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§7 Joseph Clisby L,iK0i:(ilA TpGRira MACON, SEPTEMBER 27, 1859. Volume XJXJl 1 V.—No. Ll » rnii.isnr.n kvlky SI» AY MOJi N IN O. I di)i .I.aS'iN ADVANCE, r *' ,V ftwr «*° l!l ° nubeqjptior wt tftUo Office. IIV KS^ions on Senator Douglas’ |P I Vf* V.,' Sovereignly, «* Expressed j yUi^r.int for Stfttmber, 1SB0. ‘ , 1k mvs that Mr. Douglas, the Sen t! ins written and printed an fimipHsincthirty-eiglit eolninns *Tui«ijinc, in which ho has under- die "dividing line between authority." Very many prr- over its |<aragraphs to catch r'i-Vca- without loss of time, and sonic read it with rare. ' 1 to ilissent from the doetrinw of this ' ., its author, if not to his arguments, i-tful answer. Mr. Dough s is not ?kf treated with a disdainful silence, i i.alm'i unquestioned; bis public -.1,. f. lV of many disadvantages, has ’..'aionlv successful; and he has been , o jr- a working, struggling candidate • r .. fV . lie is, moreover, the Co- /hs political sect—the founder of a jVjndbis disciples naturally believe ’•iiBUdr verity <>f iiis words as a part of Cl Vof the article is, in some respect 'ccurii'lable. It is entirely (tee from , Iwtnqt of the stump; has no va : n a ”7| l f classical scholarship; it shows nr JV. eloquent Senator; it is even with ,y 0 of the great debater. Many por- :rr vrrv oliseure. It seems to be an ^!u! effort at legal precision; like the r/i judge, who is trying in vain to give a > for a wrong decision on a ones- , ^ which he lias not quite mastered. r;A the help of Messrs. Sownrdand Lincoln, [Jdrfntd accurately enough the platform l waited Republuwn party; and lie does ut-ont to conceal his conviction that their ras Winthe last degree, dangerous.— '■'lx most assuredly, full of evil and satu- 1 with mischief. The "irrepressible con- ihkh they speak of with so much ploas- liowfii the "opposing and enduring forces' * Northern and Southern States will bofa- ■! merely to the peace of llie Country, lint »existence of the t iovemuent itself. Mr. bu knows this and ho knows, also, that [•nocratic party is the only power which “iibe, organized to resist the Republican w oppose their hostile march upon the Lj i\ c wild divides and weakens the . oftfce .wintry at such a crisis in her i very grave responsibility. Houghs separates (lie I temocratic party fasts, ami describes them as follows: |f. M This.- who believe that the Const!* U.e I'nitol States neither establishes it,its daveiy in the Slates or Territories ■til* power of the people legally to con- lut ffcavi s the |teople thereof perfectly m »n l regulate their domestic institu- their own way, subject only to the Con- • ofUw l uited States.' ■d Those who believe that the Con- ftaalJislies slavery in the Territories, IME from Congress and the Tcrrito- jJatutv the power to control it, and gthat. in the evert the Territorial Leg- ail- to enact the requisite laws for its a, it becomes the imperative duty of i to interpose its authority and furnish iai Those who, while professing to bc- t&at the Constitution establishes slavery sT.ct-.i.tIcs Iwyoml tlicpower oft’ongress oTcrtorul Legislature to control it, at the i’.at protest against the duty of Congress sr'— for its protection; but insist that it liar eftbe Judiciary to protect and main- nviirin tiie Territories without any law ietsfaet" r r - Mr. Doughs the fill! bcnclit of his «<ment. This is his mode of expressing lifctnces, which, he says, disturb the hr. and threaten the integrity, of the A l Democracy. These passages should, ' s'. W mo-t carefully considered. < fast class is the one to which ho himself 5S said to both the others lie is equally op- ' U>‘ ius no light to come between the JmJ lliir.l ila-s. If the difference which **> of does exist among his opponents if i business, not his to settle it or tight it it e shall, therefore, confine ourselves to i' l'e between Mr. Douglas ami his fol ios the one hand, and the rest of the oatio party on the other, presuming that .e willing to observe the principle of pwreation in all matters with which lie i owetm. 'bn invert the order in which he ha H the subject, and endeavor to show— he has not correctly stated the doc il by his op|ionents; and, at his own opinions, as given by him* ztofether unsound. *avs tliat a certain portion of the Don* jvtr believe, or profess to believe, that *->tm tstablishes slavery in the Ter- ll ' I insist that it is the duty of the Ju- s ■ maintain it there without any lair on ,«t U e do not eliarge him with any ■ unfair; hut we assert that he one wrong to, probably, nineteen- • 'he party, by attempting to put cn U which they never chose for "•lim iition certainly does net establish Territories nor anywhere else. ‘ country ever thought or said so. ■ lution regards as sacred and in* ’ rights which a citizen may le- ™ * State. If a man acquires " 1 ' ui in a State, and goes witli lie is not for tliat reason to yV" ;l 1 >ur simple and plain prop- /; 41 the legal owner of a slave or oth- ^~*- T W with it into a Federal Terri- 7^1 "doting his title. trutli of this, nnd upon what _ ;I it he controverted ? The reasons tv vt it are very obvious and very con- ' * jun-i ami a statesman, Mr. Doug- jefimiliar with them, and there ~ * ,cn be was supposed toumferstnnd i r "’e will briefly give him a waxiutuaijc principle of public law I’Toi'crty, a private relation, con- ^7**, awfully existing in one State y. L ' n '" changed by the mere reino- ^i«tk> to anotlicr country, unless the ( “ wr country Ik- in direct conflict , '»ir.'Uuce: ,\ marriage legally sol- rt'-ic** ** ,l ' n ’l‘ 11 K in America; cliil- ’ennany are legitimate here if they .. •' there; and a merchant who buys r iork according to the laws of ’ lw lunil side of any State jurisdicUon, ami in a Territo ry where no regulation has yet been made on the subject. There the Constitution is equally miparltn!. It neither frees the slave nor en slaves the freeman. 11 requires both to remain in statu quo until the status already impressed "J* 0 !? t ' ,e,n *>y lit® law of their previous domicil shall bo changed by some competent local au- tbority. \\ lint is com|ietcnt local authority in a i erritory will be elsewhere considered. "• The Federal Conststution carefully guards the rights of private property against the Fed eral Government itscll, bydeclaring that it shall not be taken for public use without compensa tion, nor without due process of law. Slaves are private property, and every man who has taken an oath of fidelity to the Constitution is religiously, morally, ami politically liouml to regard them as such. Does anybody suppose that a Constitution which acknowledges the sa credness of private property so fully would wan tonly destroy that right, not liy any words that are found in it, but by mere implication from its general principles ? It might as well be as- sorjed that the general principles of the Consti tution gave Lane and Montgomery a license to steal horses in the valley of the Osage. J. The Supreme Court of the United State., has decided the question. After solemn argu ment nnd careful consideration, that august tri bunal lias announced its opinion to bo that a slaveholder, by going into a Federal Territory, does not lose the title he had to his negro in the State from whirh he came. In former times, a question of constitutional law once decided by the Supreme Court waR regarded as settled by all, except that little hand of ribald infidels, who meet principally al Itoston to blaspheme the religion and plot rebellion against the laws of the country. The leaders of the so-called Re publican party have lately been treading close on the heels of their abolition brethren; but it >s devoutly to be hoped that Mr. Douglas has no intention to follow their example. In case he is elected President, lie must see the laws faithfully executed. Does he think he can keep that oath by fighting the judiciarv? o. The legislative history of the country shows that all the great statesmen of former times en tertained the same opinion, and held it so firm ly, that they did not even think of any oilier. It was universally taken for granted that a slavo remained ft slave, and a freeman a freeman, in the new Territories, until a change was made in their condition by some positive enactment. Nobody believed that a slave might not have been taken to, and kept in the Northwest Ter ritory, if the ordinance of 17S7. or somo other regulation had not been made to prohibit it.— The Missouri restriction of 1820 was imposed solely because it was understood (probably by every member of that Congress,) that, in tire absence of a restriction, slave property would be os lawful in the eye of the Constitution a- bove 30 deg. 30 min. as below; and all agreed that the mere absence of a restriction did, in fact, make it lawful below the compromise line. 0. It is right to learn wisdom from our cne- etnies. The Republicans do not point to any ex press provision of the Constitution, nor to any general principle embraced in it, nor to any es tablished rule of law, which sustains their views. The ablest men among them are driven by stress* of necessity to hunt for argument in a c'odo un- rcvcalcd, unwritten, and undefined, which they put above the Constitution or the Bible, and call it "higher law,” The ultra Abolitionists of New England do not deny that the Constitu tion is rightly interpreted by the Democrats as not interferring against slavery in the Terri tories; but they disdain to obey what they pro nounce to be "an agreement with death, and a covenant with hell." 7. TVliat did Mr. Douglas mean when lie pro- IHiscd and voted for the Kansas-Xcbraska bill repealing the Missouri restriction ? Did lie in tend to tell Southern men that, notwithstanding the repeal of the prohibition, they were exclu ded from those Territories as much as ever ?— Or did he not regard the right of a master to his slave perfectly good whenever he got rid of the prohibition ? Did lie, or anybody else at that time, dream that it xva» necessary to make a positive law in lavor of the slave holder be fore he could go there with safety ? To ask these questions is to answer them. The Kan- -Ncbr would throw the country open to everything which the Constitution recognized as property. We have tliun given wlmt we believe to be the opinion* .'held by the great body of the deinocratio party—namely, that the Federal Constitution does not establish slavery anywhero in the Union: that it permits a black man to bo either held in servi tude or made free as the local law shall decide; and that in a Territory where no' local law on the sub ject lias been enacted it keens botli the slave and 'the freo negro in the status already impreased upon them, until it shall bo changed by competent local authority. VVe have seen that this is sustained by the reason of the thing, by a groat principle of pub lie law, by the words of the Constitution, by a sol emn decision of the Supreme Court, by the whole course of our legislation,by the concession of our political opponents and. finally, by the most impor tant art in the public life of Hr. lJouglas himself. Mr. Douglas imputes another absurdity to his op ponents when ho charges them with insisting "that it is llie duty of the jaUieiary to protect and main tain slavery in the Territories iritkoul any lair upon the subject*' Thejudge who acts without law acts against law; and surely no sentiment so atrocious as tills was ever entertained by any portion of the Democratic party. The right of a master to the ser vices ot his slave in a Territory ia not aga.nst law. nor without law. but in full accordance with law. If the law bo against it we are all against it. Has not the emigrant to Nebraska a legal right to the ox team, which be bonght in Ohio, to haul him over the plains 1 Ia hot his title as good to it in the Ter ritory ns it was in the State where he got it I^ And wliat should be said of a judge is not protected, or that he is m ... session of his property "without any law gpon the subject^ # . t to exJfect f ro m Mr. Douglas at least * clear and intelligible definition of his own doctrine. We are disappointed. It is hardly possi ble to conceive anything more dtfiicult to compre hend. We will transcribe it again, and do wliat can be douo to analyze it. , . ‘•Those who believe that the Constitution of the United Statea neither establishes nor prohibits slave ry in the States or Territories beyond the power or the people legally to control it, but deaves the peo ple thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in tlieirown way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. The ConstitutionCnc,thrr establishes uor prohibits tlarrry in tie States cr Territories. If it be meant by Ibis that the Conatitution does notproprio ngore, either emancipate any man’* slave or create me condition of slavery and impose It ■on ITree negroes, but leave® the question of every blaclM man * *' <,, **» in the Territories as well as in the State*, to be de termined by the local law, then wo admlUt. for it is the very same proposition which " e ii ^* v ?, b T. 0 " tr ^ jug to prove, lint if, on the contrary. It is to be understood ns an assertion that the Constitutiondoes not permit a matter to keep Ins slave, or a freeie- gro to have bis liberty, !u all Pjrtai of where the local Uw does not interfere *» prevent it. then tho error is not only * very grave one, bnt It Is alto absurd and self-contradictory. The Constitution neither establishes nor m sUreru in the States or Territories beyond dg ( the topic legally to control it. This *• ’rtint No-Point again; Of course a subject uhich il legally controlled cannot be beyond the power IhM controls it- Hutth. question Is. "bat consti tutes le-at control,-and when the people of a -Tate or Territory are in a condition toexerciett T , . The Constitution of the Lu’led Slates them to Illinois and hold leaves‘bepeoplUperlecuyfree. ^ stales. •• i r ins contract. It is precisely -Thi/can-iesna round n foil circle.^n'I^P 4 "*!'™,; . ' of a negTo carried from one cisely at the place of beginning. Tbat the C _ Mates to another; the ques- I * *““•'* •'fi or servitude depends on the >*licreho came from, and de- :aeve l if there be no conflicting to which he goes or is taken. ,i "“titutioii, therefore, recognizes << ?*1 condition whoever the local 1^ chosen to let it stand una- 'lik . i ' *' as ‘"‘‘gal wherever the 4 q,S* tr k'tbidden it. A slave l>e- sjjj .‘fhia, remains property, and h: i 81 1 rights of a Virginia man* i: tliat he go not to r Ai 1 i . ' ' a ' v comes in conflict ! l "Ml hot ho pretended that *rtm. ' hiniish(S to the Tcnrito* «n. ft contains no provision into any semblance of pro- ■ on the question whether slave* local or general, is a mere war k ra ce in tins country Is virtue of any general tS (f « "hich is free,is free by . r'.'g’ilntion, and the slaves Uvj ar reason. The Consti* n, mhin i States simply dc- Prtrr.n . K . . nc * n the premises by wright, and they shall •hrJDut tree ne- . both find themselves put- member* of Copgreaa, the Whole of the party Month and a very largo majority North, are jienetrated with a conviction that no inch power is vested in a Territorial Legislature, and that those who desire to confiscateprirate property of any kind most wait nntilthey get a Constitutional Convention or the machinery of a State government into their hands. We venture to give the following reasons tor be lieving that Mr. Douglas is in error: The Supreme Conn ha* decided that a Territorial Legialatnre has not the power which he claims for it. That alone ooglit to be sufficient. There can be no law, order, or security for any man'a rights unless the judicial authority of the country be up held. Mr. Douglas may do what he pleases with political Conventions and party platforms, bat we trust lie will give to the Supreme Coart at least that decent respect whiqh none but the most ultra Re publicans have yet withheld. The right of property is sacred, and the first ob- G et of all human government ia to make it secure. fe is always unsafe where property ia not fully protected.. This is the experience of every people on earth, ancient and modern. To secure private property was a principal object of Magna Charta. Charles 1. afterwards attempted to violate it, but the people rose n|>onblm, dragged him to tho block, and severed bis head from his body. At a still later period another monarch for a kindred offence was driven out of tho country, and died a fugitive and trilling no government in the world, however absolute which would not be disgraced and endangered by wantonly sacrificing private property even to a small extent. For centuries past such outrages have ceased to be committed in times of peace a- inong civilized nations. Slaves are regarded as property in the Southern States. The people of that section buy and sell, and carry on all their business, provide for their families, and make their wills and divide their in heritances on that assumption. It is manifest to ail who know them that no jlbubts ever cross their minds abont the rightfulness of holding snch -prop erty. They believe they have a direct warrant tor it, not only in the examples of tbe beat meniiiat ever lived, but in the precept* of Divine revelation itself; and they aretliorougluy satisfied that the re union of master and sUve is tbe only one which can possibly exist there between the white and the buck race without ruining both. The people of tbe North may differ from their fellowqcitizena of the Sontli on the whole subject, but knowing, as we all do, that these sentiments are sincerely and honestly entertained, we cannot wonder that they feel the most unspeakable indignation when any attempt is made to interfere with their rights. This sentiment resnlts naturally and necessarily from their educa tion and habits of thinking. They cannot help it, any more than an honeat man in the North can a- otd abhorring a thief or house-breaker. The jurists, legislators, and people of the North ern States, have always sacredly respected the right of property in slaves held by tffeir own citi- sens within their own jurisdiction. It is a remarka ble fact, very well worth noticing, that no Northern State ever passed any Uw to take a negro from his master. All Uws for tbo abolition of slavery have operated only on the unborn descendants of the no- ;ro race, and the vested rights of masters have not jeen disturbed In the North diatnrbed In the North more than in the South. In every nation under Heaven, civilized, aemi- barliarons, or savage, where slavery baa existed in any form at all analogous to oars, the rights of tbe masters to tbo control of their slaves as property have been respected; and on uo occasion has atiy Government struck at those rights, except as it would strike at other property. Even the British i'ariiament, when it emancipated the West India slaves, though it was legislating lor a people three thousand miles awSy and not represented, never de nied either the legal or the natural right of the slave owner. Slaves were admitted to be property, and the Government acknowledged it by paying their masters one hundred millions of dolUrs for the pri v- I a of setting them free. ere, then, U a species of property which is of transcendent importance to the material interests of the South—which the people of that region think it right nnd meritorious in the eyes of God and good men to hold—which ia sanctioned by tbe general sense of all minkind among whom it has existed— which was lent only a short time ago in all the States of tbe Union, and was then treated as sacred by every one of them—which is guarantied to tbe owner as mnch as any other property is guarantied by the Constitution ; and Mr. Douglas thinks that a territorial legisUture is competent to take it away. We say. No; the Supreme legislative power of a, so vereign State alone can deprive a mau of liis prop erty. This proposition is so plain, so well established, and so universally acknowledged, that any argument in its Uvor would bo a mere waste of words. Mr. Douglas does not deny it, audit did not require the thousandth part of bis sagacity to ace that it was uu- doniable. lie claims for tbe Territorial governments the right of confiscating private property on the ground that those governments ace sovereign—have an uncontrollable and independent power over all their internal affairs. That ia the point which he thinks ia to split the Democracy and impale the na tion. But it ia so entirely erroneous, tliat it must vanish.lnto thin air as soon aa it comes to be exam- ined. A Territorial government is merely provisional and temporary. It ia created by Congress for tbo reservation ot order and the purposes of in flat rebellion to the fundameutal law of lb# land Bnt if the Territorial government* hare this then they have it without any and in all tho fulness of absolute ■despotism; They are omnipotent in regard to their interna .‘f'V iX they are sovereigns, mlhout a them in chci k. And this omnipotent sovereignty is to be wielded by a few men suddenly drawn together Irotu all parts of America and Europe, with one another, and ignorant of their t® 1 ** 1 *® rights. Bnt if Mr. Douglas is right, those govern ments have all the absolute power of the Russian Autocrat. They may take every kind of Pf»P® r *y in mere caprice, or for any purpose of lucre or mat- Ice, without process of law, »ud without providing for compensation. The legislature of Kansas, sit ting at Lecompton or Lawrence, may order the mi ners to give up every ounce of gold that baa been dug at Pike's Peak. If the authorities of L tali should license a band of marauders to despoil the emigrants crossing tbe territory, their sovereign right to do so cannot be questioned. A new Terri tory mav be organized, which Southern men think should be devoted to the culture of cotton, while the people of the North are equally certain that gra zing alone is the proper business to be carried on there If oue party, by accident, by force, or by fraud, had a majority in the legislature, the negroes are taken from tbe planters; and if the other set gains a political victory, it is followed by a statute to plunder the graziers of their eattio Such things cannot be done by the Federal Government, nor by the govc-rmenta of the States: but, if Mr. Douglas is not mistaken, they can bo done by the territorial governments. Is it not every way better to wait until the new inhabitants know themselves and one another: until the policy of the Territory is settled by some ezjierience, and above all, until the great powers of a sovereign State are regularly conferred upon them and properly limited, so as to prevent the gross abuses which always accompany nnre- by the heat of the controversy have dr different times in opposite directions; driven him at .. j. We do not charge it against him as a crime, but it is true that these views of his, inconsistent as they are with one stricted power in human hands ? There is another consideration which Mr. Dougins should have been the last man to overlook. The present Administration of the Federal Government, and the whole Democratic party throughout the country, including Mr. Douglas, thought that in the case of Kansas the question of retaining or abolish ing slavery should not be determined by any repre sentative body withot giving to the whole mass of the people an opportunity of voting on it. Mr. Dou glas carried it further, aud warmly opposed the Con stitution, denying even its validity, because other and undisputed parts of it bad not also been sub mitted to a popular vote. Now he is willing that the whole slavery dispute in any Territory, aud all questions that can arise concerning the right! of the people to that or other property, shall be decided at once by a territorial legislatnre, without any sub mission at all. Popular sovereignty in the last Con another, always happen to accord with tbe interests of tho.Opposition, always give to the enemies of the Constitution a certain amount of "aid and comfort," and always add a little to the rancorons and malig. nant hatred with which tbe Abolitionists regard tbe Government of their own country. Yes: the Lecompton issue which Mr. Douglas made upon.tbe Administration two years ago is done, and the principles on which we were then opposed are abandoned. We are no longer required to fight for tbe lawfulness of a Territorial election held un der territorial authority. But another issue is thrust upon ns to “disturb tho harmony and threaten the integrity” of the party. A few words more (perhaps of tedious repetition,) by way of shoring what this new issue is, or proba bly, will be, and we are done. We insist that an emigrant going into a federal territory retains bis title to tbe property which he took with him until there ia some prohibition enacted by lawful autho- rity. Mr. Douglas cannot deny this in the face of his New Orleans speech, and tho overwhelming rea sons whiclf support it. It is an agreed point among all Democrats that Congress cannot interfere with the rights of proper ty in the Territories. It is also acknowledged tbit the pooplc of a new State, either in their Constitution or tit an net of their Legislature, may make tho negroes within it free, ot hold them in a State of servitude. Bat we believe more. We believe—iu submit ting to the law as decided by the Sapretne Court, which declares that a Territorial Legislature can not, any more than Congress, interfere with the rights of property in a Territory—that the settlers of a Territory are bound to wait until the sovereign power is conferred upon them, with proper limita tions, before they attempt to exercise tbe most dan gerous of all its functions. Mr. Douglas denies this, and tbere is tbe new issue. Why should snch an issno bo made at such a time 1 What is there now to excuse any Iriend of peace for attempting to stir up the bitter waters of strife ? There is no actual difficulty about this sub ject in any Territory. There is no question upon it pending before Congress or the Country. Wo are called upon to make a contest, at once unnecessary and hopeless, with tbe judicial authority of tbo na tion. We object to it. We will not obev Mr. Doug las when be commands ua to assault tbe Supreme Court of the United States. We believe the Court to be right, and Mr. Douglas wrong. Letter from Senator Iverson. : , • . , „ .1 i Cabroutos, Ga., July27th, 1850. gress meant the freedom of the people from aU the restraints of lawnnd order: now it means a govern- j ilos. -XLUtEU lv msnt which shall rule them with a rod' of iron. It swings like a pendulum from one side clear over to the other. ns-Ncbraaka bill was not meant as a debnuon TESFVSZSSSSZSS**£2iftSSgSS or a snare. It was well understood that the }”,£<; organiiact which is the charter of its exirt- repeal alone of the restriction against slavery ence> an g „j,j . setts 5? atssr.SES’Tgap?*- » ,„d consequent /IP*9?™*,“ ‘’^Jfahlv'wo can guess M^^a. or ii2 n J!ii :&Rtz>g£ reconsiderliiosuor '>- ,talus of a ne- wiMm, ‘!X C of^Uu^ pro, wb*‘b« i, e goe*. and adheres to him in every part of the Union until he meets some local law which changes it. 1 that tho people of a State, “ Wl i? thlfr DffiSatar®- and thepeople of a Terri rongh their lecijuii Uch ^ m , y f raln8 ore- them bend o* fme* b „ t which oninlons «nt we berec"“?‘“, t fltil ,, n can be depriv- Some lnsui inso « any1 | u ng else, ex- propertv m slaxca. . n 5 tanUo n or fc he while others contend private right* may { hat 1,‘v a Territorial tt^earttest settlements aretoad^ Ur Douglas in ■ ■ ,i.w tlt'i«‘ n * 'ii of .‘■live. sholilion or the'«> j, f( .„a,-nt, the Judges On the other baud, in (fee Democratic of tbe Supreme Court, DMsny ence, and which may be changed or repealed artbc pleasure of Congress. In most of those acts the power has been expressly reserved to Congress of revising the Territorial laws, and tbe power to re peal them exitta without such reservation. Tbi* was asserted in the case of Kansas by tbe most dis tinguished Senators in the Congress of 185C. The President appoints the Governor, Judges, and all other officers whose appointment is not otherwise rovided for. directly or indirectly, by Congress. Sven the expenses of the Territorial government are paid out of the Federal Treasury. The truth ia, they ■ave no attribute of sovereignty about them. 1 he essence of sovereignty conus's in having no supe rior. But a Territorial government has a superior tbe United States Government, upon whose plea- re it is dependent for its very existence—in whom .. lives, and moves, and has iu being—who has made and can nnmake it with a breath. Wbcre.does this sovereign authority to deprive men of their property come from I This transcend ent power, which even despots are cautions about using, and which a constitutional monarch never exercises—bow does it get into a Territorial Legis lature f Surely it does not drop from the clouds it will not be contended that it accompanies the set tlers or exisU in the Territory before iu organisa tion. Indeed it is not to the people, but to tiro gov ernment of a Territory that Mr. Douglas amys it be longs.. Then Congress must give the power at the sanu* time that it give* the Territorial government But not a word of tho kind is to k?/" 0 "-!“^ £** ganic act that over was fronted. It ia thus that Mr. Douglas’* argument run* iUelf out Into nothing. But if Congress mould pass a statute expressly to give this sort of power to the Territorial govern ments, they still would not have it; for the Federal Government itself doe* not poasess any control over men’s projierty in the Territorlea. That snch power . * . " .a- v.,lbp« rtnvernment needs no Mr. Douglas's opinions on this subiect of sover eign Territorial Governments are very singular; but tbe reasons he has produced to support them are infinitely more curious still. For instance, he shows that Jefferson once introduced into the old Congress of the Confederation a plan for the gov ernment of tho Territories, calling them by tho name of “new States,” but not making them any thing liko sovereign or independent States; and though this was a mere experimental project, which was rejected by Congress, and never afterwards re ferred to by Jefferson himself, yet Ur. Douglas ar gues upon it as if it had somehow become a part of our fundamental law. Again: He says that the States gave to the Fed eral government the snino powers which as Colo nics they had been willing to concede to the Britisli Government, aud kept those which as colonies they had claimed for themselves. If ho will read a com mon school history of the Revolution, and then look at Art. 1, sec. r. of tho Constitution, he will find the two following facts fully established: 1. That the J Federal Government has "power to lay and collect; taxes, duties, imjiosts, and excises;” and, 2. That the colonies, before the Revolution, utterly refused to lie taxed by Great Britain; and. so far lrom con ceding tbe power, fongbt against it lor sevon long years. . . . i There is another thing in the article which, if it ■ liad qot come from a distihguished Senator, aud a very upright gentleman, weald have been open to somo imputation of unfairness. lie quotes tho President's message, and begins in the middle of a sentence. He professos to give the very words, and makes Mr. Bnchauan say: “That slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of'tbe United States.'’ Want Mr. Uuclmuan did say was a very different tiling. Itwasthia: "it has been solemnly adjudged by tho highest judicial tribunal known to our laws, that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of tho United butes,” Everybody knows that by treating tbe Bible in that way, you can prove the non-cxistcnco of God. The argumentum ad hommem is not fuir. and we do not mean to use it. Mr. Douglas has a right to change liis opinions whenever he pleases. But we quote him as we would any other authority equally ebsox; Dear Sir:—At a recent meeting of the De mocracy of this County, the undersigned were appointed a Committee to invite you to select a day on which you can address your fellow-citi zens of Carroll, on the political topics of the day. Please do not consider this a formal in vitation, but one from tho hearts of the people. No where in Georgia have you stronger friends than in this -County, and wo can Bcarccly for give you, if you fail to heed our call. Iverson men will be sent to tho Legislature from this County, and voters of all parties will stand by you in the battle you arc fighting for Southern Rights. Give us sufficient time in which to make preparation necessary for your reception. Please believe us, very respectfully, Your obedient servants, Heniiv F. Mekeell. Jesse C. Wootten. • A. J. Rowe, AY. F. Johnson, A. T. Burke. Congress, by the assent of the Executive, and by the direct ratification of tlio people »eting in their primary capacity at the polls. In addition to all this, the Supreme Court have deliberately adjudged it to be an unalterable and undeniablo rule of Con- *^iws acknowledgment that Congressman “®. 1*°"" authority, or jurisdiction over tiro subject, literally otJitres Mr. Dooglaa to give up his doctrine, or else to maintain it by asserting that a power Which the Federal Government does not possess maybe given ,, Camoress to a Territorial government. The right to abofta?*African slavery In u Territory »a not granted by the Conatitution to Congress; «ia with- Held and therefore the same as if expressly pro- gas S5Jb, ‘‘am? only such, as Congress,cannot exercise under the Constitotion!” By turningAo P»ffes 520 „d 521 the reader will aeo that this astounding pro position is actually made, not in jest, or irony, but solemnly, aerionaly. and, no doubt, in perfect good faith. On tbi* principle, as Congress cannot oxer- oise the power t>> make an expoetjaeto law, or x law imn.irinp tho obligation of contracts, thcefoet, it ■nthorise such Uw. to be made by the Town S?MCil tt of Washington City, or tbe LevyConrtof **?.***_a. executed; but the power to do thif —~i.il.ttad thing can be constitutionally given by to a Territorial Legislature. W^eTwthit‘there are oJrtain powers bestowed __ • i,~ Aral Government which ’'”tho General Government which are In their ^JindlMalor executive. With them Congress k?ow£ that ho waa not Utkin* about powert which log aboi- Seasagaafttyg S Gov^im^t. and incapable ot being delegated ■for the simple reason that it does not conatitution- 'any one lay that .uch a power onght, u a ^fiSa*ssSsi!a*B& rtiealousy. No Republic has over fiaUed to impose timiUtioos upon it. All freo people know that, fr^hev would remain free, they must compel the l L£.™n^nt to keep iu hands off their private pro- Krttf^Sd this can be done only by tying them up Sdth^csreful restrictions. Accordingly onr Fedmal declares that “no person shaU be de- Consn . .-.Qpgfjy except by duo procooi of that ?’ ,’S property Shall taken i aWt Kiwn nafl without lust compensation. it U for t P r-MbyaRrecd thst this applies only to the ejer HSjlISrimpmrer by the Government of the United ?. We are also protected against the State . r .t a l, v a similar provision in the State a tion»- Legislative robbery is therefore a ,l whii b cannot be committed either by Con- bv any Suu Legislature, unless it be done crime gress or liigh iu favor of truth. We can prove by himself that every proposition bo lays down iu Harpers Magazine is founded in error. Never before lias any public man in America so completely revolu tionized liis political opinions in the course of eigh teon mouths. We do not deny that tbo change is heartfelt and conscientious. W o only insist that he formerly stated hia propositions much more clearly, and sustained them with far greater ability and bet ter reasons, than he docs now. When he took a tour to tbe South, at tbe begin ning of last winter, he made a speech at New Or leans, In which he announced to the people there tliat ho aud his friends in Illinois accepted the Dred Scott decision, regarded stares as properly, and fully admitted the right of a Southern man to go into any federal territory with his slave, and to hold him there as othei property 11 held. In lSW he voted iu the Senate for what was call ed Walker's amendment, by which it was proposed to put all the internal affairs of California and New Mexico under the domination of the President, giv ing him almost unlimited power, legislatirejndicial, and executive, over the internal affairs of those Ter ritories. (See Ut'th Cong., m, .) Undoubtedly this was a strauge way of treating sovereignties. IfMr. Douglas is right now, he was guilty then of most -*i- trocious usurpation. Utah is as much a sovereign State as any other Territory, and as perfectly entitled to enjoy the right of selt-guverument. On the 12th of June, 1857, Mr. Douglas made a speech about Utah at Springfield, Illinois, in which he expressed his opinion strongly in favor of the absolute ami unconditional repeal of the organio act, blotting the Territorial Government out of existence, and putting tire people, under tho sole and ezclusive jurisdiction of the United States, like a fort, arsenal, dockyard, or magazine. He does not seem to have had the least idea then that he was proposing to extinguish a sovereignty, or to trample upon tho sacrcjT rights of an independent people. The report which he made to the Senate in 1656, on the Topeka Constitution, enunciates a very differ- ent'doctrme from that of tbe magazine article. It is true that the language is a little cloudy, but no one can understand the following sentences to signi fy that tho territorial governments have sovereign power to take away the property of the inhabitants: “The sovereignty of a Territory remains in abey ance suspended in tho United States, t'n trust far the peoo’r until they shall be admitted into the Union as a State. In the mean time they are admitted to enjoy and excrciso ail the rights and privileges of self-gov ernment in subordination to the Constitution of the United States, and is obedience to the organic law, passed by Congress in pursuance of that in strument. These rights and privileges are all de rived from the Constitution through the act of Con gress, and must be exercised and enjoyed in subjec tion to all tbo limitations aud restrictions which that Constitution imposes.” Tho letter he addressed to a Philadelphia meeting iu Februorv, 1658, is more explicit, and, barring some anomalous ideas concerning the abeyance of the power and the snspension of it in trust, it is clear enough; “Under our territorial system, it requires sove reign j>ower toordsin and establish constitutions and governments. While a Territory may and should enjoy all the rights of solf-governmeut, in obedience to its organic lair, it is not A sovereign rower. The sovereignly of a Territory remains in abeyance, suspended in the United States, in trust for the people when they become a Slate, aud cannot be srithdnnen from the hands oj the trustee and rested in the people of a Territory mlhout the consent of Congress. The report which be made in the same month from tbff Senate Committee on Territories, is equally dis tinct, and rather Inore emphatic against bis new doctrine: This committee iu their reports have always held that a Territory it not a sovereign poreer-, that the they . . ■ trustees, cannot be divested of tbe sovereignty, nor the Territory be invested with the right to assume and exercise it, without the consent of Congress. If the proposition be true that sovereign power alone can institute governments, and that the sove reignty of a Territory is in abeyance, suspended in tbo United States, in trust for tiro people when they become a State, and that the sovereignty cannot be divested from tho bands of tho trustee without tbe assent of Congress, it follows as an iaevitable,con- sequence. that the Kansas Legislature did not and could not confer upon the Lecompton Convention tbe sovereign (tower of ordaining a Constitution for ^be people of Kansas, in place of the organic act "passed by Congress ” Tho days are past and gooe when Mr. Douglas led the fiery assaults of the Uppoiition In the Lecomp ton controversy. Then it was nis object to prove that a territorial legislature, so far from being om nipotent, was powetleas even to authorise an elec tion of delegates to consider abont their own affairs. It was asserted that a convention chosen under a territorial law could make and ordain no constitu tion which would be legally binding. Then a terri torial government was to be despised and spit upon, even when it invited the people to come forward and vote on a question of the most vital importance to tbeir own interests. But now all things have be- come new. The Lecompton dispute lias “gone glim mering down tbe dream of things that were,” and Mr. Douglas produces a new issue, brand-new from the mint. The old opinions are not worth a rush to bis present position; it must be sustained by opposite principles and reasoning totally different. The Le- gialature of Kansas was not sovereign when it au thorised a Convention of the peopleto assemble and decide what sort of a Constitution they would have, but when it strikes at tbeir rights of property, it becomes not only a aov. r. i.-n, but a sovereign with out limitation of power. We have no idea that Mr. Douglas is not perfectly sincere, as he was also when he took the other “i .v. The impulses engendered UoLtnai's, Sept. 5tli, lS.jft. GcnlUmtn:—I had the honor to receive, whilst on a late visit to Washington City, your letter of the 27th July, inviting me, in behalf of the people of Carroll county, to address them at a time to be selected by myself, “ upon the political topics of the day.” My absence from home, nnd other pressing engagements, have prevented a reply until now. This invitation, and the cordial’ mauner in which it has been presented by you, arc entitled to my gratitude and thanks,*nnd I assure you, gentiemen, that both are felt by mo with deep and unfeigned emotion. I regret to say, however, that 1 can not, at least at the present time, accept this flat tering testimonial of the favor and kindness of my fellow-citizens of Carroll. Other engage ments will keep me at home for several weeks, and would prevent tnc from visiting you for the purpose indicated before the October cicctiou, after which less interest would be felt, and less good accomplished, perhaps, by any remarks which I, might make on such an occasion.— There is another reason why 1 decline your in vitation at this time. It is known that I am t candidate for re-election to the Senate—repeated public addresses, even in response to invitations such as yours, would have the appearance, and be construed as a public canvass for the distin guished office for which I am a candidate. I am opposed to canvassing for such an otficc— my opinion always has been, that high public offices should be confercd alone for talents, sound political principles, and eminent public services. The merits and claims of the candi date should rest upon his public character, which ought to be as well known to his con stituents by his public life as he could possibly make them known by personal appeals or pop ular harrangues. I am not willing, therefore, either to canvass for the office of Senator, or to do any thing which might be construed into such a course. • I accepted, it is true, the invi tation of my fellow-citizens of Spalding county to a public dinner cn a late occasion, aqd made them an address, agreeably to their request, “upon the political condition of the Union.”— This invitation was, however, given and accep ted before my determination was formed of standing again for the Senate, and having ac cepted it, 1 felt constrained to compljt with the obligation. I did not, therefore, conflict with the rule, which I think otight to be observed in such cases, and which I have prescribed for myself and 1 trust it will not commit me to its violation in the future. It is true there ary many interesting subjects connected with tho ‘political topics of tbe day,’ upon which I should l>e pleased to speak to you, and to the people of Georgia, and occasions thay arise when I shall feel it to be my duty, as well as pleasure to do so. It cannot bo very important, however, for me to do so at present The speech which I delivered at Griffin, on the 14th of July last, containedjny opinions and views, well consid ered, on some of those subjects. That speech has been extensively published and circulated amongst my constituents. I should be pleased if it could be read by every man in Georgia, for I am willing, as a public man and Senator, to stand or fall, upon what I then and there said. I wear no mask, and have nothing to conceal or disguise. I wish the people of Georgia to know my opinion* upon every subject affecting their national interests, which, iu part, they have en trusted to my lands. I wish them to judge me, and to approve or condemn tnc, upon the sound ness of those opinions, aud the fidelity with which they arc enforced. The great objects of my Griffin speech, were to warn the Southern people of the steadily ap proaching danger to the safety of their consti tutional rights, and tliat “peculiar Institution,” which is of such vast importance to them, and to unite them in a common and determined re sistance to Northern aggression, aud in failure of such successful resistance in the Union, to prepare for its safety and preservation out of the Union. I trust gentlemen, that I may bo pardoned for repeating here, what I expressed there, that whatever others may say or think of the present security of that “Institution,” in tiro Union, I am clearly of the opinion that it never was in greater danger It is an evident and undeniable iact, that the Black Republican or Abolition party of the Free States is seeking its overthrow and destruction. If that party succeeds in obtaining possession and control of the Federal Government, it must and will be upon its avowed hostility to Southern slavery, and its settled determination to circumscribe its area—diminish its power—limit its numbers, and finally to eradicate it altogether. If these are not the great objects and final, end and ami wm | '* '*** “* which that party will be lead to its final sue-1 Democrats under the lead of Judge, Douglas, cess and to our ruin. How is that process to and npon tho platform which he has put forth be checked ? How is that ruthless march of I as the only one upon which he and they are abolition phrensy to be stayed ? It can only I willing to act with their Southern brethren ? r be done by a united and detenmned South— know not'what others may do, but for myself by a firm and bold resolve to drive back this am unwilling to sacrifice the sacred rights of Northern avalanche even at the hozzard of the I the south for the sake of union, and the hope Union. The South must make up its mind to of success with any political party either North dissolve the Union whenever the North makes I or South. I am for standing by the rights an unequivocal demonstration of its hostility to the Southern States as I understand them. Southern slavery, and manifests a determina- the Northatn Democracy will recognize and aid tion to destroy it—Such a resolution, deliber- to enforco them, I will stand by that party, and atcly formed and distinctly enunciated, may I exert whatever powever I may have in promo- zare the Union. If the Northern people could ting tho success of the organization. If it de- be made to believe that the election of AY. H. I nies, rejects, or abandons them, then I am for Seward, or any other man to the Presidency, cutting loose from it, and would-rally the South- upon a sectional anti-slavery issue, would pro-1 cm people in a Southern party, upon a plat- duco a dissolution of the Union, he would not form of Southern rights, and present sound, re- irobably obtain a majority in a single free I liable men for candidates, and abide the result itate—nis defeat would he certain, if not over- If I had the control of the public sentiment' whelming. Our safety in the Union lies in our and action of the Southern Democracy, I would own moral strength—the strength of united take them into the Charleston Convention with opinion and united resolve to stand by our “In-1 the firm resolution to demand the recognition stitution” at all hazards. The only bulwark a- of the right of the Southern people to go into gainst the progressive aggression of the North- the Territories with their property, and to have em abolitionists, aside from Southern resistance, that property protected by law, up to the time has heretofore been the Northern Democracy; of the admission of the Territories as States in- and whilst that party maintained its principles to the Union. If the Convention should rc- and its ascendency in the Northern States, our I cognize these rights, and nominate reliable can- rights were, in the main, supported and pro-1 didates, I would support the nominees, wheth- tected. A majority of tlio Northern Democrats er from the North or South, the East or the in Congress, have for many years voted with I West Ii) on the other hand, the Convention the Southern members upon all questions af- should ignore or deny these rights, or nominate footing tho “Institution” of slavery and the I candidates who ignored or denied them, I would rights of the Southern States, all honor to their withdraw from tho Convention and issue an ad- justice, consistency and courage. If that party dress to the Southern people, arid all others who had received the just and proper sympathy and agreed with us in principle, calling upon them support of the whole South, it might 'have to hold a Convention, and nominate candidates maintained its soundness and supremacy—but upon our platform, and about whose political what is the condition of the Democratic party opinions and firmness there should not be a of the North at this day ? It has lost its major- doubt. In this way tho whole South could be ity in nearly every free State of the Union.— united, and being united, could, sooner or later. Even Mr. Buchanan did not carry a majority in Iforce our rights from a reluctant North, or if any of them except the small State of Califor- beaten and overwhelmed by tho power ofnurn- nia on the Pacific. Ho carried the States of hers, wo should be ready for any action which New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Illinois nnd Indi- our interests, our honor, or our safety should ana, only by plurality votes, and was thus elec-1 demand. I am satisfied, gentlemen, that if the ted. No man can doubt that if Mr. Fillmore Charleston Convention shall adopt or acquiesce had been out of the way, tho Republican can- in tlio “squatter sovereignty” doctrine of Sena- didates would have succeeded in all the free tor Douglas, and shall nominate him or any States cast of the Rocky Mountains, and would other man agreeing with him in opinion, the liavc been elected—and the elections since 1850 Democratic party would bo overwhelmed in ev- havc exhibited the Democratic party in those I cry Southern State, as it lias already been over states growing still weaker in numbers, and come in nearly every freo State in the Union, less sound in principle. In the late elections. Let the Democratic party of our own State, for members of Congress it succeeded only in I therefore, look well to the action of that Con- Illinois in electing a majority of the delegation, I vention, and sec to it, that so far as tho State and there only by tlio skin of its teeth, and up- I of Georgia is concerned, the rights of the South on the personal" popularity, superhuman of-1 shall not be sacrificed by it. forts, and rotten “squatter sovereignty” doc T Lr " ” MACON &AVESTEU.AI HA1LUOAB, BMhaH O N an! after Thursday, 15th July, the Trains will be run as follows i Leave Macon at 12 night Arrive aUAtlanta 7.15 A. M. Leave Macon at 10 A. M. Arrive at Atlanta 4.00 P. M. Leave Atlanta at 12 night Arrive at Macon 7.IS A. M. Leave Atlanta at 11 A. 31. Arrive at Macon 5.00 P. M. The night train will not be run on Sundava. The 12 night train from Macon connects with the Geor gia R. Road for Angnata, at 10 A. U., and Atlanta West Point R. B. at 12.15 A. M. The 10 day train from Macon, connects with the AVestern and Atlantic Rail Road for Chattanooga, Dalton, Knoxville, Nashville, and Memphis, at 5.00 A. H„ with Georgia R. R. at 12.00 night and at AU lanta A West Point R. R. at 12.15 A. 31. The completion of the Virginia and Tennessee Raff Road, makes this the most pleasant and direct route to the Virginia Springs, Through Tickets to which may be had at Macon, for *23 00, and to New York for *35 25. Farther information in regard to this route can be had at the General Ticket Office, Macon. ALFRED L. TYLER, iulyl2 Superintendent. trine and policy of Judge Douglas. Every Democrat elected in that State was opposed to the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, and is the avowed advocate of “squatter sovereignty” in its most obnoxious form. Nor can wo shut our eyes to tho deplo rable fact, that the numerical strength of the I am very respectfully, gentlemen, Your friend and oh't servant, ALFRED lA'ERSON. Messers. H. F. Merrell, and others, Com. of tho anti-slavciy agitation at tho North, what are they? No sensible and impartial man can come to any other conclusion. If that party shall ever succeed in obtaining the possession and control of tho Government, will it stty its hand ? AA’ill it stop short in the midst of tri umph and lay down the arms with which it has conquered, and which alone can maintain its power * No.sane man can believe it To keep its ranks unbroken it must agitate still further —to preserve its power it must continue to stir up the waters of bitterness against slavery and tiro South—one step made—one point gained, must lead to another, and another, until tho final one is taken of universal emancipation.— This is the natural and necessary process thro 250,000 Acres of Eailroad LANDS FOR SALE. Democratic party in the free States, whether in I rpHESE lands are composed of the alternate 8 ec- . .. r .. . .. ..II tions on either side of the Pensacola dc Geor a majority or minority, rests upon the “squatter £ Railroad, granted by the United States and State sovereignty doctrine of Judge Douglas.” No ofFlorida to aid in building this Road. Those now candidate who wquld take any other ground offered are located on that part of tbe line extend- could carry a corporal’s guard in any election in S front TaUahass6e to Alligator, a distance of 105 t„ mtles. Most of them are in the vicinity of, and east in any of those States, and jet I li;*c been de- of the guwannee River. They embrace every va- nounccd for having expressed the opinion, in 1 -j e ty of soil from lands suitable merely for timber my Griffin speech, that we cannot rely at the I and naval stores, to tho. most valuable description present day upon the Northern Democracy for for the production of Sea Island aud 8hort Cotton, the maintenance of our Constitutional rights in ^fe^orid. AT^r^^f^fptoe the Territories of the U nited States. >\ hat are i an d3 t based on clay t with dense and l&ree forest our rights ? The right to move into and settle I growth, resembling much the best pine lands in Ba- upon the common Territory—the right to take ker county, Georgia, with the iiiffereueain thoir fa- with us all amlcvery specio.ofproporty which ^ u o and " hich is recognized as property j 8 i au ^ Cotton and Sugar. The beat recommenda- by the Constitution of the United States, and tion of these lands will be found in thecrops of corn, by the Constitution and laws of the State from I sugar cane, long and short staple cotton now grow- which we remove—the right to be protected in jj;£ on tho peaceful enjoyment ofthat property by law, wm^ itT^b^ during tho existence of the Territorial Govern- the Gulf and Atlantic ports ofFlorida, to which our ment—the right to have that property protec- roads are now built and being extended, and on the ted by the Federal Government, the Trustee of completion of the coniiectionof the Pensacola & ,t in „ *i „ * .1 „ - •, Georgia Road with the Mam Trank Road of Geor ue common soiLand possessing the solo juris- - a ^ the p r * mc iple part of these lands will be in ten diction over the lemtones. These are rights hours travel of Savannah. Tney are at present in which I am yet to hear the first Southern man I about 24 hours travel of both Charleston and Sa- successfully controvert or deny. Now, does yannah by steamer to Fernandiua, and thence by iat, PAmliiinn _r Railroad, Ac, to Al.igator. ihese lands were grant- any man, lookin 0 at...the present condition of for g a 5j roa( j purposes, and the proceeds of the public sentiment ot the JNorih, believe that the I nules are to be applied to the purchase of iron for the Democratic party of tlio Northern States, as a I Road already graded, or the grading of which is in party, is prepared to recognize these rights and I rapid progress of completion. To effect this object, enforee tUby Congressional legislation? The 1oTnut^, northern man who would so ^te in Congress wishing such property, and particularly to mdivid- would be denounced all-over the Northern I uals and companies desirous of purchasing in large States, and probably burnt in effigy. It is in I quantities. vain, gentlemen, and wrong for the Southern I TERMS One-thira cash, and the balance in one people to blinDthc question, xnd shut their “nnurily m^dvTnce? eyes to the naked truth. AYc c»n only secure My address is at Tallahassee, Fia. the co-operation of the Northern Democracy, as 1 a party, by surrendering those rights and adop ting the Northern construction of the Kansas Bill and the Cincinnati Platform. That con struction is, that Congress lias no power or right, to pass laws for the regulation or protec tion of slave property in the Territories—that I FOR COTTON BALES, tho people of the Territories from tho verj" be- Price G cents per pound, Soper cent, less than WALTER GWYNN, Agent Pen. A Ga. K. R.Co. FASSHIAN’S IRON HOOPS AND TIES, ginning of the Territorial Governments, and throughout their continuance, have the right, and Shall ho allowed to establish or reject slave Hope. Anyone considering tlio advantages of Iron over Rope as a material for binding cotton bales, will be Change of Schedule* SAVANNAH AND CHARLESTON STEAMPACKETLJNE IN CONN’XECTION with the CENTRAL and North Eastern Rail Roads. fJIIIE splendid and Fast Running GORDON, F. Barden, Commander,leavcsSavao- nab for Charleston every Sunday and Wednesday afternoons at 3 o'clock and connects at Charleston with the train- of the North Eastern Pail Road going North; returning, leaves Charleston every Monday and Friday night at SI o’clock (after the arrival of the cars of the North Eastern R. Road.) and ar rives at Savannah early the following mornings: By this route Passengers can obtain through tick ets to and from Savannah, Ga., and AVilmiugton, N. Carolina. Having a through freight arrangement with the the Central Rail Road and its ccDneations, all freights between Charleston and the interior of Georgia con signed to the agents of this line will be forwarded with dispatch and FREE of CHARGE. J. P. BROOKS, Ag't, Savannah. E. LAF1TTE A CO., Ag’ts, Charleston. jan 19 CHANGE OF SCHEDULE ON THE South-Western H. H. OVER AVHICH PASSES TIIE GREAT NEW YORK AND NEW ORLEANS MAILS. Two Daily Trains between HI aeon ff ColumbusJ Leave Macon at 11.45 p. m. and 9.45 a. m. Arrive at Colnmbns 5.35 a. m. and 3.45 p. m. • Leave Columbus 4.00 a. m. and 3.45 p. m: Arrive at Macon 9.50V m. and 9.18 p. m. On and after Sunday. September 4th, the Passen ger and Mail Train for Albany and Cuthbert will run as follows: Leave Macon, at 10.40 a. m., arrive at Albany, at 5.41 p. m. Leave Albany, at 1.40 p. m., “ “ Macon at 8.44 n. m. The Mail and Passenger Train from Cuthbert will connect with the Albany Mail Train at Smithville, No. 10, Sooth Western R. R. Leave Cnthbert, at 12.45 p.m., arrive at Smithville, at 3 18p.m. Leave Smithville, at 4.05 p. m., arrive at Cnthbert, at 6.39 p. m. Making the connection with the np and down Al bany Mail TVain. Trans to Coiambus form a through connection to Montgomery, Alabama and Augusta, Kingsville Wilmington Savannah, MiUedgeville and Eatonton. Post Coaches run from Albany to Tallahassee Bainbridge. Thomasville, Ao., daily; also, tri-week ly from Dawson to Cutbbeit, Fort Gaines, Ac. Hacks ran six times a week from Fcrt Valley to - Perry, Haynesville and Hawkinaville, and tri-week ' ’ to Knoxville, Ga. Passengers for points below Fort Valley, should take the Day Trains lrom Augusta and Savannah to avoid detention in Macon. For other points take ei ther Train. First class steamships leave Savannah for New York, on Wednesdays and Saturdays. Passage in the Cabin *15, Steerage *6. Through Tickets can be procured from Rail Road Agents at Montgomery, Columbus and Albany via Savannah to New York, by Steamship!, in Cabin, as follows: Montgomery *26; Colnmbns *23 ; Albany *24 25. VIRGIL POWERS, Eng'r A Sup’t. Macon, Sep. 6. '59. MACON TDJEITJG- MARKET For 1859, W ILL be kept constantly supplied with all the most desirable article* in the line of MEDICINES, CHEMICALS, PHARMACUTICAL PREPARATIONS, SADDLE BAGS, INSTRUMENTS, SPICES, MEDICINE CHESTS, PERFUMERY, Ac., Ac., from the Store of ZEILIX X- HUNT, Opposite Telegraph Building, Macon, Qa. <eh t ry as thejr choose—-that they may discard, shut I jn^llcurU^aga^nst^rolfherels^lmoverwhSming it out, or abolish it by unfriendly legislation, by reas on for its adoption. positive enactment, or by refusing to give it tho The presses in the seaport cities have been the protection of law. The recent manifesto of main cause of its not being generally adopted: but Judge Douglas goes even farther. anj asserts ort^^^Pres.^helir^T'i^Nevr Orleans, g^ves it that the first squatters upon Territorial soil, if I the preference over rope. TheFassman Iron iloop authority from Congress^ to establish govern-, „ “ Ucity and fac mty of application of any ore yet ment nnu abolish or exclude sla> cry nt pleas- I tnpHp it is so prepared as to require uo change loi ure, and that neither Congress, the Supreme I re-compressing. Thus obviating the only remain Court, or any other tribunal, has the power to4‘ D tt difficulty at the seaboard cities, overrule their action. He claims in broad and| The hoops arn eent ofany lengtli. from eight ot , , ~ , , .. . ten feet, and a full guarantee given that neither the round terms, for the people of the Territories, I unr Hoops shall brefik. And further, that all the same sovereign powers which appertain to cotton bound in them shall be received onthesame the States under the Constitution, if tiie tna- I terms, at the Orleans Press, as rope bound cotton — jority of the Southern people are willing to act | Tl, ° l ,er b *'f ia about ‘hesame as rope,not with the Northern Democracy upon this basis|, °To P showti.T“opinion shipmasters have of it, we wo may keep up a national organization, which (give tho following, among numerous commend®- possibly might succeed in controlling the Fed-1 tions we have: oral Government. I do not myself, however, The undersigned masters of vessels, having had believe that a party, formed even upon this ba- Sftj siSy could carrj a suihcicnt number of the free being well compressed, and the buttons or hoops, States to control tho Federal power, even with never breaking when thrown down in the ship’s every Southern State acting with it; such is, in hold, or when stowed. my judgment and opinion, tho decided prepon-1 ^ J^. ond ®y» Captain of ship Moses Davenport, deranee of the abolition party at the North— |j a m« Thoms,. - Mldra8 ’ The question then is presented, and we cannot A. Talbot, escape from it, shall the Southern people, and John Dean especially tho Southern Democracy, surrender I ^. oh ” c - 'V 1, , n l ® r ' the right to Congressional protection, adopt the L . p. Merill? ’ doctrine of “squatter sovereignty,” as defined The price’of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6 and claimed by Judge Douglas, and array them- I cents per pound, and all orders will receive pfompt selves under that flag in the campaign of 1860 ? nU«>;t>on. Liberal deductions made to merchants I am free to say that for one, l a^not wifiing '^ to do so. The Democratic party of tho South- 1 “ Henry, “ Hareaseeket, •' James Flint, “ Mulhouse. “ Ella A. Clark. Bark Kimball. THE IGRE ATFEYER AND AGUE jELIESlUDESID'^Sr. ern States, and the whole Southern people, ought, in mj* opinion, to plant themselves firm ly upon the platform of Southern rights, and sink or swim with it I know that there are sound men in the Democratic party of the North, IthE GREAT ELIXIR and that there are none to be found in any oth- I THE GREAT ELIXIR cr partj-, but we cannot close our eyes to the S S^ii!RAtJT?n to turf fact, that according tooeit notions of soundness, p EVEK AND AKKAn 1 u ^ “ at least upon this Territorial question, the North- fever and AGUE. cm Democrats who may bo relied on, “like an-1 THE GRENADA. ELIXIR gels’ visits, few and far between.” I cheerfully warranted TO T ruRF EENADA ELIXIE admit that the great majority of the Northern Jf wARBANTED TO CURE Democracy liavc, in time past, stood manfully CHILLS AND FEVER, by our rights, but the question now is, do they CHILLS AND FEVER stand thereat this time, at ieast so far as our THE GRENADA ELIXIR Territorial rights are concerned t And if they THE GRENADA ElhIXIR do, have they sufficient strength to render us | jjj WARRANTED TO CONT \IN efficient aid ? Every mau who looks impartial- no MERCURY OR ARSENIC. Ij- at current events, is compelled to answer in I NO MERCURY OR ARSENIC, tiie negative. Judge Dpuglas, who is now the T! * e Grenada Eliair is warranted to cure in every acknowledged leader of the majority of the BS£tf£SS*3f Northern Democracy, and doubtless embodies I tain nothing the least iiffurioas to tho system, and their sentiments, has openly declared that ho can be given in all cases and under aU cireumstan- will not identify himself as a Presidential can-1 c ?» with perfect safety. Try a bottle and bo mu- „„„ „t.»r„-,„ ,i,_ _• i. f I vineed thatit lanot only the Best but theCHEAP- dtdate, upon anj- ether platform than the right EST remedy befor8 th e public. A 61 bottle ha* and privilege of the people of the Territories to cn red from 5 to 6 cases, establish or exclude slavery at their will, and at Prepared and sold wholesale and retail by .. . .. • .* . I * DPUUrDTAV ft, r» A 1VJV any time from the commencement to the end of the Territorial existence. Tho Democratic State Conventions of Ohio, Now Jersey, Wis consin, and other Northern States, have de nounced Congressional protection and its advo cates, and openly declared that thej' will not affiliate with any party that claims it, and every convention or primaiy meeting lately held at tho North’has reiterated the same sentiment in unequivocal terms. It cannot now be doubted that it is tho settled and determined policy of the majority of the Northern Democracy, to fol low Judge Douglas in his claim and demand for “squatter sovereigntj’” in its most unlimited form. Shall the Southern Democracy yield their own opinions of the just rights^ of tlio Southern people, and unite with the Northern PEMBERTON * CARTER, Coiambus, Georgia.; Also, sold by ail Druggists in the city aud through out the country. For sale by july 12—4m Pit E L. STROnECKER Book Binding. OLANK ACCOUNT ROOKS made toordcrof jI) Courts and Counting House, and the numbers printed on the pages without extra charge. MAGAZINES, MUSIC AND LAW BOOKS, bound in neat and aheap styles. DAVID ROSS, Cor. 3d and Cherry Streets, feb 1 Over George T. Rogers St Son. TTlHE subscriber has purchased tiroRlghtto Kow- JL and’a Patent Carriages and Springs for Blank Account Books, which he will put on work when instructed. DAVID ROSS, febi NEW BOOKS, NEW BOOKS UST received at Boardman’s, Mitcheiet on Love ; Memoirs of Empress Catherine tbe Second— written by herself; Triumphs of Paol Morpkg; Tho Age—by the Author of Feitns; The New and the Old; Sixty Year* Gleanings: Popular Tales from the Norse; Diary of Lady Morgan; Tent and the Harem; The Jealous Husband; Life of Jas. Watt; The Avenger, Ac.—a new volume, by DeQuincy . Horses and Honnds; Law and Lawyers; Eric, or Little by Little; Tbe Roman Question, by About; Episodes ot French History, by Pardoe; The Cava lier, by-G. P. R James; To Cuds and Rack ; Popu lar Oeology, by Hugh Miller, edited by bis wife; The Tin Trumpet; Science and Art of Chess; Hand Book of Draughts, Cesar Borgia. Also, a new supply of Prince of the Honae of Da vid ,- The Pillar of Fire; Anecdotes of Love, by Lo la Monte?.; The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table German Literature in 12 volumes ; The Land and the Book, by Thompson -, Curiosities of Literature, Ac., by D’Israeli; Matrimonial brokerage in the Metropolis ; The Adventures of Kit Carson ; Em pire of Austria, by Abbott; “What will he do with St T” by Bulwer; Comptea Positive Philosophy: the cheap Waverly Novels, 25cts. each; Harper, uodey, and Peterson for August. A fine lot of Engravings, Ac., Ac. aug 9 Grums, Rifles, «SziC., Manufactured by MARKWALTER & MORSE, TVC^COTST, Q--A-- mllE subscribers having formed a co-partnership J. for the purpose of Manufacturing Rides, JDoublc-Bnrrellcd Guns nnd fF> X S-T O L S, They are now prepared to make the Best Rifles manufactured In the United States, upon Mr. Morse's entirety new plan. Guns Re-Stocked and Repaired on the moat rea- aouable terms, at short notice. Tbe undersigned being Practical Workmen, guar antee all Work entrusted to their care, and invite the public to gave them a trial, at the Floyd House, op posite DrTThomson'sDrng Store. WM. MARKWALTER, Late of Augusta, Ga. T. MORSE, Late of Hodgkins A Son, Macon, Ga- aug 30—ly BOOTS AND SHOES. A T THE SIGN OF THE BIO BOOT, No. 3, Ig Cotton Avenue, opposite Washington m HaU Lot, Macon, Georgia.—Tho subscribers would return their thanks for the very liberal and long continued patronage extended to them, and would most respectfuUy solicit a continuance of th same. Wehave now in store a large assortment ofe BOOTS AND SHOES* mostly of our own manufacture, to which weekly additions will bo made, of all the different styles and patterns usually called for in a :shoe store, and would invito those wishinsr to purchase, to call and examine our stock, as we are prepared to sell as low as any house in the city or State. Sepf. 28. MIX & KIRTLANP. TX UOTS.—A full assortment of Gents’ fine .L> French Calf Boots, pump sole, welted and M water proof, of various kinds and qualities both soled and pegged. , T ost received and for sale lo Sept. 29. P LANTATIONBROGANS.-Nowinstore the best assortment of Negro Shoes, have ever offered in this market. Men’s double soled peg and nailed black and russetts; do. heavy single soled black and russetts; do. boys and youths blaek and russetts, all of which we »X6 selling very low. Sept. 23. MIX A K.IK FLAND. I >< . . JD Youth’s tine calf and kip peg'd Joofs; Men's stout kip hunting nnd mud Bocts; ^ents Hu * ing Gaiters, Monterey, opera and ties, and tine ca Brogans; Gents, boys’ and youths’ patent ana e * elled Brogans; Men’s, boys’ and youths Us 1 »- a large aSSOrtD ‘Jnx tc K JUTLAND. of Gents and boys Rubbers. dies slipper and sandal rubber Sho« ’. ^ celebrated patent. Just KIRTLAND. 7 ie month or > ear, a ne- good bonne serv»ut aud W anted to hire b gro woman that >- «* . . a good Washer and BO\VDRE P A y ANDER90»- sep’,6—3t