whole Atncr- »w enjoy. One of the chief ele- alue of human life is freedom in t happiness. The slave system .tolerant, unjust aud inhuman to- borer. whom, only because he is a loads down with chains and con- andire. but scarcely less so to as. to whom, only because be is a «m necessity, it denies facilities for . and whom it expels from the btvau.e it caonot enslave and con- ati merchandize also. It is neces- teat and ruinous, because; as a tb. communities prosper and flour- >p and decline, in just the degree pacUce. or neglect to practice, the bes of justice and humanity. The -stem conforms to the divine law which is written in the heart* aud > of men, and. therefore, is a way a where beneficent. The slave system C"n.taut danger, distrust, suspicion chfuliicsv. It debases those whose call produce wealth and resources w, to the lowest degree of which hu- v is capable, to guard against rauti- surrection. and thus wastes energies erwise might be employed io uation- pment snd aggrandizement. The iiystcm educates all alike, and by ’he fields of industrial employment departments of authority to the sad equal rivalry of all classes of w secures universal contentment, ’ato the highest possible activity vtl. moral and social energies of State In States where the slave Kail*, the masters, directly or indi- »;’• political power, and consti- af aristocracy. In the States where •4" system prcvals, universal suf- •’fly obtains, and the State inevi- sooner or later, a republic of 7* lltssia yet maintains slavery, ■Most of the other Euro- ■s'htvc abolished slavery, and adop ts of free labor. It was the an- '^iiicsl tendencies of the two aya- ^ fie first Napoleon w*a contcmpla- '« predicted that Europe would ul- * either all Cossack or all republi- * lid human sagacity utter a more . The two systems are at ouco V “e incongruous. But they are *** egruoui—they are incompati- *! sever have permanently extated -tttconatiy, aud they never dan. to demonstrate thU impoaai- *’-e irreconcilable coutrast between Jenidples and characteristics.. But ** of mankind lias conclusively Slavery. as j have already in- T**d in every State in Europe.— -’-‘•'supplanted it everywhere, cx- J<4w * Turkey. State necessities, •s oudeni time, are now obliging T® astions to encourage and em- _and already, despotic as they ’hem engaged in ubollahing slnvc- States slavery came into ■ J free labor at the close of |he .•sna fell before it in New Eng* j!*** 1 New Jersey and Pcnnsylva* ■ :s I l ed over it effectually, and ex* ^‘period yet undetermined, from Tj-srolinas and Georgia. Indeed, j?. e ,* re tlie two systems that every '• organized within our ever- . «»m makes its first political act a atW* nn , ' xc l us ‘ on of the oth- . v ',‘ :r "at <>f avil war, if necessary. r *"7' fjthout law. at the last na- '»• lurbidi, within their own limits, (twa ' ote * for * candidate for ,,. ,r* * “'ted States supposed to bo •ttnwtabliahment ofthTfree la- 1. States. Hitherto the two .. >n different State*, but i L ' !hm tl ,e American Union.— - because the Union ia a r ’ u le *' But ' in nnother as- cet states constitute only one Population, which ia fill- „ ut t0 *I ,e * r very border*, to- nfi«Sr exten ded network of n j * Tenu **> and an internal Win*; l lll i becomes more intimate, ’vtefS. 11 ® tbe States into n higher •t unity or consolidation •l h,^, W,l,c ‘T'tems arc coutinu- hhtll t! „ r c °nt*et* and colliaion TW. J* 1 7®u What thb colliaion •v/L'““tbtnk that it ia accidental. kn, Zj? 0 ** of interested or fanaU .Ukiito^r^ 0 ™ ephemeral, mis- W hrt» £rUler ' . •• an inrepressi- >d it .J* 0 opposing and emluring 4*2 4a * that the United States u?^.o t Wbr, hkitofc» '• -Uua, or entirely a free labor nation. Either thti cotton and rice fields °f South Carolina and tlm sugar plantations of Louiaiana will ultimately be tilled by free la bor. and Charleston and Sew Orleans become mart* for legitimate mer< handise alone, or else the rye field* and wheat' field* of Massachu setts and New York mus: again be surrender ed by their farmers to alive cnltnre and to the production of alave*. aid Boston and New i ork become once more a market for trade in the bodies and souls o 'men. It is the fail ure to apprehend this gr«at truth that induces so many unsuccessful att >mpts at final com promise between the alave and free States, and it is the existence of this great fact that renders all such pretende 1 compromise, when made, vain and ephemeral. Startling as this saying may appear to you, fellow citizens, it is by no means an origin.d or even a modern one. . Our forefathers knew it to be true, and nuanimously acted upon it when they framed the constitution of tlm United States. They regarded the existence of the servile system in so many of the State i with sorrow and shame, which they opcgjy confessed, and they looked upion the collision Yetweenthem. which was then just revealing it sell; and which we are now accustomed to deplore, with favor and hope. They knew th »t either the one or the other system must exclusively prevail* Unlike too many of those who in modern time invoke their authority, they had a chance be tween the two. They prtferred the system of free labor, and they determined so to organize the government, and so to direct its activity, that that system should surely and certainly prevail. For this purpoue, and no other, they jased the whole structure of government broadly on the principle t iat all men are crea ted equal, and, therefore, free—little dream ing that within the short period of one hundred rears their descendants would bear to be told l»y any orator, however popular, that the ut terance of that principle was merely a rhetori cal rhapsody; or by any jndge, however ven erated, that it was attend xd by mental reser vations which rendered it hypocritical and false. By tbe ordinance of 1787 they dedica ted all the national domaa not yet polluted by slavery in free labor immediately; thenceforth and forever, while by the new constitution and laws they invited foreign free labor from all lands under tbe sun, and interdicted the im portation of African slavx labor at all times, in all places, and under all circumstances whatsoever. It is true that they necessarily and wisely modified this policy of freedom by leaving it to the several States, affected as they were by differing circumstances, to abol ish slavery in their own way and at their own pleasure, instead of confiding that duty to ' Congress, and that they secured to the slave States, while yet retaining the system of slave ry, a three-fifths representation of slaves in the federal government, until they should find themselves able to relinquish it with safety. But tbe very nature of these modifications for tifies my position, that tiie fathers knew that the two systems could not endure within the Union, and expected tbit within a short peri od slavery would disappear forever. More over, in order that these modifications might not altogether defeat their grand design of a republic maintaining universal equality, they provided that two thirds of the States might amend the Constitution. It remains to say on this point only one word to guard against mis apprehension. If these States are again to be come universally slaveliolding, I do not pre tend to say with what violations of the consti tution that end shall be accomplished. On tbe other hand, while I do confidently believe and hope that my country wi.l yet become a land ot universal freedom, I do not expect that it will be made so otherwue than through the action of the several States co-operating with the federal government, and all acting in strict conformity with their respective constitutions. The strife and contention concerning slavery, which gently disposed persons habitually dep recate, is nothing more than the ripening of the conflict which tbe_ fathers themselves not only thus regarded with favor, butwhich they may be said to have instituted. It is not to be denied, however, that thus far tbe course of that contest has not been according totheir humane anticipations and wishes. In the field of federal politics, slavery, deriving unlooked for advantages from commercial changes and energies, and unforeseen from the faculties of combination between members of tbe slave holding class and between that class and other xroperty classes, early, rallied, and has at ength made a stand, not merely to retain its original defensive position, but to extend its way throughout tbe whole Union. It is cer tain that the alaveholding class of American citizens indulge this high ambition, and that they derive encouragement for it from the rap id and effective political success which they have already obtained. The plan of opera tion is thisBy continued appliances of pat-. ronage and threats of disunion, they will keep a majority favorable tq their- designs in thp Senate, where each State has an equal repre sentation. Through that majority they will defeat, as they beat cqn, the admission of free States, and secure the admission of slave States. Under the protection of tbe judiciary they will, on the principle of the Drcd 8oott case, carry slavery into all the Territories of the United States now existing and hereafter to be or ganized. By the action of the President and the Senate, using the treaty making power, they will annex foreign slaveholding States. In a favorable conjuncture they will induce Congress to repeat the act of 1808. which pro hibits the foreign slave trade, and so they will import from Africa, at tbe cost of only twenty dollars a head, slaves enough to fill up the in terior of the continent. Thus relatively in creasing the number of slave States, they will allow no amendment to the constitution prej udicial to their interest, and so, having per manently established their power, they expect the federal judiciary to nullify all State laws which shall interfere with the internal or foreign commerce in slave*, \yhen tho free Spates shall be sufficiently demoralized tq tolerate these questions, they reasonably conclude that slavery will be accepted by those Stain them selves. I shall not stop to show how speedy or how complete would be the ruin which the accomplishment of tlicae atave^ding schemes would bring upon the country, lor one, I should not remain in the country to teaj the sad experiment. Marine; spent known. The motives of men, whether act in,g as electors, cr in any other capacity, are generally pure. Nevertheless, it is not more true that “hell is paved with good intentions,” than it is that earth is covered with wrecks resulting from innocent and amiable motives. The very constitution of the democratic party commits it to execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever they may be. It ie not a party of the whole Union—of all tbefres States and of all the slave States, nor yet is it a party of the free States in the North and in the Northwest; but it is a sectional and local party, haring practically its seat within the slave States, and counting its constituency chiefly and almost exclusively there. Of all its representatives in Congress and in the elec toral colleges, two-thirds uniformly come from these States. Its great element of strength lies in the vote of tbe slaveholders, augmented by the representation of three fifths of the slaves. Deprive the democratic party of this strength, and it would be a helpless and hope less minority, incapable of continued organi zation. The democratic party being thus lo cal and sectional, acquires new strength from the admission of every new slave State, and loses relatively by the admission of every free State in the Union. A party is in •acv oi siavcuumci*. .— - of the land in which l shall ho content to live Having teen the society around me universal ly engaged in agriculture. trade? which were innocent and beneficent, I shall never be a deniaen of a State where men and women are reared as cattle, and bought aud sold as merchandize. When that evil day shall come, and all further effort at resistance shall be impossible, then, if there shall be no better hope for redemption than I can no foresee lshall say with Franklin, while look and more congenial home : “Where d , crty dwells. there is my country. You will ten me that these fears arc extravagant and chi- They cannot be defeated by inactivity, is no escape from them compatible with non- IJutancc. How then, and in what way. lnll the necessary resistance be made . There • nnlv one way. The democratic party must is only o 7 0 j g ed from the govem- bei \ Crra Th 0 reason isf that the democratic me “ t- Tnpitricably coirimittcd to the designs partyisinextncaniyco describet | of the atafeb® , . 0( ] ' J do not charge I^t me be well understood ^ ^ that the democratic • pledged, much fice now before support less that the democ i;rociou3 an d daugcr- tliem really adopt , llK l generally ous designs- Garni. an d patrioti- do. mean to act. J ; but they be- icy which a party s a cloDOd, depending sense a joint stock association, in which those who contribute most direct the action and man agement of the concern. The slaveholders contributing in an overwhelming proportion to the capital strength of tbe democratic party, they necessarily dictate and prescribe its pol icy. The inevitable caucus system enables them to do so with a show of fairness and jus tice. If it were possible to conceive for a mo ment that the democratic party should diso bey the behests of the slaveholders we should then see a withdrawal of the slaveholders, which would leave the party to perish. The xortion of the party which is found in the free States as a mere appendage, convenient to modify its sectional character, without impair ing its sectional constitution, and iz less effec tive in regulating its movement than the neb ulous tail of the comet is in determining the ap pointed though apparently excentric course of tbe fiery sphere from which it emanates. To expect the democratic party to resist slave ry and favor freedom, is as unreasonable os to look for Protestant missionaries to tbe Cath olic Propaganda of Rome. Tbe history of the democratic party commits it to the policy of slavery. It has been the democratic party and no other agency, which has carried that policy up to its present alarming culmination. Without stopping to ascertain, critically, the orgin of the present democratic party, wc may concede its claim to date from the era of good feeling which occurred under the administra tion of President Monroe. At that time in this State, and about that time in many oth ers of the free States, tbe democratic party deliberately disfranchised the free colored or African citizens, and it has pertinaciously continued this disfranchisement ever sinco. This was an effective aid to slavery ; for while tbe slaveholder votes for his slaves against freedom, the freed slave, in the free States, is prohibited from voting against slavery. In 1822, the democracy resisted the election of John Quincy Adams—himself before that time an acceptable democrat—and in 1828 it ex pelled him from tlie Presidency, and put a slave holder in his place, although the office had been tilled by slave-holders thirty-two out of forty years. In 1830, Martin Van Buren—the first non-slaveholding citizen of a Free State to whose election the democratic party ever consented— signalized his inauguration into the Presidency by a gratuitous announcement that under no circumstances would he approve a bill for abol ishing slavery in the District of Columbia. From 1838 to 1844, the subject of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and in tlie national dock-yards and arsenals, was brought before Congress by repeated popular appeals. The democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right of petition, and effectually suppressed the freedom of speech in Congress, as far as the institution of slavery was* concerned. From 1840 to 1842, good and wise men counselled that Texas should remain outside the Union, until she should consent to relinquish her self- instituted slavery; but the democratic party precipitated her admission into the Union, not only without that condition, but even with a covenant that tho State might be divided and re-organized so ns to constitute four slave States instead of one. In 1846, when the United States became involved in a war with Mexico, and it was apparent that the struggle would cnd in the dismemberment of that Republic, which was a non-slaveholding power, the democratic party rejected a declaration that slavery should not be established within the territory to be acquired. When, in 1850, governments were to be institut ed in the Territories of Californiaand New Mex ico, the fruits of that war, the democratic party refused to admit New Mexico as a Free State, and only consented to admit California as a Free State on tho condition, as it has sinco explained the transaction, pf Wving all of Xpu- Uwxira and Utah open to slavery, to which was also added the concession of perpetual slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, and the passage of an uncon stitutional, cruel and humiliating law for^the capture of fugitive slaves, with a further stipu lation that the subject of slavery should never again be agitated in either Chamber of Congress. When, in 1834, the slave-holders were content edly reposing on these great vantages, then so recently won, the democratic party unneces sarily, officiously, and with super-serviceable lib erality, awakened them from their slumber to offer and force on their acceptance the abroga tion of the law which declared that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should ever exist within that part of the ancient Ten-itory of Louisiana which lay outside of the State of Missouri and north of the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes of north latitude—a law which, with the exception of one other, was tye only statute of freedom then remaining in tho federal code. In 1856, when the people of Kansas had organ ized a new 8Yate within the region thus aban doned tq slavery, and applied to be admitted as a free Slate into the Union, the democratic par ty contemptuously rejected their petition, and drove them, with menaces and intimidations, from tlie halls of Congress, and armed tho Pres ident with military power to enfqrec their sub mission to a slave code, established over them by fraud and usurpation. At every subsequent stage of the long contest which has since raged in Kansas, the democratic party h*s lent » sympathies, its aid, qnd all thp Rowers of the government whiqh it controlled, to enforce sla very upon that unwilling and injured people. And now, even to this day, whilo it mocks us with the assuranoe that Kansas is free, the dem ocratic party keeps the Statoexdudcd from her ust ana proper place in the Union under the rope that she may yet be dragooned into the acceptance of slavery. The democratic party, finally, has procured from a supreme judiciary, fixed in its interest, a decree that slavery exists, by force of the constitution, in every Tommy of the United States, paramount to all legisla tive authority, either within the Territory or residing in Congress. Such is the democratic party. It has no policy, State or federal, for new finance, or trade, or manufactures, or commerce, or education, or internal iin p rovamenls, or tor the protection, or even ibe security bf civil or religious' liberty. It is positively and uncom promisingly in theinterestof slsvery—negative, compromising and vascillating in regard to eve ry tiling else. It boasts its love of equality, and wastes its strength snd even its life in for tifying the only aristocracy known in the land. It professes fraternity, and so often as slavery requires, allies itself with proscription. It mag nifies itself for conquests in foreign lands, but it sends the national eagle forth always with chains, and not the olive branch, in his talons. This dark record shows yoq,' fellow-citizens, what I was unwilling to announce at an earlier part of this argument—that of the whole nefari ous schedule of slave-holding designs which 1 have submitted to you, the democratic party has left only one yet to be consummated—the nbm-ation of tho law which forbids the African slave-trade. Now, I know very well that the democratic party lies, at cveiy stage of these pro ceedings, disavowed the motive and the policy or certifying and extending slavery, and has excus ed them on entirely different and more plausible ounds. But tho inconsistency and frivolity of these pleas prove still more conclusively the emit I cliargc upon that party. It must indeed necessarily excuse such guilt before mankind, gathering together before the forces, with which to recover back again all tho fields and all the castles which have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one decisive blow, the be trayers of the constitution and of freedom for franchise*! tlie free African on the ground of a ever - and even to the consciences ol its own adher ents. There is an instinctive abhorence of sla very, and an inborn and inherent love of free dom, in the human heart, which render pallia tion of such misconduct indispensable. It dis- fcar that if left to enjoy tho right of suffrage, he might seduce the free white citizen into amalga mation with his wronged and despised race. The democratic party condemned and deposed John Quincy Adams because he expended twelve millions a year, while it justifies his favored suc cessor in spending seventy millions, eighty mil lions and even a hundred millions a year. It denies emancipation in the District of Columbia even with compensation to masters and the con sent of the people, on the ground of an implied constitutional inhibition, although the constitu tion expressly confers upon Congress sovereign legislative power in that District, and although the democratic party is tenacious of the princi ple of strict construction. It violated the ex press provisions of the constitution in suppress ing petition and debate on the subject of slave ry, through fear of disturbance of the- public harmony, although it claims that the electors have a right to instruct their representatives, and even demand their resignation in case of contumacy. It extended slavery over Texas, and connived at the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories, even to the shores of the Pacific ocean, under a plea of enlarging the area of freedom. It abrogated the Mexican slave-law and the Missouri compromise prohi bition of slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territories to slavery, but to try therein the new and fascinating theories of non-intervention and popular sovereignty; and finally, it over threw both these new and elegant systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Drcd Scott decision, on tlie ground that the Free States ought not to enter the Union without a popula tion equal to the representative basis of one member of Congress, although Slave States might come in without inspection as to numbers. Will any meinbcr^of tbe democratic party now here churn that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the party transcended their parti san platforms, and so misrepresented the party in the various transactions I have recited F Then I ask him to name one democratic statesman or legislator, from Van Buren to Walker, who cither timidly or cautiously, like them, or bold ly and defiantly, like Douglas, ever refused to execute a behest of the slavholders, and was not, therefor, and for no other cause, immediately de nounced and deposed from his trust, and repudia ted by the democratic party for that contumacy. I think, fellow-citizens, that I have shown you that it is high time for the friends of freedom to rush to the rescue of tho constitution, and that their very first duty is to dismiss the democrat ic party from the administration of the govern ment Why shall it not lie done ? All agree that it ought to be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done f Nothing but timidity or division of the opponents of the democratic party. Some of these opponents start one ob jection and some another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One class say that they cannot trust the republican party ;‘that it is not avowed its hostility to slavery boldly enough, or iLs affection for freedom earnestly enough, 1 ask in reply, is there any other party which can be more safely trusted} 1 Every oneknows that it Is the republican party, or none, that shall displace the democratic party. But I answer, further, that the cliaraeter and fidelity of any party are determined, necessarily, not by its pledges, programmes and platforms, hut by the public exigencies aaiUthe temper cf the people when they call it into activity. Subserviency to slavery is a law written, not only on the fore bead of the democratic party, but also in its very soul. So resistance to slavery anil devotion to freedom, the popular elements now actively working for the republican party among the people, must and will be the resources for its ever renewing strength and constant invigora- tion. Others cannot support the republican party because it has not sufficiently exposed its platform and determined what it will do and what it will not do when triumphant It may prove too progressive for some and too conserv ative for others—as if any party ever foresaw so clearly the course of future events as to plan a universal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible emergencies. Who would ever have joined the party of tbe revolution if it had been obliged to answer, in 1775, whether it would declare for Independence in 1776, and for this noble federal constitution of ours in 1787, and not a year earlier or later? The people of the United States will be as wise next year, and the year afterwards, and even ten years hence, as they are now. They will oblige the republican partv to act as the public welfare and the in terests of justice and humanity shall require through all the stages of its career, whether of trial or triumph. Others will not^venture an effort, because they fear that the Union would not endure the change. Will such objectors tell iqe how long a constitution can hear a strain directly along the fibres of which it is com posed? This is a constitution of freedom. It is being converted into a constitution of slavery. It is a republican constitution. It is being made an aristocratic one. Others may wish to wait until some collateral questions concerning temperance or the exercise of the elective fran chise are properly settled. Let me ask such a person whether time enough has not been wast ed on these points already, without gaining any other than this-single advantage—namely: the discovery tliat only one thing can be effectually done at one time, and that the one thing which must and will be done at any one time is just that- thing which is most urgent and will no longer admit of postponement or dclaj ? Final ly, we are told by faint-hearted men tliat they despond; the democratic party, they say, is unconquerable, and the dominion of slavery is consequently inevitable. I reply to thein that the complete and uniYersal doininicn of slavery would be intolerable enough when it should liave come after the last possible effort at escape should liave been made. There would in that case be left to us the consoling reflection of fidelity to duty. But I reply further, that 1 know—few I think know better than I—the resources and the energies of the democratic party, which Is identical with the slave power. 1 do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I know further—few I think know better than I—the disadvantages and difficulties of organ izing a hew political forqc like the republican party, and the obstacles it must encounter in lahqring without prestige and without patron age. But. notwithstanding all this, 1 know that the democratic party must go down, and the republican party must take its place. The de mocratic party derived its strength originally from the adoption of the principle of equal and exact justice to all men. So long as it practised this principle faithfully it was invulnerable. It became vulnerable when it renounced it; and since that time it has maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength or even of its tradi tional merits but because there has as yet ap peared in the political field no other party that iiad the conscience and the courage to take up and avow and practice the life-inspiring princi ple which the democratic party had surrendered. At last the republican party haj appeared. It avows now, as ^he pefiufffican party in 1800 did, iq one wop), its frith and its work: “Equal and exact justice to all men.” Even when it first entered the field, only half organized, it struck a blow which only just failed to secure a complete and triumphant victory. In this, its second campaign, it has already won advan tages which render that triumph now both easy and certain. The secret of its assured success lies in the very characteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes its great and last ing imbecility and reproach. It lies ia the fact that it is a party of one idea: but thflt idea is a noble one—an Ufta 'thflt pfeand, expands all generous souls,—the iifea of equality—the equal ity of qu men before human tribunals and hu man lairs, and they are all equal before the Dirine tribunal and Divine lavs. I knov, and you know, that a revolution has begun. I know, and all the world knows, that revolutions never go backward. Twenty Senators and a hun dred Representatives proclaim boldly in Con gress to-day sentiments, and opinions, and prin ciples of freedom which hardly so many men, even in this free State, dared to ul'er in their own homes twenty years ago. While tlie gov ernment of the United States, under the con duct of the democratic party, has been all tliat time surrendering one plain’and castle after an other to slavery, the people of the United States have been no less steadily and perseveringly I*uul Jones. The llrginia Index is publishing a scries of interesting sketches, by Mr. Thomas Chase, of Chesterfield, cn “The Life, Character, and Times of Pail Jonim.” Wc consider these sketches a valuable addition to the naval history of our country. They throw much light on the char acter of Paul Jones, and give, we doubt not, most faithful account of the famous battle of his ship, the "Bon Homme RicliareT with (he "Scrapts." After stating tliat tbe ships wcie locked together, which was effected -by Jones, because he saw that to keep off at fair gun-shot, with a new anil strong frigate like the Serapis, would never do for such a crazy old hulk as the Bon Homme Richard, Mr. Chase proceeds: “The working of the big guns had been sus pended daring the time of lashing the ships to gether, but was now resumed. Of course neither ship could use her guns hut on one sido, and these were nearly muzzle to muzzle—so near that those who handled tlie ramrods sometimes hit each other. ‘Fair play, you damned Yan kee.” ah Englishman would sometimes exclaim, ‘Mind your eye, John Bull, or I’ll’ <kc. “The firing was not rapid, particularly on Jones’ part, for it could do the ships no hurt, except to knock their guns about a little, and knock off the gunwales,' and occasionally raise a cloud of splinters from each other's decks. Jones and his men kept a very sharp look-out, that Pearson and his men did not cut the lash ings and sever tbe ships. Neither of these ships were damaged ‘between wind and water,’ nor could they now be by any use of the big guns. Both had men in the rigging doing all the mischief they could. In this kind of play, Jones had the best of it; for his men were more terrible, and Ills spars and yards were longer, still Pearson would not surrender, insisting that Jones ought to. “Captain Landais, of the Alliance, camo up to help Jones, and fired a broadside; but of ne cessity it hurt Jones as much ns it did Pearson. Jones immediately cried out, ‘Captain Landais let as alone, ( can handle him.’ Both ships were often on fire, and often was the fire extin guished. Had it not been for the men in the rigging, this was one of the safest sea-fights, as far as those on deck were concerned, that almost ever happened—I mean after the ships were lashed together. The flash of the guns would ;o clear across each deck, and the men, by ceeping a good look-out, could avoid being hurt, only by stepping a little aside. “Had the Bon Homme Richard been a new, strong ship, as was tho Serapis, both might have lain there and burned powder and thrown shot until they rotted, as to sinking either with the guas of the other. But the Bon Homme Riehaul was old and rotten, and was leaking badly before Jones made her fast to the Serap is; and thus fast, the strain upon her against the other ship, and from tlie explosion of the guns, made her leak worse, and it was evident she must ere long go down. “Some of Jones’ men, and one of his officers, told him she must soon go down, and suggested a surrender. ‘ Y’ou never mind that; you shall have a better ship to go home in,’ said Jones, pleasantly. Jones and all his men, and Pear son anil his crew, very well knew that if tlie Bon Homme Richard was about to sink, she would capsize the Serapis, and both must go down together. It was, therefore, likely to be a test between Jones anil Pearson; which, for for the sake of saving himself and men from a watery grave, would strike first. “But Jones had recourse to a stratagem, which was completely successful. He secretly sent his men below, one by one, with the strict est possible orders to be fully prepared for board ing, and a*, a given signal to rush on deck, and lie would lead them on the deck of the Serapis, and clear it. So Jones' men seemed to dimin ish, though not very fast, until only about thirty were left on his deck. Pearson, supposing that they were killed, or badly wounded, and that Jones mast soon strike, was thrown completely off his guard. This was Jones’ time. Giving his signal his men were ready in an instant, and with Jones ahead, with his deadly sword, ru?hc«l lilt*- ‘Knll liountLi 1 upon tlio Joule of tlio Serapis, killing every thing they could reach, and in a very short time would have killed every thing on board; but Captain Pearson, seeing his time had come, cried with a loud voice, ‘Captain Jones, I surrender’—at the same mo ment taking his sword by the blade, and pre senting the handle to Jones, and with the next breath ordered his colors taken down. “This was in the night The next day eve ning, the Bon Homme Richard went down hiwd foremost Thus terminated the strangest naval fight on record. Paul Jones took the Serapis, but Captain Pearson sunk the Bon Homme Richard." Recently an examination was held in a vil lage school. The pupils bad “read and spell” told the sounds of all the letters that had any sound, and then were ranged on the floor in fron t of“visitors,” to be looked at and answer such questions as they or the teachers saw fit to ask. Where was John Rogers burnt to death ? said the teacher to one, in a commanding voice. He could’nt tell. ‘The next.’ ‘Joshua knows, said the little girl at the foot of the class.— Well,’ said the teacher, ‘if Joshua knows he may tell.’ In the fire!' said Joshua, looking very sol emn and wise. This was tho last question A clergyman preached a sermon a short time ago in —, well 'tis no matter where, and which one of bis auditors commended. ‘Yes,’ said a gentleman to whom it was men tioned, ‘it was a good sermon, but he stole it!’’ This beiug told to the preacher, he resented it, and called upon the gentleman to retrqqt what he had said. I am not,’ replied the aggressor, ‘very apt to retract my words, hut in this instance 1 will; I said yo.u had stolen the scrmoD; I find I was wrong; for on returning home and referriug to the book whence I thought it was taken,! found it still there!” A well primed lavor of the bottle, who had lost his way, reeled into .a teetotal grocery, and hiccupcd. Sir. —, do you-keep-a-anything good to take here?” Y'es,”replied the shopkeeper, “we have excellent cold water—the best thing you could have.” Well, I know it,” was tlie reply, “there is no-one thing that’s done so much for naviga tion as that.” Ned was arguing in favor of gi\ing women the elective franchise. “Vfhy ahoqld’qt wo men vote as well as iqcn—are they out as capa ble of fonqing correct opinions on political subjects? Si any a woman knows more thau her husband.” ■That may be,” said Jim, “but do you sup pose I’d have your politicians come election eering with my wife I” Ned knocked under. Lord Chancellor Clare, on one occasion while Curran was addressing him in a most im portant case, occupied himself with a favorite spaniel seated near him. Curran having ceas ed speaking, through indignation or mqlice prepense, Lord Clare nused fija head and ask ed,— “Why doq’4 you proceed, Mr. Curran ? ’ “ I thought you were in consultation,” re plied Cornua. Punch on the Armistice.—Punch has his pic ture and “say” about current events. The large picture entitled “Tlie Armistice” is a fearful caricature of Louis Napoleon and the Emperor Francis Joseph represented as in a cock-pit, each holding his “bird.” The eagle of France is a fierce looking cock ready and anxious, apparently, to “go in.” while that of Austria is somewhat used up. Of its two heads one is bent and dead, but tlie other shows fight, though the imperial handler looks somewhat chop-fallen. The Emperor Napoleon says: “ Well, Brother, haven’t they had almost enough of this ?” If you wish to blunt your senses, be a drunk ard; and you will be more stupid than an ass. FERTILIZERS GENERAL AGENCY'. fear'll!e undersigned respectfully announces to Planters and others interested, that they are con stantly receiving direct from the Islands, and from the manufacturers, the following most arraorzn Fzrtilizers now known, all of which have been thoroughly and satisfactorily tested, via: No. 1 Peruvian Guano, Sombrero Guano, Rhodes’ Super Phosphate of Lime, National Fertilizer, Ground Plaster. Theae articles, which will have oar brand, and be guaranteed as genuine, we shall, at all times, be prepared to furnish in amounts required, and at the lowest prices. Tbe “Super Phosphate,’’and “Fer tilizer,” at nannfacturers’ rates, with expenses of transportation added. PATTEN & MILLER. Savannah, May S—ly MACON ID PLUG}- MARKET For W ILL be kept constantly supplied with all the most desirable articles in tho line of MEDICINES, CHEMICALS PHARMACUTICAL PREPARATIONS, SADDLE BAGS, INSTRUMENTS, SPICES. MEDICINE CHESTS. PERFUMERY, Ac.. Ac., from the Store of ZBII,I!V Sc HUNT, Opposite Telegraph Building, Macon, Ga. l PASSMAN’S IRON HOOFS AND TIES FOR COTTON BALES. Price G cents per pound, 25 per cent, less than Rope. Any one considering the advantages of Iron over Rope as a material for binding coUon bales, will be surprised that it has not been adapted long since.— In is security against fire, there is an overwhelming reason for its adoption. The presses in th6 seaport cities have been the main cause of its not being generally adopted; but now that objection ia removed generally, and the Orleans Press, the largest in New Orleans, gives it the preference over rope. The Fassman Iron Hoop and Tia ia the improvement of one ofthe proprietors, and is adopted from the fact, that it is found, after long experiment, to combine the greatest merits in simplicity and facility of application of any one yet made. It ia so prepared as to require no change for re-compressing. Thus obviating the only remain ing diincnlty at the seaboard cities. The hoops arn sent of any leDgth, from eight ot ten feet, and a full guarantee given that Wither tbe Ties nor Hoops shall break. And further, that all cotton bound iu them ahall be received on the same terms, at the^rleans Press, as rope bound cotton.— The weight per bale is about the same as rope, not one pound more or less. To show the opinion shipmasters have of it, we give the following, among numerous commenda tions we have: Tbe undersigned masters of vessels, having had cotton compressed with Passman’s new Iron Hoops and Ties, hereby recommend the same. The hales being well compressed, and tbe buttons or hoops, never breaking when thrown down in the ship’s hold, or when stowed. L. L. Uondey, Captain of ship Moses Davenport, A. Robinson, James Thomas. A. Talbot, John Dean, John C. Wilner, II. Kopenholdt, L. P. Merill, Madras, “ Henry, “ Hareaseeket, James Flint, “ Mulhonse, “ Elia A. Clark- Bark Kimball. The price of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6 rents per pound, and all orders will receive prompt attention. Liberal deductions made to merchants for city acceptance, by F. BELCHER, Agent, may 31—6m t9| Commercial Place, N. O. NEW BOOKS, NEW BOOKS J UST received at Boardman’s. Mitchelet on Love ; Memoirs of Empress Catherine the Second— written by heraelf; Triumphs of Pan! Morphy; The Age—by the Author of Festus; The New and the Old; Sixty Years Gleanings; Popular Tales from the Norse; Diary of Lady Morgan; Tent and the Harem; The Jealous Husband; Life of Jas. Watt; Tlie Avenger, Ac.—a new volume, by DeQnincy; Horses and Hounds; Law and Lawyers; Eric, or Little by Little; The Roman ttimstion, by About; Episodes of French History, by Sardoe -, The Cava lier, by G. P. R. James; To Cuba and Back ; l’opu lar Geology, by Hugh Miller, edited by his wife; The Tin Trumpet; Science and Art of Chess; Hand Book of Draughts, Cesar Borgia. Also, a new supply of Prince ofthe House of Da* vid; The Pillar of Fire; Anecdotes of Love, by Lo la Montez; The Autocrat ofthe Breakfast Table; German Literature in 12 wplumes ; The Land and the Book, by Thompson ; Kriosities of Literature, rtc., by lrIsraeli; MatriqAial brokerage in the Metropolis ; The Adventure* of Kit Carson ; Em- lire of Austria, by Abbott; “What will he do with t T” by Bnlwer ; Comptes Positive Philosophy; the cheap waverly Novels, S5cts. each; Harper, Godey. and Peteraon lor August. A fine lot of Engravings, Ac., Ac. aug 3 BARGAIN! BARGAIN! T HE subscribers, desirous of changing their bu sinew, offer for sale on reasonable terms, their PLANTATION, lying on Walnut Creek, Crawford oFKXxrifte** 0peWe ^* * n< * m ^ oufc ** ve * n ’ l * es north The settlement of land consists of Thirteen Hun dred and Fifty acres. Eight hundred of which is under good Fence, and in a high state of cultivation. The Wood-land is heavily timbered with Oak, Hick ory and Walnut, and is not surpassed by any land in this section, for its fertility, health and advantages of Water. On the Plantation are two fine, comfort able Dwellings, together with all other necessary Out-buildings, such as Negro Houses, Stables, Gin house and Screw* Any person, deairous of purchasing, can call on James Lockett, or the Overseer; either ot thorn will take pleasure in showiug the premises. The stock of Mules, Cattle, IIc^s, Farming uten sils. Ac., will be sold with the Plantation, if desired. Terms, favorable. 4AMES LOCKETT, KEHKCCA LOCKETT, Hopewell, Crawford Co., Ga. CjtUeq copy. II iune 28. BOSTICK, KEIN & CO. Wholesale and Retail Deale r s in Fancy &Staple Dry Goods, OPPOSITE STRONG & WOOD, Macon, G:u A RE now offering their entire stock of DRESS GOODS at prices that will compare favorably with tl;o,e of Any House in the State. OUR STOCK OF ID JEWESS GOODS Arc all new and fresh, all being of this seasons purchase. Also a large and varied assortment of HOUSE FURNISHING GOODS. We keep CONSTANTLY on hand, a Full supply of Carpets, Bugs and Itfaliing, At a shade UNDER tbe usnal prices. Call and see the Goods, and hear our prices. july 19 BOSTICK, KEIN A CO. B'GIFTS. SPLENDID GIFTS TO PURCHASERS OF BOOKS! AT THE ORIGINAL AND gfTECE ONTiY^l GUT S€fil MTElfiei Established in 185-1. IICAD QUARTERS FOK THE UNITED STATES, AT THE PUBLISHING HOUSE G. G. 3EJT7--A.3SrS, si 439 Chesnlit Street, ° ; Philadelphia, Pens. , £ B Low Prices for Cash- |«IW STMMlBtt GOODS, ■gtarkit # draws, SECOND STREET, TRIANGULAR BLOCK, MACON, GA. Wonld invite the attention of CITIZENS, MERCHANTS g AND PLANTERS, S To their large Stock of — Boots, Shoes, T LEATHER AND FINDINGS, * Selected expressly for this market, and I J comprising d ONE OF THE LARGEST “■ AND 2. FINK ST ASSORTMENTS ^ IN THE STATE, o Which they offer at LOW PRICES FOR CASH. Examine onr Goods and Prices before buying elsewhere, march 29—ly Try ns, and you will be snited. CATALOGUES SENT FREE. Since I originated the GiftBook Enterprise. I have repeatedly called the attention of the public to mv large stock and liberal oilers, to which they have al ways warmly responded. I can now, with more sat isfaction than ever, call attention to my largely in creased inducements to purchasers. Being very heavily engaged in publishing, I exchange my own publications for those of other houses, and nm ena bled to procure all my books at the original cost of making, and thus can and do supply tho majority of the other houses engaged in the Gift Book Trade, with their books, cheaper than thet can procare them from other publishers. I can, also, by my hea vy purchases of Watches and Jewelry, for cash, fur nish them with their Gifts at lower rates tbsn they can bny them from the mannfactnrere. • Having such an advantage in buying, I can insure my customers better Gifts with their Books than any other honse, and can give my Agents a larger com mission. A valuable Gift will be delivered with each kook at the time of sale. Gifts worth $500, at the lowest wholesale prices, will be impartially dis tributed with every $1,000 worth of Books sold. Send fora Catalogue, which will be mailed free to any address, containing the most valuable collec tion of Standard productions in Literature, Philoso phy, History, Geography, Travels, and the Sciences, with all the favorite works of Fiction and Romance, and ev cry other department of Literature, classified as described below. Send for it, for if you don’t wish to order Books, you will obtain a very valuable book for reference, aa it contains all the desirable books in print, and will cost yon nothing. Particular attention is reqnested to the List of my Publications, which will be found in the latter part of my Classified Catalogue. It contains a large number cf deservedly popular works, by various authors; among which are all of T. S. Arthur's best works, well known as a moral, instructive and pleas ing author, interesting biographies, travels, Ac. Classification of Books. AGRICULTURAL.—This department embraces all Standard Works upon general Agricultnre, Cotton Planting, Flowers. Gardening, Farm Implements, Horses, Sheep. Cattle, Bees, Ac., Ac. ALBUMS.—Ladies’ (a great variety) Floral, Cap Quarto. Royal Cap, Demy Quarto, Autograph, Ac. ANNUALS.—Annuals for 1859—a large audelegant assortment. BIBLES.—A splendid assortment of Pocket, Pew and Family Biblen, in every style, from $1 to $50. PRAYER BOOKS.—A complete assortment, in ev ery form and at all prices. HYMN BOOKS—Aa used by the different denomi nations. BIOGRAPHICAL.—Works of Irving, Headley, Weems. Sparks, Bancroft, and every other stan dard author. BOTANICAL—By Comstock, Gray, Lincoln, Dar by, Wood, Ac., Ac. COOKERY.—Receipt and Cook Books, by Mrs. Hale, l.eslie, Widuifield, McKenzie, Ac. GERMAN.—Standard German Literature. DICTIONARIES.— Webster'a, English, French, German, Spanish, Latin, Greek, Italian, Ac. CYCLOPEDIAS—All the standard authors. GEOGRAPHICAL—The latest and most approved School and other Geographies, Maps and Travel er's Guides. GEOLOGY'.—The works of Hngh Miller, Harris, Hitchcock, Lyell and others. HISTORICAL—By Prescott, Irving, Bancroft, Ro bertson, Hume, Gibbons, Macanley and others. HUMOROUS.—Embraces a World of Fun. JUVENILE.—Every description oflliustrated Books for children. LAW AND MEDICINE.—Tne Standard Works of these professions. MECHANICAL AND SCIENTIFIC.-The most ap proved works on Mechanics, Architecture andthf exact Sciences. POETRY'—English and American. Octavo and Lit erary editions of the Standard Poets ; Pocket and Cabinet editions—plain and illustrated, bound in every style to suit the taste of all. WORKS OF FICTION.—By Scott. Irving, Coop er, Dickens, and all the approved writers. SCHOOL AND CLASSICAL, TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES, GAMES, SPORTS AND PASTIMES, RELIGIOUS, BIBLICAL A THEOLOGICAL, MUSICAL AND GLEE BOOKS. ODD FELLOWSHIP AND FREE MASONRY’. MISCELLANEOUS.—Our Miscellaneous Depart ment embraces everything not included in the above classification, of an interesting or instructive charac ter, that is in print. SCHEDULE GIFTS. The gifts consist of Gold and Silver Watches, Gold Chains, Ladies splendid black and plaid Silk Dress Patterns, Parlor Time-Pieces, Silver-plated Ware, costly sets of Cuuo'i, Mosaic, Florentine, Coral, Garnet, Tnrquois and Lava Jewelry, Gold Lockets, Pens and Pencils, Ladies Neck and Chate laine Chains, Gents Bosom Studs and Sleeve But tons, Pocket Knives, Port Monaies, and A THOUSAND VARIETIES of Gifts of use and value. Agrnta WniUfil Everywhere. To Agents I oan give more liberal inducements than can be afforded by any other lionse. In addi tion to larger commissions, it is much easier to get subscribers far my enterprise than any other. The peculiar advantages are— A larger Stock and better Catalognes to select from. A better assortment and qaality of Gifts. More punctuality and correctness in filling ordeis. By acting as Agents for me, Persons wishing a valuable Library can procure it gratis. Those seeking an easy method of earning a liveli hood can find it. Any one desiring a good YVatch can obtain it. For full particulars send for a Catalogue. My large capital, together with my long experience in the business and consequent familiarity with all its details, gives me an almost incalculable advan tage over all other parties. All I ask is a trial. Send me an order, and you will be convinced that there is no exaggeration. Do n<ft forget to send for a Catalogue. Persons visiting the city are requested to call and examine for themselves. G. G. EVANS' Head Quarters, 139 ChesnutSt. Philadelphia, Pa. BRANCH STORE,45 Cornhill, Boston, Mass. SPECIAL NOTICE TO BOOK BUYERS. As there are parties of donbtful responsibility ad vertising Gilt concerns, and some ere making many large promises, under fictitious names, without tho intention or ability to fulfil them, hoping, through the popularity of my enterpriae. to deceive and plun der the public, a strict sens* of duty compels me to warn all against them. And if any are deceived and cheated by them, they should not be so nnjust as to condemn me along with them, for they are base im- itafom ol an enterprise that has cost me an immense amount of time and money to place it in the position which it now occupies, commanding an extensive and increasing trade, approved and endorsed, with the most entire freedom and confidence, by the lead ing Publishing Houses in the Union, whose letters of approval and endorsement are in my possession, and will be produced and shown at any time, with the greatest pleasure. G. G. EVANS. ] nne 28—6m c FKESII ARRIVAL OF DKY GOODS. q c CASES PRINTS, 25 do. Ginghams, 25 oases .feDPrinted Muslins, 15 do. Stripes, 12 do. Bleach ed Shirtings and Sheetings, 5 do. Organdie and Ba rege Robes, 2 do. Printed Jaconets and Swiss Mus lins. The above, with every other article nsnaily kept in the DRY GOODS LINE. Having been recently purchased in New Y'ork, at the Package Auction Sales. To purchasers ofgoods by the quantity, we would say, that our prices will induce you to purchase, as we are offering Great Bargains. (july 26) J. B. A YV. A. ROSS. FOR SALE. a rr\ BOXES CANDLES, 50 /do. Soap, 100 do. diO\J Soda, 20 do. Mustard, 20 do. Yeast Powders, 30 do. Tea, 55 do. Pickles, 75 do. Starch. july 26 J. B. A W. A. ROSS. PAINTS. OILS AND GLASS. 1 K LBS. Pure Lead, 5,000 do. Pure and .LD.UUUNo. 1 Zinc, 100 Boxes Glass, 60 Bar rels Oil, all kinds, with all kinds of colors, for sale low by (july 26) J. B. A W. A. ROSS. FOR SALE. inf! l* oie *lUANDY, io do. Loaf Sugar, 110 bar A U Urels Sugar, 200 sacks Coffee, 100 boxes To bacco. 50.000 Cigars, 100 Gross Matches. july 26 J. B. A YV. A. ROSS. FOR SALE. 1 rnA sacks SALT, 50 hhds. Molasses, 250 hhds. J. D U U Bacon, 20 barrels Lard, 50 barrels Vine gar, 25 dozen Brooms, 25 dozen Shovels and Spades 400 doz. Buckets, 25 doz. Axes. july 26 J. B. A W. A. ROSS. OSNABVRGS, YARNS, KERSEYS AC., AC., AC. 1 .-r A bales No. 1, Osnaburgs, 95 do. No. 2 Qsna 1 Jl? burgs, 175 do. Georgia Keraeys, 1C<I do Macon Sheeting, 20 do. Macon Drilling, 26 tf JU coil 7-8 Shirtirg, 200 Macon Y’arns, for rales tory prices, by J. B. A W A. K^K. july 26 BOLTING CLOTH, rn PIECES of the celebrated Dutch Anchor DU brands of Bolting Cloth, for sale at New York prices by (july 26) J. B. A YV. A. ROSS. HATS! HATS! / * c CASES of Hats, all kinds, will be sold at coat UDMerchants purchasing by the case. july 26 J. B. A YV. A. ROSS. Hr. A. D. Bridgman W OULD respectfully announce to tbe citizens of East'Macon and vicinity that he will open his school again the 22d of August. The year will be divided into two terms, the Jirst ending the 23d of December, the second beginning the 1st Monday in January, and ending in June. Particular atten tion will be given to all branches taught in common schools, also thorough instruction to those wishing - study the languages preparatory for College. N. B. It is particularly desirous that all wishing to enter scholars should do so at the beginning of the term, as no deduction will be made for those enter ing afterwards. aug2-4t Spring & Summer Fashions for 1859. TO THE LADIES! MRS. F. DESSAU, TRIANGULAR BLOCK. Adjoining Bostick, Kein & Co’s Store. G RATEFUL for the very liberal patron-J age of which ahe has so long been the r*-l cipient from both city and country, begs to". announce to her patrons and tho ladies generally, that she is now receiving her Spring and Summer Stock, consisting of every description ot Millinery & Dress Trimming G-oodLs, which for richness of material, elegance of style, extent and variety, are worthy of attention. Her SILK, BAREGE AND ORGANDY ROBES, Laces, Mantillas and Cloaks, Traveling Dress Goods. Embroideries, Ribbons, Head Dresses, Flow ers, YVreaths, and Bouquets are all of the very la test importations, and will be sold at reasonable pri ces. All ordera by mail promptly attendee, to. mar 29—tf Mrs. S. Audoin, H AS returned from New York with a beautilul assortment of SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, Consisting of all the Newest and most desirable styles of Prenoli Elate, of every variety. Also, many rich and ftney arti cles, beautiful Embroidery, elegant Laces, Pompa dour Lace Setts, Hair Ornaments of every style, Grecian Curls, Side and Back Braids, Wigs, Fans, Ac. Call and examine for yourselves before pur chasing, as it will be mnch to your interejt. She is thankful for past favors, and solicits a shsro of the liberal patronage of our thriving city and surround ing counties. Terms Cash. * [mat 29. WAfi! WAR!! WAR!!! ON DRY GOODS, AT M. EINSTEIN’S. ljEING obliged to repair our Store, we have com- -D menced a general warfare of extermination of prices on onr Goods. YVe are now Belling the balance of onr stock of Goods at Mew York Cost, To make room, among which will be found a beau tiful Stock of French Lace Mantles and Points, Double Jupe snd two Flounced Silk Robes, Double Skirt and two Flounced Barege Robes, Organdies and Ja conet Double Jupe Robes, Figured and Striped Fancy Silks, Plain and Fig ured Black Silks, Swiss and Ja conet Collars and Sleeves, Embroidered and Lace Setts, Kid Gloves, Ladies*: Misses Hosiery, Hoop Skirts, Muslins of all kinds. Men’s and Boy’s wear. Bleached and Brown Sheeting and Shirting, Irish Linens. Table Damasks, Linen Drills and far mers Satin, Cottonade, Jcc., &c. CF*Call and see for yourselves. ELIAS EINSTEIN, june 7 Cor. 2d St. and Triangular Block. TO FARMERS. O A A bales Heavy Gunny Bagging, 1.000 Rolls do. OUU 100 Rolls Dundee Bagging, 3.300 Coils Ma- 000 Coils Hand Spun Rope, 4.000 Pounds Twine. We offer the above on favorable terms. july 26 J. B. & W. A. ROSS. PIHE.UX DISTILLERY. Old Magnolia Whiskey. T HE standard brand of Fine Whiskey is offered to the Trade, in bbls. and half bbla. It is guar anteed as being a perfectly pure Whiskey, entirely free from deleterious substances, and possesses the premium merit of being Copper Distilled, from best Malted Rye, under our personal mparHfiln. How ling a large stock of M Magnolia,” and other brands of Fin© Whiskey in New York and Philadelphia, I enables us to ship from either city without deten tion. FREEMAN *5c SIMPSON, PHCENIX DISTILLERY, Schuylkill River. Offices. 1^°_ nt ^.^ ront Street, Philadelphia, oct 12 86 Wall Street, New York. CITY PROPERTY FOR SALE! T HE STOKE-HOUSE and LOT, on the corner of Cherry Street and Cotton Avenue, now oo- upied by A. H. CHERRY Sc CO. Apply to either of the undersigned. ROBERT A SMITH, O. L. SMITH. Macon, Ga., Jon* 23d, 1859. 2m Now Is the chance to buy Summer CLOTHING! AT COST jSbJSTJO LESS ! FOR CASH ONLY. 1STO HUMBUG-! Our policy is to have a FRESH STOCK EVERY SEASON. C. H. J3AIRD, jtijy 26 Tslegraph Building. STRONG & WOOD, Dealers in BOOTS & SHOES7" Leather, Hats A Caps, At their old Stand on Second Street, Opposite BOSTICK & KEIN, MACON GEORGIA, H AY’E now a fall supply of Good# in thei- line, to which they are making constant additions, of all the different styles of workmanship and wear, and which will be aold on as good terms, for cash or approved short credit, as any Shoe establishment in Georgia. They solicit a continuance of the liberal patronage so long enjoyed by the firm, may 31—ly Grive me your Likeness! I S an exclamation often heard when friends are parting, and as the season is at hand when friends are leaving for the North, or bummer re treats, they should remember that they have no as surance that they will return—considering Railroad accidents—but they have an assurance that at Pugli’s FINE ART GALLERY, they can obtain a fine likeness of themselves and friends. Pugh is still at his post, and gives his personal at tention to every picture. His Gallery will be open the entire Summer, and all persons visiting the city should visit his Gallery also. Admittance free. A large number of life-size Photographic Paint ings on exhibitjon, which will be lountl to surpass any thing in point of Artistic merit ever before seen in Macon. Commissions for this stylo of picture [which can be taken from Daguerreotypes of de ceased persons] attended to with promptness and special care. Ambrotypes, from $1 up. Finofanisy cases r cheaper than ever. J. A. I UGH. june 14 50 BUILDING LOTS FOR SALE! T WO miles from the Court House, on the Colum bus Road, out of tho reach of City Taxes, Mus- ketoes and Dust, and supposed to be the mo.it desir able location in the vicinity of Macon. These Lots will be sold on a credit of one, two and thaeo years, and money loaned the purchaser to build with. There is a Lumber liard on the ground. Macon. June 22.1859. G. B. ROBERTS. -A. NEW $10 Washing Machine!! TTTARRANTED to g‘ * V V ney refunded, oi utis fact ion, or tae mo* saiFo by 13. A. WISE. House Furnithinp Store, Mitcon, G*,

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Weekly Georgia telegraph. (Macon [Ga.]) 1858-1869, August 16, 1859, Image 1