Newspaper Page Text
jjy Joseph Clisby
MACON, FRIDAY, 3 O’CLOCK, P. M., MAY 25, 1860.
Volume
-No. 33
lS
_ . MMooAkT.
act wevk, uotll
will '
IV. Receiver’s Notico,
fegraraS
3Tv, Books. T*xpyen
»“* s 0 ' 0 *-tWa
V-‘ Tax Rroeivrr.
wn iTTLE,
aTT( Sey AT law,
w-VSV
‘ “ l ‘*fv , '*A T ,r L A W,
aT t0 ‘MXCON. ga.
1. th« Mac** Circuit, and la the
ifTtl-h I‘«tuam. Wilkinson and
VV •eiari*** *
.«liC ilJlIlDUJIAX,
,ttoR>* ev at e a w,
{I/.vr«*V. GEORGIA.
i.lt-’y aoaiirao*
- rs; & C. ROBINSON,
♦♦orxxoy® at Law,
1 CUTUBF-RT, GEORGIA
prompt attention to idl bujineea en-
t2KV ,f -
KliUBBOECIH A BASS,
rrORNEYS AT LAW.
K3KXI?DOa Ga K D«^!TerreUco..Ga.
PETER C. EUMfMM
— nvrY AT Law, Pwunr, Cl a.—Will Pnctlc* in
gfejKKsafenssr
'jn«U
...and th. craftsmen which *r* with him,
•’Stf acetnet may maa, the Law la open and
* : let them laruun one another.—
,nv.»-
GEORGE W. NORMAN,
ttornoy at Law,
■Htabari;. Ashley County. Ark.,
"irfhm” aim III any other county In the
jfiKW. oa.; Hon. ELO.CabauU.,
'• *■
lilvrriHiMc d: Anslcr.
ttorneys at law,
KMHVlIiLE. GEORGIA,
itriLL prarlii-r In Crawford and the adjoining
\\ ‘eaaliw. All buaiueaa promptly attended to,
C. C. DUNCAN,
ATTOIINEY AT LAW,
ari; «-ly* PKTOT.OA.
| U ir partnership-
HILL. .V HILL,
Stc-owrs to late firm ol Stubbs and Hill,
ItVlU.practice in Macon and adjoining Circuit*,
IWotisth. Supreme and Eedernl Courts.
“ IT Il’K-Ou 3d Street. Macon. Ga.
Ho IiliiU
J. R. HILL.
rriarur uimnmui
TUVIN fit BUTLER,
IaTTORXEYS AT LAW.
Albany, Georgia.
niTHTii the Superfr.r Court, of the 8onth-Weat*
eii iirsit.—in Terrell. Randolph and KariyOstm-
vattr fauala ( ireuil—U Worth and Macon conm
^hrw Karen Circuit—in the United Staten Circuit
a xunnah-aiid by .pielalcontract, la any coun-
arn liotsia. ,
11,1.1x11. J*» 17 _
Now Law Xtirm.
IrTIIERFORD <fc HARRIS.
MiCOY OA
-u.pr.nlrr law in Bibb and adjoining counties
i and In the failed Staten Court at SUTaanah and
tra-jbo in an) county of the State by apeclal con-
ntvrxniroxK - Cjuiom J.IIamu*.
ttn it an a w ly. -
THE GEOKGIA TELEGRAPE
rrsusuzD . - » * •
EVERY FRIDAY, AT 8, P. M.
PRICE—Two Dollar* a year, always in Adranet.
DR. McGEJIEE’S LETTER
The Doctor demands as a right that he shall
be heard at once through the Telegraph and tve
accord it as a courtesy at the expense of nume
rous communications of all kinds now on file.
Correspondents must have patience—we will
.•ho a hearing .-•■ -<><.n as ji 1 >1 Our liitt-
ita aro a little circumscribed, but tve have cer
tainly succeeded in putting the reader in pos
session of an immense amount of contribute,!
matter, and much of it of a very high order of
merit, within the last ten days.
SECESSION UPON SECESSION.
Our despatches yesterday stated that the ad
dress of the 'Southern -OngNHtneii” to the
seceding delegates, recommending them to try
Raltimoic again, was signed by eighteen names!
The counter address of the unadulterated Yan
cey men, promised by the Charleston Mercury,
will no doubt be out in a few days, with more
names than that. Thus the secession will split
again. The Richmond Convention on these
two opinions may in all probability be more di
vided and stormy than the Charleston Conven
tion.
NEW YORK ’POST OFFICE. -•
The appointment' of John A. Dix, Postmas
ter of New Y’ork noticed in our telegraphic
news, was consequent upon a very painful dis
covery of defalcation to a large amount, by Isaac
V. Fowler, the late Postmaster. The Herald
says of it.
In another column may be found an elaborate
account of the defalcation of the New York
Post Office announced in the Herald yesterday
morning. The delinquent it Isaac V. Fowler;
the Postmaster, and the amount of the defalca
tion $185,000 and upwards. On the deficit
being made known to the Post Office de
partment at Washington, officers- were sent
to this city to depose Mr. Fowler and procure
his arrest The first part of their duty has
been performed, but Mr. F. has left for parts
unknown. Some of his friends think he has
committed suicide. The cause which led to the
defalcation is said to be a mania which Mr. Fou
ler had for speculating in all sorts of new pa
tents, all of which, with one exception, failed to
bring him any profitable return. Others ascribe
his crabarrasment to the too frequent loins of
money to his political friends. (Scorge Law
and Gustavus A. Conover are his bondsmen
in the sum of $75,000, or less than one half the
amount of the deficit .
Senator denounces was the only case where
he could admit the necessity and consequent
propriety of the exercise of sovereignty. If
men were cost upon a desert island, the sover
eignty over which was unknown, they would
find themselves necessitated to establish rules
among themselves for their own government;
and so with the people of California. When
Congress failed to give them a government and
refused to enact territorial laws, they were
obliged to act for themselves. When Mr. D.
concluded bis remarks,
Mr. Douglas replied, defending his own po
sition, and reiterating his former arguments.—
He claimed that he was no more out of the de
mocratic- party than nny other Senator, for not
one of them agreed with the President on every
point. Some opposed the Pacific rail-road, and
others opposed specific duties.
SPECIE A IILATEII,
UTORNEYS AT LAW,
MACON. GEORGIA.
t •* Trw»|pit«i Bli«k,C««rp/CirtTy Street
ant Cotton Arrow.
TEUavo oaaocUted as partners in ths practice
nf law imho ronntlo* of the Macon and ad-
g Circuits. and elsewhere in the State by ape-
| routrjcl—alto will attend the Federal Courts at
h and Marietta. . ‘
ALEX. M. 8PEEH, •
SAMUEL HUNTER.
UK. KOUL'ItT C. 1IAIIDIE,
* hla professional services to the citizen* of
o and rlrinltv. He may be found nt nil honre
rover John 1*. llmrTey'n atorc, on Cherry St.
'd im a lt
DB. II. II. NISBET
Cherry Street, near Meiwd * Sarnhntd’a
r More, Keotdence on the 11111 la boot of the
mind. Jan II ^
;ks on New York
Hd>R SALK BT THB
FACTURERS’BANK
HUF
mng! Engraving!
I ; WARE. Jewelry. Ac. Ac., enajaved in
|"ejTa-irty of latter. In lUbton'a BntUilny
1 r mark, over Campbell A CoJjoa'a, by
tv J. K. WKI.LS. Jr.
IROWN’S hotel.
«»otm thi ntw aatt. soad otroT, .
MACON, GA.
, „ E. K. BROWN. Proprietor
j'is ll * ,fc * Arrival of every Train
rB..M3ITE HALL!!
0pp. LANIER HOUSE,
■boon,... Georgia
teiPBNSE,
PROPRIETOR
|f*sfrriion«rics rV Groceries.
t'-UIUl K. at hit old aland No. 1-tO Malbrrry
’ - k, ''T' as usuaI a ftall AM»rtmenl of Boodalu
'••'•cMi.i^jnwof Candlaa of-Ids own mann-
J-tR tec french Candle*, lie la the onlyooe in
tajem, Hranda, lljorr. and Irtier TJerpar-
‘ IW. All kind* of ine Liquor* and Wloea
“usejtra, and heat Tobaeeo, Oranjea, Aw
Y' I'ralta. Kaialna, Tten, Prunr.. Nuta Mld
f an kind*. Plcklea. Baprea, Oliver, Olive
>. 1-aneea, Butter, Cheeee, CYueke!*, Uakvv.
I tMcner, Pig Hama, Bototoen, Cmloua, Oab-
- S»J Uiher anldeafn that lino (qp nmaerona
nwteh tWvr-ly
"W" arehouse
COMMISSION MERCHANTS
MACON, GA.
| WATES & W00LF0LK
fj deviated together, uad will oeoupy the
| ' reHpKiftVarehouso new being erected
. "’wi. litrdtjiniu) A Sparks.
Vwances made on Cotton when asked for.
■."•“King, Hop*, Groeertxa, tee., ah all
nltentlon.
J;prompt attention to bnalaeai. to mer-
“-ware uf patronage.
L ja6. h. woolfolk.
N. COATES
email & Sparks
l^aro House
commission merchants,
Alaron, Ga.,
fttose to stow prompt attention attheli
« PUOOR WAREHOUSE, on the cor
,7^p!*r streeta, to all bnatneai commit
.Ji*»ka for past favors, and a renewed
*° *** ,belr friend* and cn»-
' to receive their full share of pub
^viur-ca
paired
made oa Cotton and other pro
steree, alao Bagging, Rope
lowest'market rates.
" o. o. srzKxs.
Repository!
i„ • ward & co.,
fACTVRERS 4-DEALERS.
Flovil House,)
GEORGIA.
f Ihicv* attention of IhepubHe to "-ir
Viutii *• oompflelng Conrhe*. lli -’t.-,
I'itho meet sUbomSg tin-
VnSrlfifholldi-r, North
oaATILEliOKd HUGtilKScon-
Inor 15
THE MAJORITY PLATFORM.
The Augusta Constitutionalist truly says:—
Seward, of New York, could stand on the ms-
a secession platform as well as wc. The
cm wing would say that property means
slaves; but Seward would say it means hogs,
horses, mules; and of course neither Congress
nor a Territorial Legislature will impair the
rights of the South in farm stock'.
THE BLACK REPUBLICAN NOMINEE,
“Abe Lincoln,” as ho is fainiliarly called by
the Western political papers, was the regular
Black' Republican nominee for the Senate of the
United States against Douglas last year, and
beside this, wo know not whether he has any
other public record. In an address before the
Springfield Black Republican Convention, just
after ho was nominated, he followed in the wake
of Seward’s Rochester manifesto, and put him
self distinctly on the “irrepressible conflict”
platform—maintaining the impossibility of the
peaceable co-existence of free and slave labor
under the same form of government. Subse
quently in his encounters with Douglas, Lin
coln was compelled by degrees to abate tlie
extremity of his position, but his voluntary
avowals, together with the resolutions of the
Convention which nominated him for Senator,
put him in the front rank of tho aggressive in-
cendiary free-soilers. _ .
Black Republican Nomination.-The Chicago
Convention have nominated Hon. Hanibal Ham
lin, of Maine, as their candidate for Vice Presi
dent Mr. Hamlin is now serving his second
term as United States Senator from Maine; - he
has been constantly a Representative in the
Maine Legislature or Congress for about thirty
years, and has been one of tho- leading spirits
who changed the politics of Maine from
Jackson Democracy to the rankest. Abolition
Black Republicanism. This .nomination, it
must be conceded by even it friends, will make
that party purely sectional.'
AUGUSTAS MACON R R CONVENTION.
The Convention re-assembled on Thursday,
at 11 o'clock. -- .
Mr. Whittle, from the committee on subscrip
tions, submitted the following report:
The committee on subscriptions beg leave to
report to the' convention that, upon examina
tion of the. subscription lists, and such other
reliable ^ evidences as has been submitted to
them, they find the following accounts have
been subscribed: - ' ' .
By city of Augusta, .$500,000
By cibaons, )28,000 <
By city of Macon,...... ,\ 00,000
By county of Baldwin, . ,_T.. 60,000
By citizens of Hancock, 125,000
By citizens of Jones, 105,700
By citizens of Macon,....... .... i. 50,000
$1,013,200
In addition to the above, they are informed
that fifteen thousand dollars have been sub
scribed by citizens of Warrenton.
The amounts subscribed being more titan the
amount required by the charter for an organi
zation, we recommend the immediate elec
tion of a Board of Directors, and that the del
egates from the several counties be allowed to
vote tho amounts subscribed in their respective
counties.
Mr. Whittle accompanied the report with
some remarks explaining the difficulties under
which the company labored in making their re
port, the want of necessary papers, Ac.
After a protracted discussion upon the 'ques
tion of afiowing conditional subscriptions a vote
in the organization, and upon the number of
Directors, the following Board was unanimous
ly elected by a viva voce vote—
Board of Directors: S. D. Heard, Jno. Mac-
murphy, W. I). Bowen, J. R Stoughton, Clai
borne Snead, Jno. P. King, John Bones, Henry
Moore, Robert Collins, Thomas M. Turner, and
Wm. n. Goodrich.
■ Tho Board subsequently held a meeting and
elected Stephen W\ Heard, Esq., of Augusta,
President of the Road. The organization is
therefore completed—the enterprise is on its
feet, and we trust it is destined to go ahead
with extraordinary speed. Macon is not yet
up to tho mark on this subject We have not
yet considered the effect this road is going to
have upon the fortunes of our city.
TALiAfKKRO County ha* appointed lion. A.
H. Stephens, James W. Uud.-ill, and I)r. Wm.
Rhodes her delegates to tho Milledgerille Con
vention.
CONGRESSIONAL.
In Senate, Mav 17, 1800.—The Senate re
sumed the consideration of the special order,
and Mr. Davis continued -his remarks in reply
to Mr. Douglas. lie entertained a hope that
the democratic party would ys* be reunited on
a sound constitutional basis, on which all eould
stand, the South anil the North together. When
the Cincinnati platform was mi de, it was satis
factory under the circumstances then existing;
but within the last four years a question has
arisen dividing the democratic party upon the
construction of one of the articles of its creed,
and it now behooves them to prescribe what the
construction is; for if the democratic party was
not a union of men upon principle, the sooner
it was dissolved the better. He proceeded to al-
hxU to squatter sovereignty, and to the position
of Mr. Dougins on that question.
Mr. Douglas said he was opposed to what,
eallcd squatter sovereignty ; what is, theex-
..... 0 f sovereignty where there was no au
thority to exercise it, as in the early settlement
of California, at Pike’s Peak, Ac. ^In Utah too,
there was rebellion against authority ; that sort
<tf squatter sovereignty he was opposed to.
Mr Davis thought'he and the Senator from
Illinois were not likely to get any nearer to
gether in their views, for the very case that
[communicated.] .. '. ..
CONGRESSIONAL INTERVENTION.
A large number of the people are trying to
get this new plank into tho democratic plat
form. In their attempts to get this “dead fall”
into the structure, it may be well enough for us
all to see how tho contrivance is going to work,
so that if we arc forced to take position on it,
the more wary may be ab!o to keep a sharp
look out, and stand ready to make a spring, or
prepare for some sort of a dodge, when Ihe
“cave "in” takes placet Well, let us have a
specimen of the way in which this grand “pana
cea” for the protection of slave property will
work. ' Let us see how. vastly superior it is to
the “squatter sovereignty” plank that so fright
ens the folks that are so' intensely southern,
especially the Savannah Repnblican and the
Augusta Chronicle.
A short time singe, the U. S, Rouse of Rep
resentatives, passed a bill for the repeal of the
“New Mexican” Territorial Statutes, for protec
tion of slavery. The following are its provi-
sioDS: * ; '
“The bill provides^ that.all -ac(s and parts of
acts, heretofore passed by the Legislative As
sembly of the Territory of New Mexico, which
in anywise protect, authorize or legalize unvol
untary servitude, or the enslavement of human
bciqgs within said Territory, except aS a pun-
ishment for a crime upon due conviction, bo
and arc hereby disapproved by the Congrcss of
the United States, and dcclarctl to be null and
of no effect * Also,*-the provision relative to
contracts between masters and servants, which
reads: ‘No Court of-this Territory shall- have
jurisdiction; nor take cognizance of any cause
for the correction that masters may giro their
servants for neglect of their duties as servants,’
and also variotts sections of the act to provide
for the protection -of property in slaves in the
Territories. All Courts and Territorial or Fed
eral officers are prohibited from exercising any
authority under or by virtue of any of the said
sections of the said territorial acts.”
There, brother dcmocraLs, southern gentle
men, friends of “Congressional intervention,”
how do yon like the firs) dose of the Black Re-,
publican medicine ? Docs it work up or down?
Decidedly down; and that is the way It will
work, and far more efficiently than even the
abominable “squatter sovereign” preventive to
slavery in the territories. This is the kind of a
stone wall that disunion fire-eaters, and “Con
stitutional Union” Oppositionists, arc so very
aqxious that southern democrats shall run their
heads against.
Wo trust that no true democrats will enter
for this suicidal tilt, and tbus.be found playing
into the bands of the Black Republicans, Ihe
ultimatum of whose aims are to abolish slavery,
both in the'Terriiories and tlie States, by Con
gressional enactment. No! no! a thousand
times no! Let us fall back upon”,the Georgia
Platform of “non-intervention,” and Mr. Buch
anan’s remedy'for the riglito of slaveholders—
the “tugis” of the Supreme Court. Where is
the true friend of the Constitutional rights of the
south, wjto is willing to trust his property to
the chances of Black Republican rule in Con
gress ? The Supreme Court, tvith a democratic
President to enforce its decrees, is tho-only bar
to'the inroads of the Black Republicans, against
tlie institution W slavery. Rally, then, dcmo
craLs and friends of the rights of the south, eve
rywhere ; send fresh delegates to Baltimore,
1 and settle - down upon the platfonU of the Su
preme Court, whose mandates are superior to
those of Congress; put 'a ntan upon it and elect
him, who will carry out its decrees, if need be,
with the Army and Navy of the United States,
and you will then have attained all The safety
that tan be secured by the machinery of gov
ernmental powers. In an issue -of this kind,
thousands and tens of thousands of the true
friends of the Constitution and the Union, would
rally to the Call of assisunco of the President,
and the Congressional decree would go to the
wall. -When these fail us, it will be, “to your
tents, Ob! Israel," and every'man will be
forced to buckle on his armpr in 9efence-.of his
fireside and property. J. C. T.
Non-Intervention.
Mr. Davis, in his recent speech wtyft:—“The
General Govarnment may acquire Territory
and havo eminent domain. What the govern
ment .can create it can control, .of course.”
Chief Justice Marshall laid, down the principle
—recognized in the JJrcd Scott decision—^‘thit
tlie right to acquire territory carries with it in
evitably the right to govern.”
If the South demnnds Congressional protec
tion it will be vain to attempt to limit the ex
crcise of the power, in accordance with South
em views,Jwhcn once conceded. It furnishes
the ground-work of Black Republicanism and
affords no compensation to the South for the
abandonment of the principle of non-interven
tion. We canqot secure tlie passage of a bill
throifgb*Coogress for the protection of slavery
in the Territories—and, if we could, its execu
tion -could never be accomplished jn a territory
against the popular will. - v •' .
Is there not more good—more safety in non
intervention f The Territories now to be or
ganized arc all in high northern latitudes and
are unsuited to slavery. * But if We acquire
Cuba, or any other Territory-suited to slavery
will it not go there? The isotherniil line—
nature’s own laws—with non-intervention—will
decide the question. ’With such k principle
we havo a well-grounded expectation of future
acquisitions of slave territory—with Congress^
ional intervention we can hope for none, i _
This is ihe worst aspect of Squatter Sover
eignty,—but squatter sovereignty docs not nec
essarily How from non-intervention. . As un
derstood by the Democratic party—as enunci
ated in tho Cincinnati platform—there is no
such thing as squatter sovereignty—the power
to legislate upon slavery being predicated up
on the time when file people of a territory
adopt their State constitution. The following
is tho resolution alluded to—resting this whole
question upon the soundest conceivable basis:
"Resolved, That we recognize the right of
the people of all tho territories, including Kan
sas and Nebraska, acting through tho fairly
expressed will of the majority of their actual
residents, and whenever the number’of their in
habitants justifies it, to form a Constitution,
with or without domestic slavery to be admitted
into tlie Union on terms of perfect equality with
other States.
Tho above resolution with the following sub
mitted by the New York delegates in the re
cent Con vention should be satisfactory to the
South:
Resolved, That tlie citizens of the United
States have an equal right to settle with their
property in the Territories of tho United States;
and that, tinder the decision of tho Supreme
Court of the United States, which we recog
nize as the correct exposition of tho Constitu
tion of the United States, neither the right of
persons or property can he destroyed by Con
gressional or Territorial legislation.
Marietta Advocate.
Letter from Hon. J. P. Simmons,
LAwaxxcKYiLLi, Ga., May 8, I860.
Gentlemen:—Yoon of the 5th in.tant lias just
come to hand and 1 hasten to reply.
Tho criais through which the country is soon to
pass trill put to the most severe test ihe strength
of onr political instUntiona. Fanaticism, in its
wont form, is to be arrayed against the Constitution
and tho union ofthe States Were this confined ton
few crazy, insignificant abolitionists North, it would
deserve, and receive, as heretofore, tbo silent con
tempt of all sensible and good men both Xorthand
Sonih. But this fanaticism has become national.
Wo have at tho South, to-day, a party which is ac
tuated by the same fell apirit, but on the other ex
treme. from which the country has much mors to
fear than from tho abolition party. While the form
er ia utterly powerless for evil, the ether embraces
many of tho most gifted and chivalrous men of the
South—men whose eloquent appeals before the
peoplo. in faverof what they call Sautter* Rights,
will be listened to with attentive ears.
That it was tbo dtreuonelement in the Charle ston
convention which caused the secession of a portion
of its members, had as well be admitted now, as
time will prove it beyond question. Those upon
whom all the responsibilities rest for the conse
quences, whatever they may be, of that unfortunate
act, as well as others who sympathise, at home, with
th.-in, S .util, rn in,-ii, fully ill,•mil'll'.1 « .til U.r ill
interest—our neighbors—onr political (and in many
instances onr personal) friends. We respect them
highly. - , _ . . .
Were they right ? This question they must meet
If their object was to serve the best interests of
their country or party, as now organized, what good
could they expect to result Jo either, from that
course T The Cincinnati platfotm, in its totality,
was offered them, even by the Northern delegates
who were considered the least liberal. That plat
form had beenadopted with great onnnimity by our
party four veers ago. and Mr. Buchanan elected up
on it—has since met the approval of the democrat
ic party of every State in the Union—we have re
affirmed it again and again in Georgia—our present
Governor was placed upon it by the convention
which last nominated him. - “ . , - .
But we are gravely told that some of our patty
eoasfhreJt one way and some another. And some
of our Opposition, friends say that they have been
ctrefnlly uxsmining tho thing and that (with tho
aid Of a dark lantern I presume) by peeping close
ly under it. they can distinctly see. snugly ensconoed
in a dark place rigbt under tbe'-middle ot It, a little
one-eyed demon, called “Squatter Sovereignty.”—
Bah! Onr Southern Rights alarmists protest that
they cannot see it, from a Southern view, and insist
upon it that no such thing is coneealed there at all.
But, say they, with fearful apparent trepidation,
Oh ! if it is there all U lost! It is the worst thing
to eatup and utterly destroy SoulUrn Rights ever
yet heard of! 1 It is worse than the Wilmot Provi
so!!! *-
• Again it is said'that the North is steadily en
croaching upon the rights of the South, and that we
must have a Slave Code, enacted by Congress,to
protect our property in the territories. Let ns brief
ly examine this question and see what “encroach
ment.V-of this sort have been made.
In 1787 an Ordinance was passed by Congress
prohibiting'slavery in tho then Northwestern ter
ritory. but now States. The South assented, at the
time, to that. When Missouri applied for admis
sion into the Uoion as a State, she was objected to
upon the ground that her Constitotion recognised
slavery. An angry controversy ensued. Many
stout and patriotic hearts were made to tremble for
the safety of the Union then. That difficulty was
amicably settled la 1820, by wbat has since been
known as tha“Missoori Compromise.” . *
- By that adjustment Missouri was admitted, and
slavery, by the act of Congress, forever prohibited
north of 36 deg. 30 min. That was done by the
vote ol Southern members, with the help of a few
patriotic spirits from the North, and was hailed as
a great Southern triumph. £ -— • *
Thai
ject of
measures of
lect, it was provided that the people of the territo
ries, acquired from Mexico, should settle this vexed
question for themselves, and that when States
shnnld be formed there, they should be admitted in
to the Union with or without slavery, as they, by
theirown Constitution, should provide.
What has since been called the "aoh-interren
tloh” policy was thereby inaugurated, and has ever
since (until quite recently) been the great point to
which we, as a party., have ralied ail oar strength.
And I beg leave to add, that it is. in my humble opin
ion, tb'e only Constitutional and safe ground tbe
South-can occupy upon the slavery question.
The next step token by our cruel oppressors, in
the wav of such “encroachments,” was the repeal
of the Missouri restriction by Congress,in the Kan
3 Vi
ingress,
ass Nebraska hilL That act provides, that all the
v B .°fu 0 sf «
man^tegroes as ttiey wauL provided only they can
for them. This is not the precise lsngaage of
pay for them. . - , _ .
the Art, 1 admit, but it gives the substauee and ef
fect of it, as well as the present statute* of Congres
sional legislation upon that subject. This is a plain
unvarnished statement ol tbe facts of the case.—
pretexts - .
argument in r< ply. No man can point his fingerto
an act of tbo government, since 1820, which has.ip
the slightest degree, restricted any right to the full
est enjoyment of onr slave property; nor has It ev
er prevented the extension ofsUvery into any Mate
or territory where it would otherwise have gone.
There may be those among us wbo are wicked
enough to seek the overthrow of the government,
for the gratification of selfish'desires, and others
who honestly believe that the Union of the Mates
is a political evil.
The first of tht* 6 positions no one will openly as
sume. Tlie second deserves lo be estc-emod only as
a reanlt of the merest political fanaticism.
Afterwliat I have already tald, I need only add,
incompliance with the request which you did me the
honor to make, that lawfully wilkyou, as to the
coarse which should be pursued in this emergency
' LetushkVea convention at MtUedgevtlle. The
4th of Jane hi ■ been suggested. This is a good,
time. We most be represented at Baltimore on the
Iatli. . ‘
Let usgo therewith tlie Georgia platform of 1850
io one hand—the Cincinnati platform of 183C in the
other- -the Constitution indelibly engraved upon oar
memory—the love of country—tho whole country
—embalmed in our hearts aud tbe fear ol God be
fore onr eyes, and bid defiance to abolitionism, dis-
unionum and nil kindred fiendish fsm* which may
threaten the destruction of this, the best govern
ment ever given by Heaven to any erring man..
Let ns there meet onr friends. North, South, East
and West, in the spirit of harmony—ask nothing
bntwhaLis right and offer nothing that fa wrong,
and peace and mntnal confidence may thus t»; re
stored, and the government yet administered, for
Arbest or a Man cirttBt Suspicion Cractjx-
ztances.—A man named Scott, professedly a
painter, was arrested recently at the Howard
llouse under suspicious circumstance?. He
had a negro with him whom he claimed as his
slave ; but the latter says he belongs to ll N.
Whittle of Macon, Ga. Scott is from Ohio, and
is a member of a Cleveland church. There was
found in his possession several daguerreotypes
of negroes, which alone warrants tlie conclusion
that lie should not go “scot free” of an investi
gation. The arrest was made by policemen
Ben Rostand Carter Tiller.—Louisville Courier
erotic principles of equality and jnatlbe.
To-pnrify the political atmosphere and prevent the
recurrence of-such difficulties, we should devise
some plan by which to rid the country ot a horde of
hungry demagogues, trickiter* and panic-makers,
who are too lazy to work, make politics a trade sod
seek to live upon the spoils of office alone. To the
conduct of such men can readily be traced all oar
present political troubles. - •
The government of t^e country should be restor
ed to the people,'whose dearest interests are Invol
ved, and wbo foot the bill. This can be done.
, I am very respectfally yours, Ac.
JAMES P. SIMMONS.
Messrs. ItobiTt Coffins and other*. Macon. Ga.
Letter from-Hon. M, J. Crawford,
Wa.si|ini:ton City,'May fl, 18*30.
Gentlemen—My answer To your letter of flto
5th lust, will be containcdin an Address- which
will be forwarded you' in a day or sa I prefer
tliat no public announcement shall be made of
it until it appears. It will be signed by'ntany
southern Senators and members, and I have no
doubt but that it will meet the approbation of
tbe Georgia Democracy.
Very respectfully your ob’t scrir't,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
Messrs. Robert Collins and others, Macorr.
For the Dally Telegraph. " *
THE MEETING ON SATURDAY
Was not, as tlie call required, to consider of
the best policy of the Democratic Party, but a
drummed up affair to endorse the bolters. . Str
understanding it, and sincerely desirous ton void
all unpleasant collision with tho Scccders, the
advocates of Baltimore held aloof and let the
matter go by default Such of them as were at
the meeting, either left or failed to vote. Mr.
Nesbit and CoL Bass both held out the Olive
Branch, the first proposing to endorse the polit
ical integrity of tlie Scccders and then unite in
recommending a delegation to be sent to Balti
more. instructed to urge the nomination of a
Southern man. But these overtures of compro
mise received no favor. The Yancey schooner
must sail to Richmond, though certain to go
upon breakers. Well, be it so—the gallant old
ship of Democracy, with its canvass spread, and
its sails filled with tlie popular breeze, will glide
inoothly over the placid waters into tlie har
bor of Baltimore. A- Mr. NY-Lit properly -Hat
ed, tho friends of Baltimore in Bibb have had
no consultation as to the course duty required
at their hands. Satisfied the State will be over
whelmingly for Baltimore, they may find it un
necessary to take nny action. Whatever they
do, they'should do all for the cause, and nothing
from impulse. Let them consider what patriot
ism and statesmanship require of them in this
crisis. A LOOKER ON.'
11vms.—The Democratic Convention, which
is to hold its adjourned uieetingat Baltimore on
the 18tit of .June, will open its sessions by sing-
tile following stanza from one of Wyatts'
hymns:
when a raging fever burns,
We shift from aide to site by turns ;
But *tfa a poor relief we gain.
To change the place bat keep the pain.
Letter from Dr. E. J. McGeliee,
Perm-, Ga-, May 15, 18(30.
Editor of Telegraph : \
Sib : It was iny good or bad fortune to have
been appointed a delegate to the Charleston
Convention from the Third Congressional Dis
trict, without any instructions boyond casting
the vote of the State as a unit. And it is not
my purpose now, to sit in judgment upon the
action of iny appointors, to decide whether they
did, or did not, repose too. much confidence in
my patriotism, my intelligence, and my discre
tion, but as quite a demonstration lias been
made in tho city of Macon, disapproving of the
course that the entire delegation front this Dis-
trict felt in honor bound to pursue, I have felt
it to be my duty to urge a word in vindication
of my withdrawal from that convention.
' With tho events of the Charleston Conven
tion, the public mind is familiar; with tlie in
fluences that operated to piroduce the secession
of several State delegations, T must be permit
ted ti> infer that there is a lack of correct infor
mation on the part .ot those who have contribut
ed so many harsh commentaries upon the se
cession movement, as well as xvhat is evinced
in your editorials;-for surely, enlightened, hon
orable, brave men, would not charge “treachery,
disloyalty to' the country and to tho democrat
ic party,” upon those of the Georgia delegation
who withdrew from the convention, if they
knew all the influences tliat combined to pro
duce such 4 result *
Your chivalrous and enlightened correspond
ent over the signature bf “National Democrat,"
sets up Win Lowndes Yancey as'the fire-eating
autocrat of that convention, arid seems to inti
mate, that whenever lie commanded, ajl the sc
coders promptly obeyed—)haf Mr. Yancey dic
tated everything, and that he was bent ypon
the destruction of the democratic party, and the
destruction of 'tire Union. If this were half
true, the sfeeders did display the good tasto to
select a gallant, and a most gifted leader. And
whilst-you, generous Samaritans, attach no
blame to us, from our nonage, imbecility, or
other causes, the impression is creitcd, thatwc
either did not have sense enough to know what
was ourdaty, or if wc did know B, we did not
possess courage and patriotism to perform it—
tliat we were the blind idolaters of Mr. Yancey,’
and that whenever he spoke, wc obsequiously
obeyed, ciying “God Ls God,-and Jlahomet
bis prophet” „ • . . • .. ^
My friends, let me venture Upon, a little in
formation that may possibly allay a-little of the
zeal and bitterness of feeling with which your
selves and the squatter sovereignty interest in
Georgia are pursuing Mr. Yancey. It is im
material to this issue in what extravagances he
may have previously indulged- Great men often
live in advance of the age in which they breathe,
and Mr. Yancey stands forward with a genius
above talent, nmong the foremost and ablest, in
tlie vindication of the rights of the south. -If
there fs excess of zeal, pardon something to
the inspiration of his hobby, * But I forbear.
The whole country preserves ills fame—no word
that I can utter, contributes to its perpetuation.
Do you and a “National Democrat” know that
the Senate cauou's resolutions, offered by Mr.
Davis of Mississippi, and which were approved
by every democratic Senator in Congress, ex
cept Mr- Stephen A. Douglas, and Mr. Pugh
of Ohio, I believe (the lost named gentleman,
theAchille.se of the northern'democracy, se
lected in the Charleston Convention as their'
representative mtan," to engage Mr. Yancey iit
debate,) were acceptable, as far as I could lcarri,
to all the secedcrs ? Do you know- that this
great political Moloch, (Mr. Y.) refused to be
ilmced upon thi important committees, for fear
t would prejudice thcrconvention to the action
of those uorafmttees ? Anil are you apprised of
the fact, that the moderation and'unpretcndmg
denortment. of this renowned oratbr, w;as the
theme of universal commcnnattoo, tiuitt,. oU
friends arid foes, tutd that when lie advanced to
the stand, to address the convention, it was- at
tbe instance or suggestion, of Mjs. McCook. of
Ohio, who ’politely- conducted hiih to the ros
trum, and .thereby secured tlie reply for Mr.
Pugh? 1
You arc aware of the facts that the liiajority
reports <lo not come up to the demands of.the
Alabama resolutions, and yet tho delegation of
that State would.have adopted.either. You
certainly have- spared no pains to give public
ity • to the . subsequent denunciations of Go\\
Winston, of those.majority reports, whilst.you
seemed inexorable in your opposition to Mr.
Yancey for attempting their adoptiotl, and have
forborn to publish his speech, and attempt-,
ed to"condemn hint without giving your readers
the opportunity 6f reading his defence. —As
traitorous as you regard his doctrine, the litera
ry merits of his speech would have greatly or
namented your paper. * *, •
Let me just here hazard the opinion that
such was the moderation and humility of Wm
i j. Yancey, during the sitting Of the Charleston
Convention, and so great was the disappoint
inent of the Northern as well as Southcrri del
egates, at tho absence of. what was regarded as
his characteristic ultraism, that he became per
sonally, by .far, the most popular delegate in the
Convention.-And call upon any delegate who wit-'
nessed tit,e debato between him and Mr.' Pugh
to say which was the more moderate' in his
manner, and calm ia his councils. That but
for the friendly offices or one of the Georgia
delegation, who did not bolt the Convention, in
moving for an adjournment I think, at the re
quest of Mr. 'Yallandigham, 6f Ohio, he, Mr.
Pugh; Was so much excited, and. pitched his
voice so high, that lie Would havo broke down
in 40 minutes. And who docs not remember
the furious gesticulations, when at the top of hjs
voice he declared that he never would submit to
the majority reports, whilst Mr. Yancey; in
a calm, suttaued and solemn tone^hdvised his
friends to stand firm. .Mr. Editor, .and your
enragedioontributors, is itf- gentlemen, geqcr-
ousorjustto magnify tho “treachery” of Mr.
Vane.-) a- being tin- I’ur-c ,-f tin- ■ -imi fi-.un
tlie Charleston Contention, when he obtruded
nothing upon, nor made any attempts to in
doctrinate other delegations, a§ far as I .have
learned in what your- contributors denominate
disunion heresies, when he volunteered no
speeches and canvassed no delegation!’ You
need not disguise the fact that the other States
long since met in Convention, adopted'their
Relations, and instructed 'thqir*delegates -to
withdraw upon the happening of just such con
tingencies as proceeded their withdrawal from
the Convention at Charleston. As one humble
delegate from the .‘M Congressional District, I
dare avow that from mature deliberation, from
tho promptings of patriotism and of honor; I
did withdraw from the'Convcrition, and I scorn
to divest myself of any portion of the responsi
bility that that act imposes. Jin Yancey is
not to be bold accountable and to suffer vicari
ously for one, even so "obscure as tnyself.
What I 'did at Charleston I would, under simi
lar circumstance?, do over a thousand tirqcs.—
J[y position Is taken, it matters not which way
the scales incline. I have “ no axes to grind”
and'whenever I have I will grind them upon an
honest intclligable platform, or they may re
main dull forever. But intimation has ’been
made that there was jugglery at Charleston.
No doubt there was, but it was altogether on
one side. And the cause'of the whole difficul
ty, Messrs. Editors, ip in a nut shell, and is sim
ply this: The friends of the minority report
were zealously engaged in framing a platform
to fit a tnan who bad thrown himself in antago
nism to some of the most important acts of the
Administration, whilst the friends of the ma
jority report Were engaged - in a nobler an 1 a
holier work. It was tlie construction of a plat
form expressive of the views of tho Democratic
party. Tho contest was upon principle and
not upon a.man, for with an acceptable platform
the scccders would have remained in the con
vention, and as an evidence of their determina
tion to have maintained the nationality of the
Democratic [tarty, would have given to a num
ber of Northern men, if either had been nomi
nated, as enthusiastic a support us they gave
Pierce or Buchanan. The seeeders arc against
squatter sovereignty, and for protection to all
species of property in the territories.
I have endeavored thus far in my life, to be
a candid, honest man, and hence it was lnynim
at Charleston, to represent my people hilly,
fairly, and squarely; but in the exercise of—as
I had hoped—a sound discretion, I have com
mitted an act that does not set easy upon the
stomach of squatter sovereignty, because it
was well known, before the Charleston Con
vention, that the very gentlemen who are so
active in procuring letters from prominent
Douglas men, were engineering his fortunes in
Georgia, and ninc-tcntbs of this dissatisfaction
come from that interest As proof; look at the
columns of the Telegraph for tho last six montits,
as well as (he Constitutionalist, and see the entire
delegation of the Eighth Concessional District,
and can any reasonable man doubt the cause of
the dissatisfaction at the action of a majority of
tbe Georgia delegation ? But what'haveT done
to be charged with treachery, and a disposition
“ to rule or ruin,” as the learned Judge, of Mer-
riwether, (in very poor taste,) implies ? Is
slave property entitled to protection ?' If yea,
will it break up the government, or the demo
cratic party, to ask It ? Docs not the refusal to
demand it, if we are entitled to it, invite aggres
sions upon it, and has not our quasi defence of
it and its rights, caused much of the warfare
against it? Is it, then, treachery to the demo
cratic party, aye, to the south, which wc at
tempted to represent, to place it upon as high
grounds as that occupied bjr hogs and horses,
especially when'll-was incorporated into the
majority report by seventeen democratic States
of this Union ? Is there any man .who doubts
thattwo interpretations arc given to the Cin
cinnati Platform, ono to-suit the north, and
another to suit the south? And is this a time
to deal in uncertainties ? - It.will not bo denied
that the convention had tho authority to sup
ply the defect, was it virtuous or honorable to
perpetuate the fraud? If tyi'ts is.the.point * n
which Judge Nisbct is of opinion the secedCr-
did not represent the sentiments of Georgia, l
blush for my-countrymen. . Not only a majori
ty of ihe States sustained the' majority reports,
but very few northern-men denied their justice.
Protection is the sentiment of the democratic
heart, and it is not fair for Vermont to gainsay
it, for Massachusetts, Ncjv Hampshire,.Maine,
Ohio, Michigan, and other northern States, that
can’ti in all probability, give one electoral vote,
to say what tnc democratic party shall or shall
not believe: ' , o . ' ■ .
If it is not “teiiing tales out of school,” lef
me give you a little sketch of what J, as one of
the seeeders, saw near me in the'convention.—
One of the most busy men upon tho floor of the
convention, was Senator Stewart, of Michi
gan, who, it whs said, had voted for the Wilmot
Proviso. On the right of our delegation was a
prominent man from. New Y’ork; often speaking,
who, it was said, was thfi author of the Buffalo
Platform. On our left,. Were several stump speak
ers from Illinois, who, • I am also informed, in
the conlcst bettveen.Douglas and Lincoln, took
the position that tho squatter sovereignty doc
trines of Douglas, were far better for the North,
tban the Wiloiot Proviso. .Whilst thq Caggcr
delegation from New York was publicly charged
by the \\*ood delegation, "with being freesoilers.
l*he truth Ls, T have nodoubt that there yrere
set of Camp followers, in Jho convention, who
held on 'the skirts of.the party for the offal of its
spoils, - .
I ask the people <5( the enlightened city of
Macon, would you accept a platform construct
ed by such hands? .
Another significant Tact is, that a large num
ber of government-office holders were members
of the Charleston Convention, and nine out of
every ten were for the “Little Giant” Tho in
ference is, , that, they-were forthe strongest ntan,
principle or no principle, hoping to feed four,
years.more from the public crib.
Now gentlemen, the question arises, wore we
to taketho majority reports and demandits adop
tion without a. semblance of ultraism in it; or
were we to submit to theminority report jvhich
settles nothing, and ignore the question most
vital to us and constructed to a considerable
extent by just such Democrats ns I bkvc above
mentioned. I have stiff that, the majority; re
tort was not ullra; for it denies no section the
till of itjf rights' and cheerfully concedes to
others what-it' demands for itself-.
But wo are told by the learned Judge, who'
— dtrt irot.engage.In thc‘qcix»»km moYcmont. on
the" part of J!r, 'Yancey,, to destroy the Dcmo-
ctalic. party of the Union,” that if Congress did
protect slavfi property, it might enact a great'
many .very bad i things. Now this argument :t
it wotild not take too much , of your space,
could make superlatively ridiculous. ‘ If we do
not disk protection we get it, if we do ask it it-
is‘refttsed us—if we ask for a fish we jjet a ser
pent a' .
Well. grant all that the sagacious jitdgC says
to be true, are wc arty worse off than we would
l>6 With Mr. Douglas’ unfriendly legislation an
nounced in advance to frcesoil emigrants into
the territories, stimulated to-settlc in the terri
tories by emigrant aid societies? . And if pro
tection is to bring sucit untold evils upon slave
holders why do the Black Republicans so bit
terly oppose it ? With two constructions.to
the. Cincinnati Platform, with Mr. Douglas’ pe
culiar'doctrines upon the -powers of territorial
legislature, where is the man who woitld oarry
- slave into thb territories? .
All property is titnid and shrinks from dan
ger, and slavo property is iqoro so than any
other species, because it has reason, becomes
sensible of the efforts that are being made for
its libcration,and can be decoyed from its own
er witli mind to enable it to elude pursuit.—
The dense population of the North will flock in
to territories, and will be bribed to do so by the
feckless measure .if consumated to furnish them'
with homes by the nefarious llomedfcad Bill.
Hctfcc it is 'natural to infer that.the South
would bo practially in ap bad a condition as
if the Wilmot Proviso were adopted, because,
the question would then be settled, and we would
not continue to be tantalized with the declara
tion that the territories were open to the emi
gration of slave holders, when" no good, could
follow. , *
But wc are told that wc must not demand
protection, because the party is pledged to non
intervention. What ? that non-intervention
which intervened to prevent the admission of
Kansas, as a slave State; which .acknowledged
squatter sovereignty, and which .the late Wm.
K. King.during the compromise discussion in
1850 told Jlr. Douglas, was the strongest free
soildoctrine.imd which was said by Mr. Toombs
was only concocted for a Presidential campaign!
But those “splendid letter writers.” it is supposed
will take the Northern -interpretation of non-in
tervention as promulgated by the great leader;
Douglas, and if,so wc arcycady for the issue,—
We hare denied that there was squatter sov
ereignty in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and ev
ery public speaker in-.Georgia lias denied 'it ac
cording to the .Southern interpretation.' If it
did contain it and tho Douglas men knew if; it
was not only unmanly, but wjs unwOrthy of
them to conceal it
- Docs protection necessarily establish .slavery
i the territories—who would assert it ? You
tnity legislate for the freedom of speech and of
the press, but you cannot destroy them. -Poes
it exclude it ? ” If It dots not, then jt docs not
violate the principle of non-intervention for -the
admission or exclusion of slavery. If it never
goes there, there wijl be none to protect; and
with what grace can Northern men oppose pro
tection when they have grown eloquent upon the
influence of climate as being the great regula
tor of.slavcry extension and protection in the
territories, which cannot, as has been well said
by a great Northern statesman, change thq
laws ofnature.
1 on all. Mi'. I! lit*it*, if I am n.r. ini-t i\
en, denied the existence of squatter sovereignty
in tho territories—in the Cincinnati platform,
and in the Kansas Bill, and I had never met
with a Gcorgiau who advocated that* doctrine,
until I met one in,the .Georgia delegation at
Charleston, from thb Eighth District, and he,
with a manly candor that I could but admire,
told me that ho had always been an advocate of
that doctrine, but was of the opinion that any
nomination that might be made upon such a
platform', would bo defeated in Georgia. This
delegate did not secede with Mr. Yancey, to
break up the democratic party and the Union.
Why do you denounce tho seeeders and disavow
quattcr sovereignty? It is perfectly useless
for yon to blow hot and cold with the same
breath, for straws wtUshow how tlie wind: blow,
and we will continue to judge of men by the
company thcr keep; and where stand the edi
tor of the Telegraph, “A National Democrat,”
Punch, and your committee, constituting a
plemlid letter” factory, to bolster up unfriend
ly legislation doctrine, or :it lea?t, their great
ponent? Arc you not the gentlemen who
:rctelegraphing the Georgia delegation not to
bolt, and were not backward in dispatching
our sage counsels upon “tlie trembling wires,”
nd who were frightened almost out of their
and aro endeavoring to form a public
opinion adverse to tbe action of tbo seeeders,
and to make arrangements to send “wiser and
better men’’ to preserve the lifo of our venerat
ed democratic party, and to keep tho Union in
the “hollow ol their hands,” and to perform, no
doubt, the wonder of tho age, viz: tho placing
of the embodiment of squattersovereignty upon
a southern platform ? Persist, gentlemen, in
your pious toil, for I know you arc honest and
sincere. But let me say to you, gentlemen, tliat
tho seeeders had the benefit of Lite counsel of
the same mencor at Charleston, who first so
laced your “painful foreboding,” and every po
sition that he took, m consultation, upon tlie
grave questions tliat engaged our consideration,
were fully and triumphantly- met in courteous
debate. Why, then, should we bo condemned,
without a hearing ? I am deeply pained that
any act of mine should have disturbed the gen
tle sleep of my friends, or should havo frighten
ed innocent women and children. We are as-
tonished that you should be afraid that the
democratic party would bo broken up, when
some of you, long since, have pronounced it
dead and buried, and havo 1>ccn engaged in en
deavoring to construct a great party out of ash
es. Also, that you would have lost a moment’s
sleep for the safety of the Union, whon in the
barque in which you lave launched your for
tunes, you have, amongst its crew, the most
experienced. Union savers. And if, upon the
wide expanse of politics, without the light of a
single star to illumine your pathway, you
should come in hailing distance of a frail boat
that was recently committed to the. waves nt
Baltimore, you will have this advantage, my
friends, tliat some of your passengers are not
unfamiliar with their grips and passwords, and
by which, you may not be afraid to hold sweet,
social converse, as wo hope, ere this, that tlie
point is broken, and. the edge battered, Of the
once ^‘glittering blade ofJoab.”.
If it were not for a little disposition tliat lias
been manifested to concede something to the
majority report, I would advise that a squatter
sovereignty delegation be sent to Baltimore;
but if they should come to terms let us send a
delegation of Administration Democrats. If I
am to take sides between Mr. Douglas’ opinions
and the doctrines of the last message of the
President, 1 shall not hesitate one moment in
standing by the administration; and if this es
tablishes my guilt of a disposition to break up
tho. Democratic party, then publish it from the
House top, tbat*J-am an Administration Demo
crat, and opposed to Mr. Douglas’ “ unfriendly
legislation’’ doctrines. I do hope that the peo
ple will profit by Judge Warner’s advice, to
take their own affairs in their own hands, and
all of, them may be permitted to go to Balti
more, and act, “independently of politicians
and their instruments.” Tho truth, my dear
friend, Jqdgo. Warner, is, that tho. seeeders
could'not be made the instruments of politi
cians, to' be “formed out’ 1 by any clique, but
were 'determined to represent tho Democratic
party—-and, with all due deference to tho opin
ion of my amiable’, and gifted friend, Judge
Nisbpt, .1 shall still be deceived it they hare
not done it One “startling truth,-” however—
and. how dazzling the discovery!:—is, that
there aje not offices enough for all the aspiring
politicians. ' If it {tad not been for the Judge's
etHarged patriotism, lie certainly would have
kept .that secret until his death; but it is dis
closed for tbe benefit of humanity, and let the
whole Union exclaim, Eureka! And if these
aspiring politicians can’t rule; they will ruin,
because they would'not ^accept of a platform
wltich *was not proposed by a ifiajority of the
States, which settled nothing, and ignored the
demands that four-fifths of the Democratic par
ty South; in all probability, -either in State
conventions or primary meetings, bod made a
compliance with, as.a .condition precedent to a
nomination. .With what fairness did the Charlcs-
tQh-Convention act ? First, it did not permit
its model presiding-officer to appoint the com-
nrittccs, but each delegation selected its repre
sentative man on the platforih, and, after sev
eral days discussion, the majority report was
presented, sustained by seventeen Stated-tall*
but tpo,-Southern States. It was proposed to
re-commit the’report, to give the committee the
benefit of-quite a number of suggestions, in
the forrthof a resolution. Tlie South cheerfully
yielded, and -Another report was. made by the.
committee, with slight alterations. Either the
first'or second majority renort was.acceptable
to the scceficrs. Bilt the Northern speakers de
clared that they would die before they would
sanction tho majority report although the in
terest they rcprcsented coulinot insure us oite
electoral VQte. "What, then, was jt tliat was so
offensive and insulting to the honor of our Nor
thern brethren, thattney preferred death to the
sanctioning of it ? It was simply, that slave
property should stand in the Territories up oh
precisely the same footing with Horses, hogs'
and co tvs. If our demand was.-just, arc we to
life blamed, at a time like tlie present, for de
manding-it ?'• If it was unjust, tve acted wrong
in refusing to submit to its rejection.
Now Jlr. Editor, gentlemen of the ^Commit
tee,a National Democrat and Punch, which would
you have regarded as reflecting the sentiments
Of the Democratic party—the majority , report
based upon 127 electoral votes certain, embrac
ing all the Southern States and twq of the
Northern, or the minority report representing
one hundred and seventy votes in the Electoral
College, and yet in .all probability unable to
carry a solitary one. But Judge-Wamcr inti
mates thatthe secedcrs are disposed to break
up the. Democratic party. Be -not deceived;
that party will live as long as free government
has an existence. And why is this charge
made ? , Because they would not permit the
Democracy of the' North to make a sectional
platform; and as an evidence of this fact, all
the Southern committee-men demanded protec
tion, and gcrtcrous, magnanimous California and
Oregon granted it The minority report was
passed over oUr heads—twelve Southern votes
aiding in its passage, and 30 Northern votes re
fusing to do it.: I ask then, where does the
strength of the . Democratic party lie in this
■ ■ -V i : :.*-y ': Thi ru - an In- but mi..- :i:is» i-v.
unsound man, upon a rotten platform. Fc«^.>
I had remained in the Convention and balloted
for tho candidates, I should have felt in -honor
bound to support them.
But it has been assorted that the conb.st is
about men, not measures; and, although a ma
jority of the delegation from .this State agreed
to cast her vote for Jfr. Hunter, of Virginia, vet
the wicked, fniserable secedcrs, were willing to 7
vote for other gentlemen, l oth north apd seutlL..
1 freely confess that, had 1 acted purely upon a
preference of men, I should have desired to cast
my vote for one brave in tac field, and wise and
pure in council, and whot o temperament ami
ability eminently adapt him to the necessities of
the present hour. I alluc e to Senator Davis, of
Mississippi. *
My friend Punch, in renr last issue, .seems
exultant at the fact that bat four of tlie .’Geor
gia delegation joined in tht southern movement' ;
Of course I could act only ;ts a private individu- '
al, yet, if tho health of tty family hail beett.
such as to havo admitted of my remaining long
er in Charleston, with propriety, I should hare ‘
registered my name. I ai i notta man to advise"
my friends into danger, and then desert' them ;.'
for I have coolly and quietly “set my lifo upon-
the cant, and I will stand the hazard of the die,” .
without any smiting of knees, painful regrets^
or remorse of conscience.
ED.MUND J. McGEUEE.
Letter from CoL Nathan Bass.''
Macon, May 12th. TWO.
.Gentlemen—Yours ofthe 5th inat.1s before me, and
my- absence from the State has delayed at» nwvfrc'
thereto.
I do not deem the humble opinions 1 may.enter
tain in reference to the saffiect to whleh you invite
my attention, of sufficient importance to communi
cate to the pnblic; bat such as they are, you, as.iity ‘
personal and political friends, are welcome Jo them,
to be disposed of as yon think proper. * ' d
You ssy you “are alarmed by the state of Uungs '
developed in theDeaioCratic Convention at Charles
ton," and that y<Jfi “belicve the Democracy of Geor
gia should be represented in the adjtmrnca Rational
Convention at Baltimore.”
It is truly a source of alarm oad regret that the
only National political organization, through.whose
agency the public interest, well being, and prosperi
ty ofthe country have been so long aid successful
ly administered, aJlouid.Trom any cause whatever,
be imperilled; and snch an unfortunate state of
things should only, be an imperative and abtolnte ne
cessity, as the' result o£a demanded surrender of the
equal rights of the South in the Confederacy and
our consequent dishonor. In ltd* aspect of the case, ■
then, the question occurs, Wa3 this the state and i
condition of things at Charleston, when the seces
sion of a majority of the delegations of most of the
slaveliolding States took placet I hsvn.no doqbt
that it was so regarded by the seceding delegations,
and that they were influenced by high-toned, honor-’
eble and patriotic motives; and I have as tittle '
doubt that these Southern delegates who remained
in the Convention, were alike actuated by the same
honest and patriotio motives; and it fa to be deeply
regretted tint censure or calumny should bo cast up
on either wing of these delegations. The great re
sponsibility and delioacy of their respective situs- .
tions, coupled with, the fact that there Has been a
bill in 1856, she prefaced that endorsement with
a demand for protection, in the Territories.—
Bu( you may ask me if the Cincinnati Platform
xvps satisfactory,then, why is it not now? X
ask you all, have not many things intervened,
since 1856,. to justify a dcmtfttd for additional
securities-? Tite Georgia Platform declares tliat
if Congress refuses to admit a State-into the
Union on account wf the existence of slavery in
its Constitution, that she trill-disrupt every tie
that binds her to thfl Union; yet the favorite
candidate of that majority, which adopted the
minority report leads off jn opposition to the ad
mission of Karihaj tvith tlie Black Repub
licans, and some of the disruptionists of Geor
gia want' to make him President of the United
States. .Look at the Harper’s Ferry affair, and
what think you of the late vote upon the ad
mission of Kansas, tvith tbe distinct under
standing, when the Lccompton Constitution
w;i- - lit h.ifl 1" till- )•> iqiV. tliat Kan.-.'i< ~':u>:iU
not He admitted until her population had reach
ed seventy thousand; anil out of tliat gallant
North-Western Democracy, only Scott of Cali
fornia, and English of Indiana, stood by that
settlement Kansas was refused admission as a
slave State, -by tbe vote of a portion of the
North-Western Democracy beaded by Mr.
Douglas, when the people had in their own
way formed a Constitution tvith slavery; bat
lien she presented a Frecsoil Constitution slu
admitted by tho vote of the House of Rcpre-
yntatives.
In the hill for the education of the poor, a large
ppropriation is proposed to educate the poor
free black children in tlie District of Columbia:
and several of tlioso democrats who boast of
such devotion to southern rights, hut who voted
for the adman on of Kansas upon tlie freo soil
Constitution, had seats in the Charleston Con
vention, and voted for the minority platform.—
And what were their remarks upon tlie with
drawal of the first seeeders? . It was “let them
it is mere pretence—they will all come hack
the morning.” The naked truth is, the
South lias pronounced so many high sounding
resolutions, anil hacked down from them, that
the North presumes upon her submission. Un
der such circumstances, I would not remain in
the Convention, and be compelled to take an
who professedly belong to tha democratic party, havo
been prominent actors in this outrage upon out
rights, should go far, very.far, in paltiatiou of any
supposed grievance - existing in the minds of ^ny
against those wild, thinking and.honestly believing.,
they saw snch a spirit manifested ia the Charleston
Convention, deemed it doe themselves and their
constituents that they should secede; whilst on the
other hand, in view of the' great good which has re
sulted to the country from the National Democracy,-
coupled with tbe fart that there was an honest difler-
jenoe of opinion on the part of tho- Southern delega
tions, as to the true inteDt and construction of the re
port* of the majority and minority oi the committee
on platforms ; one party believing tliat the minori
ty report which was adopted by the convention to
be evasive of oar rights,-whilst the other party re
garded it as a full recognition of those rights; fa it
surprising or reprehensible that those entertaining
the fatter view should have deemed it thsir duty to
remain in the convention t
For the purpose, then, ot effecting a reconciJia.
tion and concert of action, I would respectfully sug
gest that Georgia should be represea ted in tbe Bal
timore Convention; and in view of intimations that
have been made that the majority of the Charleston
Convention, who adjourned to meet in Baltimore, ro
have-manifested a disposition to modify the platform
so as to be acceptable to the seeedeis, I.would far
ther suggest that Georma send a special delegation
or committee to meet the adjourned conveurioitcf it
the secedert, at Richmond, for the.purpose of coon-,
seling with, and, it possible, to-induce them to ad
journ to Baltimore, and meet in convention with .the
majority there"assembled, to hear what farther pro-,
positions may bo made dn. either side, and to toko
such further action and pari in tbe proceedings of
*aid convention as may comport with the honor, in
tegrity and safety of the whole country. •
It is peihaps not pertinent that the variouaisaoe*
—such as squatter •sovereignty, non-intervention,-
Congressional protection, A c., which were brought
prominently before tbe Charleston Convention—
should be argued at length In tbir connection. Suf
fice it to say that the Nebraska and Klnsai Acts |
were considered, gt the time of their- passage, as a 1
final adjustment of these questions; and although* '
these Acts have had different constructions and In
terpretations north and sonih, so far as they refer to
what fa vulgarly denominated squatter sovtrciguiy,
or territorial intervention on the subject of slavery,
yet, protected.as the south is, in their construction
of these Actsj by the Snpreme Coart in the Dred
Scott deaision, we certainly have nothing to fear; 1
for if Congressional intervention against slavery, be
unconstitutional, as settled by said derision, it fol- fa
lows as a legal sequence, that territorial interven
tion, by an act of a territorial legislature-against
slavery, would also be unconstitutional,- for deriv
ing their powers solely from Congress, through the
act of their territorial organization, it follows,- as a.
clear, legal deduction, that as Congress could not
exercise such power itself, neither could it delegate
it to others, and that a territory, as a mere agent,
could not exceed the powers of Congmsg itf^nnei-
pal. ■
. I- would, however, remark tliat I am not one of
thoso who hold that Congressional protection of sla-
■ i j.. ill the m.ivi- li-.Ming Slat.-s. A- . • > ■::::*. it —• !.. :n- ti; -•/—•'
permit mo also to enquire, does Jlr. Samuel’s faith fa involved—t farther
report reflect the opinions'of tha Democratic
party South? It is impossible)
A few words more in, reference to the consis
tence of Mr. Y'ancey.and-ltis followers, and the
Cincinnati Platform. In 1848, Alabama took
position for protection, and when she endorsed
tho non-intervention of the Ncbraska-Knnsas
J upon and att&cn to an well orgaaised gov-
eminent*, to protect the rigbt* both of persons and
property of its citizens do not necessarily, or even
by implication confer the power to destrojror annul
such rights. Bnt whilst entertaining these views
upon this subject, and believing them to be sustain
ed by the Dred Scott decision, and were it an origi
nal qaestion might bo viewed from adifferent stand
point, and an entirely different notion faked, at the
present crisis in relation thereto. Yet, as it was
pieseuted, argued, considered end waived, on the part
of the South inthe adjustment ofthe Compromb*- in
relation thereto, and the doetrine of nunXnlamntipu
substituted therefor, and that too at theiastnu> e of
the Sonth, it seems to me that we aro«« -■*/— :
least so far as good faith is involved—from a fartl
agitation of the question. But I am free to say that
should the bond ovar be broken as against us, in vi
olation of plighted faith, on this subject, .at in 'the
case of the Missouri Compromise, then we should
insert our righto to the fullest extent, even to th o last
‘pound of desk.” But as the South bn* ever main
tained the honorable position of abiding, in good
faith by all the Compromises into whiehena has en
tered,I trust she will not now tarnish her bright esont-
cheon, at so important a criais in the htatory of our
country. ’ * ■«
Bat Ido not think that wc should rely so duvm on
A platform as on the nominee who may bo placed
upon it. If a platform should be adopted at all, it
should certainly set forth correct principles; bnt it
is certainly much more desirable to have no plht»
form with a nominee whose antecedents would be
the safest guarantee of future soundness, than to
have the moat perfect platform, with a nominee
whose antecedents would afford r.n inch guarantee.
Give us then, I would say, a sound platform with a
sound man on it; if not, a sound man with no plat
form. In any event give ns a soundman.
Id oonclosion I would say, let us plant onrselves
upon non-intervention, both Congressional and
Territorial as illustrated and enforced by die Dred
Scott decision and relying upon the justice of our
cause, parity of our principles, sincerity of onr' mo
tives, and above alt, upon the guidance of an over
ruling providence let us rally “ igaia to tbe breach”
and around oar time honored st andard, assert and J
trramp
our 0<
maintained.
Most Respectfully jour ob’t-servant.
To Messrs. Robert Collins and others.
aruuuu uur uurj uuuureu jrauuwu, uuu
mphantly defend the only principles upon which
Constitutional equality and liberties can be
N. BASS.
Letter from Hon. G. Murphy.
Decatur, May lltb, 1860. .
Gentlemen I have the honor to acknowledge
tho receipt of yours of the 5th* which by some mi8~
hap was not read by mo until yesterday, and I avail
myself of tho earliest opportunity to reply.’ With
you, I regret tho discord which prevailed in the
Kati I. nal DWaritlft ConVffiiiln~<pChTle«tOD, Mu
have tfreat fears ofthe result. For in my opinion
the welfare and prosperity of this pre*t republic
Jep ends, now* upon tho harmonious and united ac-
it.n ol tho Democratic party. I »m, therefore, de
cidedly in favor of the Democracy of Georgia being
represented in tho adjourned National
Convention, to bo livid in Baltimore on the lBth of
June next; and for tho reason that, b £,
something may bo done there to reconcile dineron*-
ces, in .-mch n way as to enable the Democratic
party ofthe nation to present its fall ftrer^th in a
unitod effort, in the approaching- rresiucntial elec
tion; and if this cannot be done,'wo mi i.l not bo
placed in a worse condition by ikm effort; and as
the matter now stands, we cannot be represented
there, a portion of ear delegates havtn^seced**d, and
the balance ofthe delegates disfranchised oy the
decision of the Convention,^ and u Lien, in m\ judg
ment. was- a wrong decision; for the remaining
members could, and no doubt would, have cast tho
vote of Georgia as a unit, according to their in
struct ions. It, therefore, remains for us to call an
other Convention . and which, ihope, will be done