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Ml J> v JoSKPH CUSBT. ; f i KOKlfJA TELEGRXI'IF „ pfBUSnEP KVEBT mounino. MACON, NOVEMBER 15, 1859. Volume XXXIV.—No. 8. UKS£ji£ -- teh**: i] j,AHSi IN ADVANCE, i) 1111 ' ". (mo where the siffisiriptior L of the Oflh’c. is. I** «*pty to Judge is f “ black. . yiajozinc for .September l pub- «F®,‘ C 0 „ the dividing lino between p rS authority in the Territories of ***, Mv sole object was to vin- ^■ ftilVw which L Jju'I been ronimit- P ,l!l ' ''(^rs—and in connexion with - 1 *? vHiUy been assailed with great t^diraustice-by* lair and impar- "Zi cf the subject, without assailing r rhu'in- an . v one in a “n 8C posit* Vvlfc' aib’r'vards an anonymous ** article made its appearance—first • K eeton "Constitution,” and subse* ■ maiphht form—under the following "Nervations on Senator Douglas’ fur sovereignty, .os expressed in 'lii-idne for September, lsO'J.” icfKpiving to tiie well-known propo- j t,i,l -o often announced anddo- tbc Si»n- and before the country, . , f a years, «»</ which were embod- l ". Hi U,i in Harpers Magazine J'or r tlie reviewer deemed it consistent ji.; .’ to ignore my real views as cx- i iht article to which lie professed to attribute to me opinions which I had Vinod or expressed on any occasion. | imuphlet containing tills perversion La w as lirst placed in my hands I u usl out some of the most obvious of those misrepresentations and 1 theta in emphatic and indignant Ian 's ew-rcli at Wooster, Ohio. content to let the matter rest, and ., u yi c to form an impartial and un- v, lion upon the real positions which 1 fr-Ci in Harpers’ Magazine, witlioutany me to the legal argument which the rafthc anonymous pamphlet had made in ; to mv alleged views upon apolitical a,. (,tli of this month, however, the same •wr contained an appendix to this pam- i-, reply lo so much of my speech at nr as poioU-tl out and denounced the mts- LnUtions of my views as expressed in r and announced Judge Black, the Attor- o'neral of the Inited Slates as the author tiiamjJdet ami appendix. Since the At- V tkn'nl of the United Shite* has thus Uthe authorship of these assaults upon »] deeded the country with them with the ioblless, of giving all a>j d rants, expee- pj incuuilients of otlicc lo understand hi spndu “by authority’’ of those whoso aliscr be island that they are all expec- S ue his rsampleaml join in the cru- !u-,.-concluded to reply to soi much of h nations'’ as are calculated to obscure alpsiuon by persistingly attributing to L-yai which" I have never expressed, nor La,r.t n.Icrtained. I •ls.HTisi. tiii: Jinn ianv.” v. the lirst aet of injustice which [iiuui Wooster, and proved to ho un- ndfciable tacts, was his representa- "fighting the judiciary conunan- Ktcamtic party to “assault the Su- ir afthe 1 idled {states;" not trea£ set with "decent respectand much tttamc tenor. All of which was cal ls .-roreY n. those who might not liap- o:i the* contrary, the idea that, “in '.Vi.-uiuc h>r September, 1859,” I had ittaJuceiL and indecently treated the ri otof the United States on account Iccidoo in the I (red Scott case! It •a ia my speech at Wooster that all kwcuatiuiis were pure inventions;— >i cot written nor spoken one word in rtbewhcrc in disparagement of the . : that every reference or atlic court and its decision was in i! terms of unqualified approbation; rri-ral places in the Harper article I not krstd, hut largely quoted from the Mt decision in continuation of mv own dial V had made more speeches in dc- t the court in connexion with the Dred »c than any living man; Uiat in the II- fnvass Lsi year, when assailed by the i’d forces of the black republicans and ral office holders, under the advice of assailants, 1 defended the court in more v hundred speeches against their enc- Imine; and, in conclusion, I defied the * iliis pamphlet, and all others who are trough to endorse its statements, to i ooe word ever spoken or written by w; ytfiil of the court or in condemna- t- decision! \\ ell, J udgo I'-lnck, for leti as Attorney General funny <x>nf<xl sjilants, has replied to my Wooster bis. appendix; and what lias lie said «at ? What reply' has he made to re denial of the trutli of his allegations, raawi for the production of the proof? ValUiccharge and.produce theev- untain its truth ; or does he retract ' ind apologize for the injustice he has 1 had supposed that there was no c for a man of honor but to do the one k . Scr - Judge Black has done neither! conduct less exceptionable in respect T'gitioa that 1 advocate tie cor.fisca- IK.utc pro[sTty by the territorial legis- l-unt lime alternately atlinnod and ► ■ i. the Territories arc soveieign politi- or States, or that tlie Jctferso- ■ 1 i•. goremment for tlio Territories, to'have been adopted, was in 81 by Congress,” or that. 1 was at- > * s *b\»h a new school of politics . Jhidts into the creed, and new “ l,7u hull, in' violation ofthoCin- aml ought to be admitted, thattho colonies did claim, possess, and cxcrciso legislative power in their respective provincial legislatures over all rightful subject* of legislation in respect to their domestic concerns and internal polity. They enacted laws for the protection of life, liberty, and property; and in pursuance of those laws^ deprived men oflife, liberty, and property, when the same became forfeited by their crimes. They exercised These high attributes of sovereign power during tiie wholo period of their colonial dependency; and were willing to remain de pendent upon the crown and obedient to the supremacy of Parliament in all matters which affected the general welfhrc of the empire with out interfering with the internal polity of the colonics. So with our Territories, They pos- logislativc power, which is only another form of expression for sovereign power, over all rightful subjects oflegislation in respect to their internal polity, subject, of course; to the Con stitution of the United States. THE SOURCE OF THE POWER OF SEl*F-GOVEHSI- MEST. But the Attorney General does not perceive tiie analogy between the colonies and the Territories in this respect; nor does he recog- nfxe the propriety of tracing the principles of our government back tbrongh the revolution for the purpose of instituting an inquiry into the grounds upon which the colonies separa ted from the parent country, and the funda mental principles established by the revolu tion as the basis upon which oar entire politi cal system rAts. Such an enquiry is deemed mischievous, because it is calculated to disturb the repose of those who hold that the Territo ries ** have no attribute of. sovereignty about them ; n jthat a “Territory has a superior in the United States government upon whose pleasure it is dependent for its very existence, in whom it lives and moves and has its being who has made and can unmake it with i breath;” that it is only “ a public corporation established by Congress to manage the local affairs of the inhabitants, like the government of a city established by a State Legislature;” and that " there is probably no city in the United States whose powers are not larger than those of a federal Territory 1” The learn ed Attorney General, having convinced him self by the study of that “primer of political scienoe,” which he claims to have “mastered,” and kindly.commcnds to my perusal, that Con' gress possesses the samesovereign power over the people and governments of the Territories that a sovereign State has over the municipal corporations of all the cities within its limits, or that the British Parliament claimed over the American colonies wheu it asserted its right to bind them in all cases whatsoever, de precatse all inquiry into the foundation of this right, and especially into the mode in which the claim was met by ths colonics when it was attempted to be enforced by George III and bis royal cabinet. The authority of the King’s Attorney Gen eral, and the terror which his anathemas were calculated to inspire, when supported by'the .included in.the crast or legislative I than violating a territorial law ? The prop erty of the citizen is also seized and soO by order of court, and the proceeds pauliuto the public treasury as a penalty for violating the laws of the Territory. If it be true that the Territories “have no attribute of sovereignty about them,” the people of the United States have a right to know from their Attorney General why he, as the highest law officer of the government, permits, and does not take the requisite steps to pat a stop to the exer cise of these sovereign powers of depriving rowBB. The fact is undeniable that it was the obvir ous intention of Congress, as manifested by the terms of these several organic acts, to re cognize the right ef the territorial legislature to exeicise those: legislative power* which the courts and jurists sayappertain to sovereignty, over all rightful subjects of legislation so far as the Constitution. will permit; and that slavery was not expected,” for the plain and unerring reason that the fonrtcenth section of "illicit all political discus- r,iiu, tal upon those elevated and honor winch require > sute his antagonist’s posit- y. and correct any mistake E-' ; *,:umcl inadvertently the mo ll ' ' 0,11 to him. J* ? 'Jtr have been ill favor of the ... * Private property by the action of ■ ■-"'•aturo, or by any other power ‘' otswy untrue and absurd. Nor is -aistion »r excuse for the allcga- .hc ever assigned as a rcasbn for - 'ii that tlig'Tcrritorics were sov- communities. Ol\ »1TH0CT BEING SOVEREIGN COH- *tvi CERTOIX ATTRIBUTES OF 80V8R- :, -r sr.nl or thought that our Tcrri- I ' on -ii political communities, or 'overrigniies like the States of the ■’’ 'P 1 States have the right to make ‘•ablutions and establish their own j, 11,11 tdter and change the same at tiever claimed theso powers nAr have I ever failed to rs- "hen set up by others, as was of a State organization in ... 1 tali some years ago, and > the supporters of the Topeka ■ ’i movements in Kansas, where ‘J : s uhvert the authority of the , - n,' "" t> osbddislied by Congress, "' i ntof Congress. V v ‘ have always denied that 1 j h i ' rc d'dipemlent sovereign com- Jics | f 111 '- however, that during tho Ian-- 1Vc °ft l 'n said, and now repeat it l * al the people of thoTer- ■ ‘ . all the rights, privileges, f^Vrui '‘' sell-government, in respect \f . SllllJCCt rw'l” l'<m. nit «l Slates. King and his cabinet, were not sufficient to ''stifle the inquiry in those days. So long as this right of- local self-government was not wantonly outraged, and its actual enjoyment practically obstructed by the action of the imperial government, the colonies were content with the possession and enjoyment of this sov ereign power, without inquiry into its origiu or source. But the instant that the British government attempted, both as a matter of right and in fact, to deprive them of the “ free and exclusive power- of legislation in their several provincial legislatures in ail cases of taxation and internal polity,” a serious and anxious inquiry was instituted into the origin and source of all legitimate political power. The result of the investigation was the dis closure of a fundamental and irreconcilable difference of opinion between the colonies and the British government in respect to the ori gin and source of all rightful political autbori ty, which laid the foundation of our_ American Theory of government in antagonism to the European Theory. The colonies contended, on the one band, that the power of self-gov ernment was inherent in the people of the sev eral eolonies, and could be exercised only by their authority and consent; while the British ministry insisted that the King of England and his government were the fountain and source ot all political power and rightful au thority in the colonies, which could be delega ted to the people or withheld from them at the pleasure of the sovereign^. Here we find the first practical assertion on mis continent of the American theory that the power of self-gov ernment is inherent in and emanates from the people in each State, Territory, or colony, in opposition lo the European theory that the Kfcg or Monarch is the fountain of justice and the source of all legitimate power. It is to be hoped that the Attorney General will be able to comprehend the distinction between these two antagonistic theories, since our cn- tiro republican system rest# upon it, and the conduct of our revoiutionay fathers can be vindicated and justified onl “by assuming tli^t the European theory is wrong and the Ameri can theory right- So long, I repeat, as the British government did not, in fact, deprive the colonies of the power of sclf-goyernujeut in respect to their internal affairs, differences of opinion could be tolerated upon the theo retical question in regard to the source of the power; for the colonies were at liberty to claim, as they did claim, that they exercised it of their own iuberent rightein conformity with the royal charters, which only prescribed the form of government under which they were to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases affec ting their internal polity. While, on the other hand, the British government could contend, as they did contend, that the colonies posses sed the power, not in their own right, but as a favor graciously bestowed by the crown.— Practically it made'no difference, therefore, to tho colonies whether the power was inherent or delegated—whether they possessed it in their own right, or as a gracious boon from the crown, so long at they were not disturbed in its exclusive possession and unrestricted enjoyment So it is with the people of the Territories. It mokes no practical difference with them whether the power of self-govern ment, subject only to the Constitution, is in herent in themselves, and -recognized by Con gress in the organic act; or whether Congress possesses sovereign power over the Territories for their government, and has delegated it to them. Whichever bethe source of tho power, the result is the same as long ns their right of local self-government is not invaded. All. LEGISLATIVE POWERS ABl'KRTAIN OT SOVER- EIUNTV. By the terms of the Kansas-Nebraska act, and, indeed, of all the territorial governments now in existence, “ the legislative power of the Teiritory extends to all rightful subjects of 'legislation consistent with the Constitution of tho United States’’and the provisions of the organic acts. In tho face of this general grant or .fz 0 ?*' nition of “legislative power’’ ovcr“:il 1 right ful subjects oflegislation,” the Attorney Gen eral tolls us that tho Territories “have no at tribute of sovereignty about them. Whai docs he mean by attribute of sovereignty. All leaitlaHtc power* appertain to sovereign- fv," says Chief Justice Marshall. Every leg islative enactment involves an exercise o sovereign power; and every legislative body possesses all the attributes of sovereign } to the extent and within the sphere of ns legis lative authority. Theso propositions are ro- co-nized by the elementary writers as axiom- atic principles which lay at the foundanon of .. \ - ond are affirmed in the dc- judicial tribunals known .... The Attorney “^prehend how the pco- ntaic J tnlony or Territory, can have ,‘ bo4t c v j rnat *° comprehend a • ie , 0cs iwt understand, by ‘ ! V tu'a *** “wnplo whioh ia fa- -““j-Tican colonies, prior to The' l ^* hirt ®«n samples pre- . 'Mk* rno y General must be • Itfciuili •* ,us toty of tho colo- these examples.— successfully ■ controverted cisions of the highest to our Constitution. What, then, docs the ^““^Yrics "have -an'when he says that th them I" .attribute ot sovereignty about them the Organic act of every other J er ntoty ... toiR-e! declurc.i that ”:bo legislative power nf ihe Territory . hall extend to all ilghtfnl subjects of legislation.” ^ hc ®v“«Ucte understood as asserting that thcr ■ , , are all unconstitutional and'old' Territories certainly have epis- Hiivcs power. ;" and the courts ho(d that a legislative powers appertain to sovereignty. the same act provides that it is “true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate via eery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but lo leave the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institution* in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 8tates.” “Slavery,” then, was not intended to be ex empted from those “ rightful subjects of legis lation,” but was the eubject which was especial ly left to the people of the Territory to decide for themselves. The people of the Territory were not only to “regulate ” the institution of slavery to suit themselves, but were to be left “perfectly free to form and regulate their own way.” The people were to be left free “to legislate slavery into any Territory.” while they remained in a territorial condition, “or to excjnde it thereform,” and “to legislate slave ry into auy State,” after their admission into the Union, “or to exclude it thorefrom” just as they pleased, without any interference by, Congress, and subject to.no other limitation or restriction than such as the Constitution of the United States might impose. The right of legislating upon the subject of slavery in the Territories being thus vested exclusively in the legislature thereof, in the .same manner, and subject to the same restric tions, as all other municipal regulations, Con gress, out of an ahnndanceof caution, imposed a condition which would have existed even if the organic law had been silent in relation to it, to wit: that the territorial legislature should make no law upon the subject of legis lation, which wa* net consistent with the Consti tution of the United States. This is the only limitation or restriction imposed upon the pow er of the territorial legislature upon the sub ject of slavery; and this limitation would hare existed in its full force if the organic act bad been silent upon tho subject, for the reason that the Constitution being the paramount law, no local law conld he made in conflict with it. Whether any enactment which the territorial legislature may pass, in respect to slavery or any other subject, is or is not consistent with the ConstitBtion,” is a judicial question which the Supreme Court of the United States alone can authoritatively determine. In order to facilitate the decision of all ques tions arising under the Territorial enactments upon the subject of slavery especially, a pre vision was inserted in the 10th section of ihe Kansas-Nebraska bill, that “ writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of the said supreme court [of the Territory] shall be al lowed, and may be taken to the Supreme Court of the United States,” without reference to the usual limitations in respect to the value of the property, “ Its all eases involving title to slaves,” and “upon any writ of habeas corpus, invoicing the question of personal freedom.”— The peculiar provision was incorporated into that bill for the avowed and only purpose of enabling every person who might foel aggriev ed- by toe territorial legislation, or the decis ions of tho territorial courts in respect to slave ry, to take an appeal or prosecute a writ of error directly to the supreme Court of the United States, and th«o hare the validity of the territorial law, under which the case arose, and the respective rights of the parties affec ted by it, finally deternined. Every man who voted for the Kansas-Nebraska bill 8grccd to abide, as we were all previously bound, bv the Constitution, to respect and obey all such de cisions when made. In this form the Kansas- Nebraska bill became a law. In pursuance of its provisions, the legislature of Kansas Terri tory have at different times enacted various laws upon the subject of slavery. They have made laws for the protection of slave property and repealed them. They have provided judi cial remedies and abolished them. They have afforded ample*bpportumtics to any man who felt aggrieved by their legislation to present his case to the tribunals, and obtain a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States upon the validity of any part or the whole of this legislation upon the subject of slavery in that Territory. No man has seen proper to present his case to the coart. No territorial enactment upon this subject has been brought to the notice of the court. No case has arisen in which the validity of these or any other tcr- ritorialenactments wereinvolvcd even inciden tally. There was no one point or fact in the Dred Scott case upon which the validity of a territorial enactment or the npwer of a terri torial legislature upon the subject of slavery could possibly havo arisen. In that case, so far as the Territories were concerned, the only question involved was the constitutionality and ,validity of an act of Congress prohibiting "slavery on the public domain where there »p no territorial government; and the court in their decision very properly and emphatically repudiated and exploded the doctrine that Con gress possesses sovereign power over the sub ject of slavery in the Territories, as claimed jy Mr. Buchanan in his letter lo Mr. Sanford, and by the republicans in their Philadelphia fiat form. The Dred Scott case, therefore, oaves the question open andundecided in res pect to the validity and constitutionality of tho various legislative enactments in Kansas andNew Mexico, andtheotherTerritories upon thosubject of slavery. Whenever a case shall ariso under those or any other territorial en actments, affecting slave property or personal freedom in the Territories, and the Supreme Court of the United States shall deride the question, I shall feel myself bound, in honor and doty, to respect anfl obey the decision, and assist in carrying it into effect in good faith. But the Attorney General still persists in bis objection that the Territories cannot leg islate upon the subject of slavery for the rea son that such legislation involves the exorcise of sovereign power. The Territory of New Mexico cxerdsed sovereign power last year in passing an efficient code for the protection of slave property. Does the Attorney General still insist that it is unconstitutional 7 When he shall institnte judicial proceedings to teat that question. I doubt not his friend Mr. Lin coln wUl volunteer hi* services to assist him in the argument, in return for the valuable ser vices rendered him in the Illinois canvass last year which involved this identical issue.— Sinco I havo had some experience id defending the right of the Territories to decide the slave ry question for themselves, in opposition to the joint efforts of these distinguished oppo nents of popular sovereignty, 1 am not sure that I would not volunteer to maintain m argu ment before the Supreme Court the constitu tionality of the slave code of New Mexico, even against ituch fearful odds. But let us sc® upon wbat subjects the tern- torial legislatures are in the constant habit of making laws without objection from the Attor ney General or anybody else- . raoTECTiox of life, libkrtt, and raor- F.RTT. The Territories are in tho habit of enacting . ..VS for the protection of the life, liberty, and property ofthe citizen, and, in pursuance of those laws, they are also ip tho habit of depri vin'- tho citizen of life, liberty, and property, whenever the same may become forfeited by ue. 'The ifjgnt and propriety of exercising power by tiie territorial governments ro ue v L T been questioned. What higher of soveregn power can any government on ,l, neffizm than to deprive a citia n of life in oh' lienee to a law of lU making llfffc- Jecmed more sacred twin me. it is crs.-iry to remark that the Territories ■■ manner, deprive u citizen ot liber- i of life, liberty, and property in Kansas, Nebraska. New Mexico, and the other Terri tories, under no other authority than the assum ed sovereignty of a territorial government ? It is no answer to this inquiry to say that the sufferers in all these cases bad forfeited their rights by their crimes. My point is that it requires sovereign power to determine by law what acts are criminal—wbat shall he the pun ishment—the conditions upon which life may be taken, liberty restrained, and property for feited. This sovereign power in the Territo ries" is vested exclusively in the territorial leg islatures—Congress never having assumed the right to enact a criminal code for any or ganize! Territory of the United States. POWER OF TAXATION FOB TERRITORIAL PURPO SES. The territorial governments are also in the habit ol imposing and collecting taxes on all private property, real and personal, within their limits, to pay the expenses incident to the administration of justice and to raise reve nue for county, town, and city purposes, and to defray such portion of the expenses of the territorial government as are not paid by the United States; and in the event that the own er refuses or fails to pay the assessment, the territorull authorities proceed to sell property therefor, and transfer the title ancPpossession to the purchaser. The only limitation on the power of the territory in this respect is the proviso in the organic law, that “no tax shall be imposed upon the property of the United States; nor shall the lands or other property of non-residents be taxed higher than the lands or other property of residents." This excep tion and qualification in respect to the prop erty of the United States and of non residents is conclusive evidence that Congress intended to recognize the right of the territorial gov ernment to exercise the sovereign power of taxation in all other cases. Will the Attor ney General inform us whether the taxing’ power is not an attribute of sovereignty l And whether he intends by construction to nullify so much of the organic acts of the sev end Territories as recognize their right toei' ercise the power of raising revenue for terri torial purposes. It is important that the citi zens of the United States—non-residents as well as residents of the Territories—should know whether all of theinproperty ia the Ter ritories is. exempt from taxation or not. In the classical language of the Attorney Gene' ral, this “legislative robbery,” which can a- lone pjocecd from sovereign power, should not be permitted to go on, if it be true that the Territories “have no attribute of sovereignty aliont them." bv qirirainine fitni tor n I ut hard labor or in » mice with the 1 itaiy connne- tcrritorial law rthme short ol of Cohgre If not. tl lativ ut. m judicial sentence, t an i J r power lawfully deprive a citizen ol . ■ uhrrry. load his limbs with chains, ami ,,,’el trim to labor upon the public highways IlllH'I Mil* 1 1X7 * , * within the prison walls tor no other otience 1*0WEB OF CREATING CORPORATIONS The territorial legislatures are also iu the habit of creating corporations—municipal, pub lic and private—for counties, cities, and towns, railroads and insnrauce offices, academies, schools, and bridges. Is not the power to cre ate a corporation an “attribute of sovereign ty 1” Upon this point Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the unanimous opinion of the court, once said: “On wbat foundation does this argument rest ? On this sdone; that the power of creating a corporation is one apper taining to sovereignty, and is not expressly conferred on Congress. This is true. But all legislative powers appertain to sovereignty. ONE or TWO CONCLUSIONS FOLLOWS. Since it can no longer be denied, with any show of reason or authority, that all legisla tive powers appertain to sovereignty, the At torney General will be obliged to take shelter behind one of two positions— Either fhat the Territories have no legisla tive powers, and, consequently, no right to make laws upon any subject whatever; . Or, that they have sovereign power over all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the United States, as de fined in the organic acts, without accepting slavery. With all due respect, the first proposition is simply absurd. It contradicts our entire his tory. It nullifies the most essential provi sions of the organic acts of all our Territories. It blots out the legislative department in all our territorial governments. It leaves the people of the Territories without any law, or the power of making any, for the protection of life, liberty, or property, or of any valuable right or privilege pertaining to'cither; and dnves the country, by the necessity of the cue, to aooept the Philadelphia republican platform of 1856,'“that Congress possesses sovereign power .over the Territories of the United States for their government.” The second propotition, however, is in har mony with the genius of our entire political system. It rests upon the fundamental prin ciple of local self-government as laid down by the continental Congress in 1774, and ratified by the people of each of the thirteen colonies in their several provincial legislatures as the basis upon which the revolutionary struggle was conducted. It preserves the ideas and principles of the revolution as affirmed in the Jeffersonian plan of government ibr the Territories in 1784, and confirmed by the Constitution of the United States in 1787. . It conforms to the letter and spirit of the compromise measures of 1850, and of the Kan sas-Nebraska act of 1854, and of all our ter ritorial governments now in existence. - “It is founded,” a* Mr. Buchanan said in his letter accepting the presidential nomina tion. “on principles as ancient as free govern ment itself, and in accordance with them lias simply declared that the people of a Territo ry, like those of a State, snail decide for them selves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.” “What a happy concep tion, then, was it for Congress to apply tins simple role—that the will of the majority shall govern—to the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the Territories!”—Inav- gural Address of President Buchanan. - IS SLAVERY A FEDERAL OR LOCAL INSTITUTION ? Since the Attorney General persists in his denial that the Territories can legislate for themselves upon the subject of slavery, there is no alternative left to him bnt the assump tion that Congress possesses sovereign power omr that question iu the Territories us daim- eiTby the republicans in their Philadelphia platform and by Mr. Buchanan in his letter to Mr. Samford. Surely tho power to legis late upon that and all other rightful subjects oflegislation exists somewhere. Eveiy “right of property, private'relation, condition, or status, lawfully existing” iu this conntiy, must of necessity be a.righttul subject oflegislation by some legislative body. Where does this sovereign power of legislation for the Territo ries reside ? It must be in one or two places —either in Congress or in the Territories. It can be nowhere else, and must exist some where. The Abolitionists insist that Congress assesses sovereign power over the Territories ibr their government, and, therefore, tho North, having the majority, should prohibit slavery. The Democrats contend that Con gress has no rightful authority to legislate up on this or any other subject affecting the in ternal policy of tho people, and that “the leg islative power of the Territories extends to all rightful subjects oflegislation consistent with the Constitution.” All powers which are fed eral in their.naturc are delegated to Congress. Those which arc municipal and domestic iu [heir character are “reserved to the .States res pectively, or to the people ’—“to the States” n: respect to all of thi ir inhabitants, ami “to the people? of the Territories prior to their admission as Stales. To which class of pow ers does the question of slavery belong ! Is it a federal or municipal institution ? if fed eral, it appertains to tiie lederal government, ami must be subject to the legislation ot Con gress. It municipal, it belongs to the several States and Territories, and must be subject to their local legislation. The Constitution of the United States has settled this question. A slave is defined in that instrument to he “a person held to service or labor in one State, under the lau-s thereof;” not under the laws of the United States; not “by virtue of the Con stitution of the United States;” not by force of any federal authority; bnt “in one State under the laws thereof." So tho fugitive slave law of 1703, which was modified and continued in force by Congress in 1850 as one of the com promise measures of that year, recognizes sla very as existing in the Territories under the laws thereof, as follows : “That when a person held to labor in any of the United States, or in either oj the Territories on the north, west, or south of the mer Ohio, caiiln the laws thereof, shall escape into any other of said States or Territories,” Ac. The Supreme Court of the United States have decided that “the state of slavery is deemed to be a mere municipal regulation, founded upon and limited to the range ot the territorial laws.” (16 Peters, Oil.) Being “a mere municipal regulation,” the right to legislate in regard to it would seem to belong to that legislative body which is authorized to legislate upon all rightfal subjects of munici pal legislation. Can Congress take cognizance of a “mere municipal regulation” in' a Terri tory, which, in the language of the Supreme Court, “is founded upon and limited to the range of territorial laws ? Tho Republicans, iu their Philadelphia platform, say yes! The Democrats, in their Cincihnati platform, say no.! What says Judge Black ? Where, Mr. Attorney General, does this sovereign power to legislate upon the “municipal regulation” of slavery reside ? Is it in Congress or in the Territories ? If iu Congress, has it not been delegated to the Territory in the organic act under the general grant of “legislative pow er” over “all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution ?” If in the Territory, has it not been recognized by Con gress in the same act ? Whichever be the source of the power, the conclusion is irresis tible that the Territories possess the full pow er, subject, of course, to the Constitution as in all other cases. If, howover, slavery exists in the .Territories by virtue of the Constitu tion of the United States, as is contended, it is tho imperative' duty of Congress to provide for it adequate protection. I can respect the position of those who, so believing, demand federal legislation for the protection of a con stitutional right; but wbat are we to think of those who, while conceding the right, refuse to comply with a constitutional obligation from motives of political expediency ? There can be no exception to the rule that a right guaranteed by tho Constitution must be pro tected by law whenever legislation may be essential to its enjoyment. HAVE CITV CORPORATIONS LARGER POWERS TUAN FEDERAL TERRITORIES? Not content with having stripped the Ter ritories of all power to enact laws for the pro tection of life, liberty, and property, and for the regulation of their internal polity, all of which appertain to sovereignty, the Attorney General dwarfs the territorial governments be low the size of ordinary city corporations. He says: “Indeed, there is, probably, no city in the United States whose powers are not larger than those of a federal Territory.” What arc the powers of an ordinary city corporation To levy taxes for municipal purposes—to pro vide for the collection of the revenue—to sell private property for the non-payment of taxes —to execute the title, and transfer the pos session to the purchaser, in case of forced sales—to impose fines and penalties, and in flict punishments for the violation of corpora tion ordinances. These are some of the pow ers usually exercised by "city corporations.— Are not these powers all attributes of Sover eignty ? Surely he will not deny that they are, since the whole burden of his argument is, that nothing short of sovereign power can deprive a man of his property. How dolhese sovereign powers become vested in the city corporations ? Probably bis answer wonld be that the several States, within whose jurisdic tion these cities are situated, as political sov- ereignties, have the undoubted right to dele- gaffe a portion of their sovereign power to those municipal corporations. The answer is satisfactory thus far; but it must be remem bered that some of these cities are situated in the Territories, beyond the jurisdiction of any sovereign State, and that their municipal gov ernments exist solely by virtue of territorial authority. • Where do the city corporations’ in the Territories get the sovereign power to lay out and open streets through private proper ty—to condemn the iand and divest the owner of his title without his consent and against bis protest ? Where do they get the power to impose taaes upon the adjoining lands to pay the cost of grading and paving the streets, and to sell the lands, and transfer the title and possession to the purchaser for the non-pay ment of taxes ? These things arc being done constantly in Leavenworth, Omaha. Santo and indeed in all the territorial citicB. Where do they get the power ? for surely it pertains' to sovereignty. Prom the Territorial govern meats? We are told that they “have no at tributes of sorcmqjntjr alumt them.” It is not satisfactory to. tell us that these city govern ments have “larger powers than those of the" federal Territories,” by whose authority they were created and hold their existence, unless we are informed from what source they derive those “larger powers.” Docs the creature possess larger powers than the creator ? Does the stream rise higher than its source ? Here, again, the Attorney General is driven into a position where he is compelled to aban don his ground, that the Territories “have no attribute of sovereignty about them,” and ac knowledge that they have legislative powers, at least to the extent of creating city corpora tions, and delegating to them the sovereign power of taxation for municipal'pnrposes, and divesting the title to private property for non payment of taxes, or pronounce tho whole sys tem of territorial legislation unconstitutional and void, and deny their power to make laws upon any subject whatever.-and finally to fall back on the abolition platform, and assert that Congress possesses sovereign power over the Territories for their government in all cases whatsoever. DO TIIE CITIZENS OF THE STATES FORFEIT TlIEia INHERENT RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT BY REMOVINO INTO UpK TERRITORIES OF TIIE UNITED STATES? Who aro the people of the Territories that they “have no attributes of sovereignty about ^hem ?'* They ari3 emigrants, mostly, from the several States ofthe Union. It is conce ded that the people of each State -possess the inherent right of self-governmeot in res pect to all of their internal affairs. The ques tion then arises, if citizens of Virginia possess this inherent right while they remain m that State, whether they forfeit it by removing to a Territory of the United States ? They cer- ccrtainly do not forfeit it, unless thorejs some thing in the Constitution of the United States which divests them of it. Is there anything in the Constitution which deprives the citizens of the several States of their inherent right of self-government the moment they remove to a Territory ? The only provision which lias any bearing upon this subject is the 10th a- mendment, which provides that all powers not granted to Congress nor prohibited to the States are “reserved to the States respcctive- y, or to the people.’’ Inasmuch as the right to govern the people of the Territories, in re- tion to their internal polity, is not dclega- i to Congress, it necessarily follows that it ’is “reserved to the people” until they become a State, and from that period to the new .Stale, in the same manner as to the other “States respectively.” This right of self-government, being a political right, cannot be exercised by the people until they arc formed and orgnn- and into apolitical community. By the Con stitution it is the right and duty ot Congress to organize the people of the Territories into political QOmmunites, and, consequently, the people of the Territories cannot exercise the right of self-government until Congress shall have determined that they have people enough to constitute apolitical community—that they are capable of self-government—and may safely be intrusted with legislative power ovi aU rightful subjects of legislation cotisistei with the Constitution. When Congress shall havo determined all these questions in the af firmative, by organizing the pfcople of a Ter ritory into a political community, with a leg islature of their own election, the inherent right of self-government attaches to the peo ple of the Territory in pursuance of the or ganic act, and “extends to all rightful subject of legislation consistent with the Constitution.’ If this conclusion he not correct, it necessarily follows that the people of the States forfeit ail their inherent power of self-government the moment they cross the State line, and enter s Territory of the United States. By what au thority are these inherent rights divested) There can be no other power or paramount au thority than the Constitution of the Uiffted States. Does that instrument forfeit or divest the right of the people to exercise the inherent power of self-government anywhere, except in the District of Columbia and such other places as are expressly provided for in the Constitu tion ? On tho contrary, it expressly recognizes and reserves tiie right not only “to the States respectively, bnt to the people.” Where, then, is the authority for sayiug that the people tiie several States forfeit and become divested of all their political rights and inherent powers of self-government the moment they cross a State line and enter a Territory of tho United States? I certainly cannot be found in the Constitution. TnE JEFFERSONIAN PLAN OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE TERRITORIES. Despairing, however, of being able to make the Attorney General comprehend tho dis tinction between independent sovereignStates which have tho power to make their own con stitutions and establish their own governments, and dependent colonies or territories, which have the right to govern themselves in respect to their internal polity, in conformity to the organic law by which they were established, I will proceed to notice his contradiction of my positive statement that the Jeffersonian plan of government for the Territories was adopted by the Congress of the Confederation on the 23d day of April, 1784. He has truly a sum mary mode of disposing of important histori cal facts when thoy • stand in the way of his lino or argument, which is peculiar to himself. Are the people of the United States prepared to believe that their learned Attorney General would be so reckless as to deny a well-known historical fact which appears of record, with out even referring to the journal for the day on which I had stated the event to have taken place ? However this may be, the truth re mains as started in Harper, that the Jeffersoni an plan was adopted by CoDgresa on the 23d day of April, 1784, the assertion of Judge Black to the contrary notwithstanding. By reference to the fourth volume of the printed journals of the Congress of the Confedera tion, on page 378, will be found the following entry: Congress resumed the consideration of the report of a committee on a plan for a temporary govern ment ot the Western Territory. A motion was made by Mr. Gerry, seconded by d f‘ Mr. Williamson, to amend the report by inserting after the words * bnt not of voting,’ the following clause: " That measures not inconsistent with the princi ples of the confederation, and necessary tor the pro serration of peace and good order among the set tlers iu any of the said new States, until they shall assume t. temporary government as aforesaid, may, from time to time, he taken by the United States in Congress assembled.” The precise language of this amendment should be carefully noted. It confers, and at the same time defines and limits, the only pow er which it was deemed wise and safe at that day to permit Congress to exercise over the Territories or “New States ” as they were then called, to wit: 1st, that they should only ex ercise such powers as were “ necessary for the preservation of peace and good order among the settlers;” and 2d, that even those powers should only be exercised by Congress over the settlers “ until they shall assume a temporary government as aforesaid.” So it appears that from the day that the Ter ritory was organized under a temporary gov eminent, with a legislature elected by the res idcut inhabitants, the power of Congress, even “for the preservation of peace and good order among the settlers,” ceased; and, the people thereof were left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to “ the principles of the confederation,” which conferred on Congress no power over the domestic concerns and in ternal polity of the people, neither ia the States nor in the Territories. Now let us see whether it is true, as asserted by Judge Black, that this .Jeffersonian plan “ was,rejected by Congress and never after wards referred to by Mr. Jefferson himself.” On the next page, 309, of the same volume of the journal, will be found the following entry: The amendment of Air. Gerry being adopted, the report as amended was.agreed to as follows— Here the journal contains die lentire Jeffersonian article in Harper. On the next page, 380, at the end of the Jeffersonian plan, will be found the following entry:— ' “ On the question to agree to the foregoing, the yeas and nay* being required by Mr. Bereaford: N. Hampshire—Mr. Foster Aye. > , Blanchard.. Aye.5 Ay Massachusetts—Mr. Gerry Aye. Partridge... Aye. J Bhode Island—Mr. Ellery Aye. / ... Howell Aye. Connecticut—Mr. Sherman Aye. 5 , Wnrdsworth.. Aye. \ - L ’ New York—Mr. De VVitt....... Aye. / Paine Aye. j Ayc ’ New Jersey—Mr. Beatty Aye. / . • Dick Aye. J A " 0 ‘ Pennsylvania—SI'. Mifflin. Aye. j Montgomery. Aye. > Aye. Hand Ayo.j Virginia—Mr. Jefferson Aye.) Mercer Aye. > Aye. Monroe Aye ) Maryland—Mr. Stone. Aye. / Chase Aye.S A 7®' N. Carolina—Mr. Williamson.... Aye. ) ,... Speight Aye.S A y°- South Carolina—Air. it cad So.}.. Bereaford.. No. J* 0- " So it was resolved in the affirmative.” Thus it appears by tho journul that tho Jef fersonian phut of government for the Territo ries, instead of having been “rejected by Con gress,” was actually adopted by the voto of ten States out of the eleven, and by tho voice of twenty-two members out of the twenty-four present. The importance of destroying tho authority of this measure, and of the almost unanimous vote of the States and of the members of Con gress by which it was adopted, is apparent when ive consider that even the Attorney General ofthe United States would feel- some delicacy in charging Thomas Jefferson and his illustrious associates with devising a flagrant scheme of “ legislative robbery ”—a project to license a band of marauders to despoil the emigrants crossing their territory ”—a measure for “ the confiscation of private pro perty ” and seizing it “ for purposes of lucre of malice! ” It will be observed that this error in respect to the rejection of the Jeffer sonian plan is not corrected by Judge Black L!_ appendix. (To be Continued.) FOB SALE i cr\r\ sacks SALT, 50 hhds. Aloh.sst- lOUU Bacon, 20 barrels Lard, 50 ba gar, 25 dozen Brooms, 25 dozenSliovo 400 doz. Buckets, 25 doz. Axes. July S8 J.B..HV 250 hhds barrels Vine iSpade- Grates ! Grates!! □ply of Grat<* 4 PUKE article ot MAPLE SUGAR, for Buok- jl wlioat Cakt-;*, just Received. Also, best Uuck- :it Hour, and ir.-.-li V.-u.'t to miiko Ituckwhent Cakes. For Sale at BY 8—2t ii. HORNE -U Confectioner. COAL ! COAL ! COAL! TT7"E hare oil hand about one hundred (100) Tons \ V of lYmu-ssfti Coal, which we will sell «to close ut tho lot) at Eit'ht Dollars (Sei per ton, at tho MILLER Ac WATERMAN. Wo NOTICE! imtly receiving Goode ot every des- which we invite the attention of ill be sold at Auction prices. MILLER Ac WATERMAN, Cotton Avenue. O l Look here—^Beautiful Ladies ; Look here—Belles and Beaux; Look hero—'Towns and Counties! UR Mr. Burchard has returned fromN.York with the finest selection of Watches, Jewelry, and F&ncy Articles over brought to Georgia, and they are now opened and exposed for sale at our beautiful Store, on Cherry Street, two doors from the Telegraph Building, at the sigh of tho BIG WATCH, Therefore, wa invite all to call and geo the latest novelties. Our selections embrace Rich, Rare and Gorgeous Styles of Ornaments—Pins, Kings, Brace lets, Chains, Ladies Enamelled & Diamond Watch es, Diamond, Pearl, Coral, Carbuncle, and other full and half sets of Jewelry—some of new design, just OUt. 'Vffca We desire to call particular attention to our stock of WATCHES, by tho celebrated makers, Cowde- roy, Hoddel, Stoddart, Tobias, Ac., made to order expressly for us. We have also on hand the inval uable Jurgenson and Nardin Chronometers. A large variety of Clocks—latest style. Sterling Silver and Plated Tea Seta, Pitchers, Goblets, &c. # Musical Instruments of every description. Call and look at our varied stock of Violins. We also call the altention of the trade to our stock of Gold Fens— the largest and best selection ever brought to this market. Repairing promptly done and warranted. MENARD & BURGHARD, sepSO Sign of Big Watch. FALL GOODS! LARGE STOCK! CHEAP PRICES AND ELEGAiNT goods AT LI1V & '■'•Bazaar of Fashion." W E have now in store, and are daily r the largest and most attractive stock of rich elegant Change of Schedule- SAVANNAH AND CHARLESTON STEAMPACKETLINE IN COXXXfiCTICN with the CENTRAL and North Eastern Rail Roads. fJinE splendid and Fast Running <aORDO.'Y, F. Barden,Commander.leavesSavan nah for Charleston every Sunday and Wednesday atternoonsat 3 o’clock and connects at Charleston with the train of the North Eastern Rail Road going North; returning, leaves Charleston every Monday and Friday night nt 8J o’clock (after tho arrival ofthe cars of the North EasternR. Road.) and ax- rives at Savumah early the following mornings. By this route Passengers can obtain through tick ets to and from Savannah, Ga„ and Wilmington, X Carolina. Having a through freight arrangement with the the Central Rail Road amt its ccnnectioos, all freights between Charleston and the interior of Georgia con signed to the agents of this line will be forwarded with dispatch and FREE of CHARGE. J. P. BROOK8, Ag’t, Savannah. E. LAF1TTE Jc CO., Ag’ts, Charleston. ian Id that has been our pleasure and privilege to offer a fashionable world. To say that our stock is BICE AND GORGEOUS, beyond defeription, is a truth easily corraborat€ ana nothing is needed but those in want of the LATEST GEMS to call and see for themselves. Our stock of STA PLE GOODS was never before so complete, and when we add our CARPET DEPARTMENT\ which displays ©very grade and style, we are pre pared to say that OUR STOCK, as a whole, presents a scene as varied as it is Large and Attractive. CALL and allow us the pleasure to show you our Stock. ROSA, COLERAN A ROSS, sep 20 CottonAvenue, Macon, Qa. DRYGOODS, DRYGOODS. GKANITE BLOCK, MULBERRY ST. N. S. Prudden & Co., Grateful for the liberal patronage of last year, are now prepared to exhibit for the Fall and Winter Trade, A large and select Stock of Fancy & Staple Dry Goods, Confident of not being excelled either in beauty style or price. A choice variety of rich DRESS GOODS! Velvet and Silk Robes, Broche and Bayadere Silks Foulard Silks, DeLaine and Merino Robes, Robes de Chambre, Poplins, Valencias, DeLaines Merinos, Cashmeres, a large variety of SHAWLS, new styles Velvet und Cloth CLOAKS; Misses and Children’s CLOAKS, TALMAS, and SACKS, Dress Trimmings, Embroideries, Hosiery, Gloves, Empress Hoop Skirts, a superior article, warranted best quality. Our assortment of Goods for Family use is complete. Irish Lienns, Towelings, Napkios, Ta bie Cloths. Table Damask, Pillow Casing, Sheetings Welsh Shaker and Patent Flannel,, and all the dif ferent varieties of STAPLE GOODS required for the trade, which we offer on the most favorable terms. N. S. PRUDDEN ft CO. sep 27| PASSMAN'S IRON HOOPS AND TIES, FOR COTTON BALES. Price 0 cents per pound, 25 per cent, less than Rope. Anyone considering the advantages of Iron over Rope as a material for binding cotton bales, will be surprised that it has not been adopted long since.— In is security against fire, there is an overwhelming reason for its adoption. The presses in the seaport cities have been the main canse of its not being generally adopted; but now that objection is removed generally, and the Orleans Press, the largest in New Orleans, gives it the preference over rope. Tho Fassxnan Iron Hoop and Tie is the improvement of one ofthe proprietors, and is adopted rrom mo met, mat it is found, after long experiment, to combine the greatest merits in simplicity and facility of application of any one yet m&ae. It is so prepared as to require no change for re-compressing. Thus obviating the only remain ing dimculty at the seaboard cities. The hoops urn oent of any length, from eight ot ten feet, and a full guarantee given that neither tho Ties nor Hoops shall break. And further, that all cotton bound in them shall be received on the same terms, at the Orleans Press, as rope bound cotton.— The weight per bale is about the same as rope, not one pound more or less. To show the opinion shipmasters have of it, we give the following, among numerous commenda tions wo have: The undersigned masters of vessels, having had cotton compressed with Fassraan’s new Iron Hoops and Ties, hereby recommend the same. The bales being well compressed, and tho buttons or hoops,, never breaking when thrown down in the ship’s hold, or when stowed. L. L. Uondey, Captain of ship Moses Davenport, A. Robinson, “ “ Madras, James Thomas, “ " Henry, A. Talbot, “ “ Ilareasceket, John Dean, “ •* James Flint*, John C. Wilner, “ “ Mulhouse, II. Kopenkoldt, 41 “ Ella A. Clark. L. P. Merill, ** Bark Kimball. Tho price of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6 cents per pound, and all orders will receive prompt attention. Liberal deductions made to merchants for city acceptance, by F. BELCHER, Agent, may :?!—» in 1*0 j Commercial Place, N. (>. Guns, i=Lifles, <3&c., Manufactured by MARKWALTER & MORSE, rjlllE subscribers having formed a co-partnership L for the purpose of Manufacturing Rifles, Double-Barrelled Guns and They are now prepared to make the Beat Rifle* manufactured in the United States, upon Mr. Morse’ entirely new plan. Guns Re-Stocked and Repaired on the most rea souable terms, at short notice*. The undersigned being Practical Workmen, guar antee all Work entrusted to their care, and invite the public to givo them a trial, at the Floyd House, op posit© Dr. Thomson’s Drug Store. WM. MARKWALTER, Late of Augusta, Ga. T. MORSE, . Late of Hodgkins & Son, Macon, Ga. aug 30—ly H ROW N 'S 1 L< jTKL.. OPPOSITE TH* 2IIVV RAIL ROAD DEPOT, MACON, GA. E. E. BROWN, Proprietor. PIANOS, WATCHES, JEWELRY, &C, W E are now offering a new and select _Stock of elegant PIANOS from Nunn’s | «5c Clark, and other makers, war ranted to please. Guitars, Violins. Flutes, Accordeons and all other small Instruments kept in our Jine. Strings, Instruction Books, Sheet Music, &c. GOLD AND SILVER WATCHES, Of the mos. approved makers JEWELRY' & FANCY ARTICLES, Silver Forks and Spoons, equal to coin. Watches and Jewelry Repaired and warranted. March 1, ld.->3. J. A. A S. S. VIRGIN OSNABUKOS, YARNS, KERSEYS AC., AC., AC. i rA bales No. 1, Osnaburgs, 95 do. No. 2 Osna _LtAU burgs, 175 do. Georgia Kerseys, 100 do* Macon Sheeting, 20 do. Macon Drilling, 2G do. Ma. con 7-8 Shirting, 200 Macon Yarns, for sales ac Fao tory prices, by J. B.- A W c A. ROSS, july 26 THE CELEBRATED COPPER TOE! Mitchell’s Metallic Patent Tip, Designed especially for Boys’, Youths’ and Children’s BOOTS & SHOES. A N Improvement lias been applied to Boots and Shoes, by which a saving of expense to tho consumer, of two-thirds, is realized, by rt ctual ex periment. THE TIP consists of a piece of copper or other indestructible material, neatly fastened to the too of tho Boot or Shoe, forming a complete protection. This inven tion is now presented to the public, with the fullest knowledge of its practical utility, having been test ed over two years, and is destined entirely to super cede the old style, for Children** Boys’nndYouihi’ Jloolw ScHhoeu The importance of this invention will be readijy appreciated, as it is well known that children inva riably wear out their boots and shoes First at tho Toe, and, with this protection, they will, upon an aver age, wear at least two to three times as long os th old style, while the expense is But a trifle more* This invention is also'especially applicable to Miners’ Boots, and all occupations subjecting the toe of the boot or shoe to be cut or worn. Merchants, and the public generally, will seo the importance of obtaining the^e goods Immediately, as they are destined, for general use, to supercede all other kinds. The Goods may bo obtained of nearly all the wholesale dealers in the principal cities, or of tho subscribers, cn.tsE, ncHDiHKT * co. (Owners of tho Patent,) Boaton. aug 9—6m FEARS & PRITCHETT Have in store choice Country Hams, Extra Family Flour, 35 Bales Gunny BaggiDg, 200 coils machine Rope, 100 boxes Adamant Candles, 10 boxes Sperm •• 15 bales No. 1 Osnabnrgs, 17 balesOcmul;zeeMills, honeys, 100 kegs Cut Nails, 5} bbls. Fulton Market Beef, 5u cases and 3 chests Black and Hyien Te«, 100 bags 'Rio Coffee, 50 bags Java and Laguira Coffee, Stewart’s Extra Golden Syrup, Stew arts Sugar House Syrup, 100 bbls. A B and C Sugars, 2000 pairs Russet Brogans, 1000 8 9 and 101 Negro Blanket., 30 pairs Fine 10 to 12J Bed Blankets, 400 pieces Fancy Calico and Ticking, Bleached and Brown Shirting and Sheeting, 700 lbs. Bine Stone and Coperas, 75 bores Pale Colgate Soap, 50 boxes Wheat and Corn Starch, 10 bbls. Vinegar, 1200 lbs. Pure White Lead, Linseed, Train and Lamp Oil, Putty, Glass, etc., etc. ^“Prices as low as anj House in the trad*.— Friends are invited to call. Macon, Ga., Sept. 20—lm. Book Binding. r>LANK ACCOUNT BOOKS made to order for JL> Courts and Counting House, and the numbers printed on the pages without extra charge. MAGAZINES, MUSIC AND LAW BOOKS, bound in neat aud cheap styles. DAVID ROSS. Cor. ad «nd Cherry Streets, feb 1 Over George T. Regers A So.a. T HE subscriber has purchased the Right to Kovr- and’s Patent Carriages and Spring* for Blank Account Books, whioh he will put on work when instructed. DAVID K08H. fab 1 B. A. WISE Meals ReAdy on the Arrival < pi IS >f every Train. NEW GOODS- C. Campbell & Son, NEAR THE LANIER HOUSE, TAVEiust received thfir Fall and Winter supply 1 of KERSEYS, HEAVY BLANKETS and EURO SHOES at the lowest market prices, and Planters would do well to call and examine before purchasing. They also oontinue to keep a general stock o GROCERIES at the old stand, and do not intend be undersold for Cash, m. Oht. 12, 185s. BOLTI.VG CLOTH, /-rv PIECES of the celebrated Duten Anchor sJUbrands of Bolting Cloth, for sale at New York i»«»hy (july IS) J. B. ft W, A. ROSS. SIGN PAINTING. HE subscriber is now prepared to execute all orders iu tho above line with despatch, at the FOR 8ALE.—Every article used by House, Sign, Car, Fresco and Glass Painters. Mixed Paints for sale. HENRY LOVL M«con, Sep 20—3m IS NOW RECEIVING THE LARGEST AND MOST COMPLETE STOCK OF House Furnishing Goods STOVES, GRATES. PLATED WARE AND CUTLERY, EVER BEFORE OFFERED IN THIS IwT -A. It Z3Z J3 07 . Which lie will sell at the very lowest prices for If./. U'JSIAS Honor FnrniNhinK Mlore, Cherry Street, Macon, Ga* sep 6 NEW HOTEL. At TUomasirillo. mHE undersigned having opened the McBAIN A HOUSE, for the reception of tho public, invite the People generally to give them a call. No pains will be spared to make their Guest* comfortable ; and their table will be supplied with tho best the market affords. ian is—tjf AM AM A T,. LITTLE A SON. Drs. McDonald and Van Goisen, Dentists. OFFICE IN WASHINGTON BLOCK. MACON, GEORGIA. Electricity used in Extracting Teeth. M e DONALD'S Tooth Paste always on hand and for sale. Dentists can be supplied with the finest style ot TEETH, also Gold Foil. Gold and Sil ver Plate and Wire, Lathe Fixtures, Ac.., also with any kind of Instruments or Materials on short notice, oct le GRANITE HALL' OPPOSITE TIIE E.tlYIEK HOUSE. T HE subscriber will open the above Hall about the first of APRIL next, for tho accommodation of Families, Day Boarders and Transient Custo mors. This House is now offered as inferior to no otl er First Class Hotel in the South, and from it? central location, its large and airy rooms, offers great inducements and accommodations to Families and Transient persons. The public may expect from tbi- House, all the luxuries and comforts to be found ii. any other hotel B. F. DENSE. mar‘2 Late ofthe Floyd House. FKESI1 ARRIVAL OF D 11Y GOODS. q CASES PRINTS, y.l do. Ginghams, ?.■> case# /wOPrinted Muslins, 15 do. Stripes, 1- do. Bleach ed Shirtings and Sheetings, 5 do. Organdie and Ba rege Robes, 2 do. Printed Jaconets and Swiss Mus lins. The above, with every other article usually kept in the DRY GOODS LINE. Having been recently purchased in New Tork, at the Package Auction Sales. Tc purchasers of good# by the quantity, w<* would say, that our prices will indue© you to purchase, w ® Great Bargains. (july -® ) J. B. & W. A. K096,