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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
(gforflia v-■rchlvjgdcf'vapl).
PKTHOUtuM vsOas.—New Orleans.aftcr the j
Hrrt of Mareh, is to he lighted by three thou-
w nd petroleum lamps. The charges of the !
p»s company are considered excessive.
FinE is AlbaST.—Wc learn that the resi-
Jcnce of Mrs. Davis Paco, in Alabany, was
destroyed by tiro Tuesday night. Tl • furni
ture and out buildings, for most part, were
saved- ^ _
0“ The Frankfort, Ky., Yeoman has in
formation that the President had ordered the
^oration of the hdbtaa corpus to Kentucky,
jad the withdrawal of troops from that State.
Decided.—The suit brought by the city
of Savannah against the Central Railroad
Company et ol, to annul certain sales of
Waynesboro Railroad stock allodgcd to have
been under circumstances that implied fraud
on the part of the purchasers, has, as we sec
from the Savannah papers, l>een decided in
favor of the defendants.
A Legislatche Adjourns to a Hanging:
__A Tennessee exchange says: “Four men
W erc banged in Nashville, on Friday, for the
murder of Mr. Iloflerman. Fifteen thousand
people gathered to witness the horrible spec
tacle, and the Legislature of Tennessee ad
journed so that the members might enjoy the
Immigration.—Wc received yesterday, a
call from Mr. John H. Orf, an intelligent Ger
man. who is now on a visit to the Southern
States for the purpose of cnlistening the in
terest of the people in the importation of la
borers, for the field, mine &c., from the vari
ous countries of Europe. He will spend a
day or two in this city and then proceed to
Milledgcville, where he proposes to lay his
plans lu-fo: • the Legislature. We may add
that he comes well recommended for intelli
gence and integrity.
T B rru Fiti.y Spoken.—“If,” said Gov.
Raymond, of N. Y., in his recent speech in
the Federal House of Representatives, “wc
canni-t treat our Southern people os members
of this Union without degrading terras or do
ing aught to humiliate and destroy their
pride end self-respect, then wc may make up
our minds that we are not equal to the crisis
on uliieli we arc fallen. We shall fail in res
toring peace, harmony and prosperity to the
Union, but the nation will not perish. Oth
ers will take our places who better appreciate
the nature of the work that devolves upon us,
mil who will accomplish the end we fail to
reach, or even to comprehend.”
The Tennessee Franchise Bill—The
Memphis Appeal, referring to the bill now
before the Legislature of Tennessee, and likely
to pass, says it sweeps from the “repentant
rebels” who deserted the Confederate cause,
and became intensely loyal in the early pro
gress of the war, their franchise, and puts
them in the same category with those who
held out to the end. It disfranchises ift least
seven-tenths of the real people of Tennessee.
It is, virtually, a declaration of perpetual hos
tility and division among the people. It
raises a partition wall between friends and
neighbors, and is a legislative rebuke of the
spirit of amity and good feeling which is
everywhere exhibited by nlanly men who
were on different sides in the late civil war.
It ought to be entitled—"A bill to promote
mnnigration from the State."
The Georgia U. S. Senators.—“Iota,” the
Washington correspondent of the Baltimore
Sun, thus speaks of the newly elected Sena
tors from this State:
“Tile accession to the U. S. States Senate
of two such men ns A. H. Stephens and H. V.
Johnson, (supposing the former to have been
cliort n, it- spite of bis declination) would be
bailed with gratification by friends of a re
stored Uii.on. Some of the dispatches imply
that Mr. Johnson's election wns in substitu
tion of Mr. Stephens. But there is no present
chance for admission of either one or both of
them. It is said, however, that the President
has given some encouragement to nu-mhers
elect to expect n change of policy, in this re
spect, at least on the part of the Senate. Un
til all disunion projects nre abandoned . until
the temper of Congress improves, no clinnge
will take place.”
Washington Gossip about Mrs. Lincoln.
Tile Washington correspondent of the Au
gusta Constitutionalist, writing January 17fh.
says:
The current gossip is respecting the al
leged malversations of Mrs. Lincoln during
her occupancy and on leaving the White House
The newspapers have been brow-beaten into
denying all responsibility for the report that
Mrs. Lincoln carried off the furniture of the
M bite House. It is mnttcr of record, I believe,
that Mrs. Lincoln's milinery bills were paid
out of the public funds, and the amount
charged to the account for manure for the
Mhile House grounds! I will undertake to
buy for fifty cents on the dollar hills of trades
men in this city to the amount of several
thousand dollnrs for silks, velvets, diamonds
and the like. I know this fact, becansc a
lawyer, with whom I am intimate, was ap
plied to to collect these bills; but as his cli
ents would not authorize him to go into the
courts, he could do nothing. Letters were
not answered. A number of these bills were
subsequently paid off by subscriptions among
the shoddy patriots; but large amounts re
gain unpaid.
Post-Office Telegrams.—The Senate
C-mimiUee on Post-offices and Post-roads,
and ulso the Postmaster-General,* have had
under consideration the proposition embod
ied in a resolution offered on Tuesday last in
the Senate by Mr. Brown, of- Missouri, in
structing the above-named committee to in-
quire into the expediency of authorizing the
t ost-office Department to constrnct and ope-
f*tc telegraph lines along the principal mail
mutes. The committee and Mr. Dennison
We favorably impressed with the measure,
wd it is expected that a favorable report will
be made in a few days. The new method of
intercommunication by telegraph is urged as
* work of necessity and public convenience,
equally as feasible os the present transmission
of our mails by the general government. It
w believed that the Post-office department
®ay lake charge of this matter to such an
e*tent as may be deemed necessary, and as a
convenience to the public, just as it has done
the mails and as it has done the money or
der system, which has. been found conducive
*be public welfare. The plnn will doubt
less prove to be self-sustaining and proba-
" J lie a source of additional revenue to the
government.
, IA Miss Flutter, who teased her father
•or a “waterfall,” received two dam s instead
—AasheUls Gazette.
The wealthiest congregation in New
.1, S“y. perhaps in the whole country, is
uat or the Ascension (Episcopal) in the Fifth 1
Their aggregate income last year
eioteT° Wn t ' ,e official returns to have licen
c’Kuteen million dollars.
Till: PRESIDENT’S DANGER.
From the N. Y. Daily News.]
The President 1ms recently taken a very ■
decided step toward a distinct avowal of bis ;
independence of the violent faction which,
while insulting him from Oongres- lias nev
ertheless, the affrontery to claim him for its
own. In a recent conversation with an emi
nent tncmlier of the opposition to “restora
tion.” he is reported by private accounts to
have declared that he repudiates all faction-
ists; and claims fellowship with no party
save the party of the whole country, the par
ty of patriotism ! There is, in fact, no other
course open to Mr. Johnson; he is in pres
ence of a bullying faction; and must be either
its master or its slave. There is no middle
ground. And the choice which he has made
in the case comes to us very broadly avowed,
when he rises to tlic high level of declaring
that, refusing to follow the treasonable hero
ines of the Black Republican, he will recog
nise members of that faction hut as individ
uals of the great mnss of men who stand
above the necessities of political desporadoes,
the party of patriotism!
But Mr. Johnson fights the battle which he
has accepted, with his hands tied. The Freed
man’s Bureau is a camp of his most hitter en
emies. The Custom House, the Post Office,
the Interior Department, all, or nearly all. the
offices of the Government arc rendezvous for
his opponents. Under the very shadow of
the White House he has hut very recently wit
nessed an insolent underling of Mr. Harlan’s
playing the role of an active agent of the rad
icalism that sought to punish the Mayor of
Washington for daring to subject the question
of negro suffrage in that city to the test of a
popular election. And, only a very few days
ago, he has seen a member of even his very
Cabinet declare himself openly opposed to the
known views of the President; and avow pub
licly bis determination to lose no opportuni
ty of urging on that dignitaiy the rule of faith
of the Sumners and the Stevenses! And the
civil service does not present the only instan
ces of this treachery to the Executive. The
military department of the Government docs
not hesitato to commit the grossest moral in
subordination against the Commander-in-
Chief, General Carl Scliurz, acting, no doubt,
under the teaching of Mr. Secretary Stanton,
went on an official visit to the South in the
intercst’of the destructives; and in accordance
with the object of his visit, tins dared to fling
his factious report in the teeth of both the
Lieutenant General and the Commander-in-
Chief f
With the agents of the Government op
posed to bint, Mr. Johnson can, certainly, not
maintain himself against the opposition. All
the facts on which lie rests his stateuianlike
policy may be, and many of them no doubt
are, like those presented by General Schurz,
tortured officially to sustain the views of the
Radicals, whose tools arc allowed to consti
tute the eves and ears of the Depart
ments of Governmnt. And thus does the
President place at - the mercy of his
opponents the very grounds on which
he sustains liis policy. What care the so-
callcil “moderate” wing of the Republicans
fortlie consequences of tlieir present hostility
t the President, so long as the men who sent
iiiem to Congress arc allowed to enjoy their
fat places in the public service i Why should
they risk, by differing with Mr. Stevens, the
division of their party, when their individual
places in the political world continue to be
maintained hv their henchmen in the way of
the people ? if Mr. Johnson does not contem
plate fighting the opposition to him with pa
per pellets, let him at once prepare for action
-clear the Freedman’s Bureau o fthe creatures
of the Stevens faction; purge his cabinet of
the colleagues of Mr. Stevens; and sweep
from the public offices the pimps of the Con
gressional opposition. Unless Mr. Johnson
takes steps at once to show that in opposing
lactionists'in Congress he is determined to
permit no one but patriots to serve as agents
of his Administration, he will find himself,
after a while, overwhelmed by the treachery
of his own subordinates. The war he lias
openly accepted with the factionists is a war
to the knife; and will result in victory to
him of n surety, provided only he meets it
with a directness and courage for which tliosa
who know him give him credit. His ships
arc bnmt, his bridges broken behind him,
his scabbard has been flung away, lie stands
front to front with the enemy; and, .unless
he is willing to become a subject of popular
derison, he has nothing for it but to do or
die.
TIIE NEIV YORK POST vs. THE RAI).
1C AES—A SIGN OF THE TIMES.
From the Charleston News.)
Among the most remarkable and unexpect
ed instances of moderation in the North is
the New York Evening Post, a journal which
for many years occupied a bad eminence in
the Republican party, but lias recently dis
avowed the doctrines and repudiated the
leadership of such men ns Stevens and Sum
ner. We have not seen a better and more
compact argument against the Radical pro
gramme than in the two paragraphs quoted
below from tlie Post:
“It is true that we do not wish to make the
grant of the franchise, by the late insurgent
States to their emancipated slaves, a condi
tion of their being allowed to resume their
political relation in the Union, for these rea
sons: First, that the terms of suffrage are
left by the Constitution exclusively in the
control of the States; secondly, because be
fore we grant the right to vote to any new
elements we require a certain probation, of
natives, twenty-one years of age, of adult for
eigners, five years’ residence, and we ought to
require some similar probation of the igno
rant mass of late slaves ; and thirdly ; be
cause it would seem to us an intense mean
ness to impose upon tbc Southern communi
ties conditions which our Northern communi
ties refuse themselves to accept.
“As to returning to the Democratic party,
wc have this to say : that unless wiser, juster
and more liberal counsels prevail at Wash
ington, there will soon he no Republican par
ty to hold to. If the Union, for which we
have spent so much money and poured out
so much blood, be not fully restored before
the close of the present session of Congress,
the people—whose instincts discern only
grand general results—will sweep the party
that has the power out of sight. The Union,
in all its length and breadth, they will have,
and political differences they will adjust af
terwards ; and such impracticable schemes
as Sumner’s and Stevens’ and others will only
succeed in separating the dominant, party
from the popular sympathy South and
North.”
These paragraphs have an interest beyond
the logical value of ‘heir argument. They
are the important ex .rcssion of a large dis
sentient portion of tin Black Republican par
ty, and indicate tho progress of differences
in the organization, which may ultimately
terminate the domination of a purely section
al majority. Wc have never believed that the
present programme of those in power in Con
gress wns directed by the masses of the Re
publican party in the North, which, since the
war, have cooled, while their leaders, elected
to Congress in the heat of hostilities, have
learned nothing of moderation, and are in
tent only upon exploiting themselves and
keeping up an agitation for the benefit of
tlieir personal importance. Wc arc glad to
notice the rebuke administered to them by
the Post. If the more respectable portion
of the Black Republican party will, in this
matter, follow the leadership of the Post, and
take a short cut to Conservatism, we may
have an end of the career of turbulence that
threatens to take possession of the Gov
ernment at Washington, and stir up wanton
strife in all parts of the country.
Texas State Convention.—Cincinnati,
Feb. 5.—A special to tho Commercial, dated
Austin, Texas, Feb. 1st, says the President of
the Texas Secession Convention lias been
elected to preside over tlie Convention just
assembled tlicrc to construct a State Govern
ment. A large majority of delegates to the
Convention are seccsli.
An urgm*. pressure is being made to induce
tho ‘Pi-i-Vdi-Vn* t*> issu-* nil order restoring the
ArlinutniiiHini, loMrs.Gm. Lu:.
letter from the friends of
IIOX. ALEX. II STEPHENS, IN TIIE
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Milledgeville, Fell. 2, I860.
Editors of Macon Telegraph—Gentlemen :
In reading the printed copy of Mr. Joshua
Hill’s speech as reported to your paper, our
attention is called particularly to one para
graph, which being manifestly wrong, we feel
bound to correct The part of the speech al
luded to is in these words:
“It is generally understood that you wilt
make choice of a distinguished gentleman,
prominent for his public services and liis ac
knowledged talents, and regardless of liis
earnest remonstrances as set forth in the let
ter I will read you, force upon him, objecting
and reluctant as lie may be of this high trust
If you are really his friends, yon will better
serve hitn by foregoing tlie use of liis name.
I care not if a man be considered, as pure as an
angel, under such circumstances he cannot es
cape a suspicion of encouraging the act. Mg at
titude may bias my judgment, but I teill stale
my reputation that evil comes of the deed. But
the fiat has gone forth and it is irrevocable.”
Now, we take this occasion to state that
their is not only an assumption on the part
of the Speaker, but in direct conflict with
the facts in the case. The friends ot Mr.
Stephens, notwithstanding his letter with
holding the use of his name, looking upon
him and regarding him ns a man whose ante
cedents would not only recommend him, but
make him an exceedingly desirable Senator,
not only to the Southern but also to the
Northern people, felt it to be their duty to
bestow upon him this office, and take’ the
chances of his acceptance. We state it n9 a
fact that Mr. Stephens was not only not
privy to this movement, but the first an
nouncement of it was made to him alter it
was matured on Saturday previous to the
election on Tuesday, and that that announce
ment was made to him by Col. Ramsey, him
self a candidate for that office—Col. Ramsey,
hearing of it, with a patriotism which he
brings from the battle field and now illus
trates in his deference to the superior wis
dom, experience and fame of Mr. Stephens,
not only retired gracefully from tlie field but
advised all bis friends to cast their votes for!
that man to whom the people of Georgia, al
most en masse, are looking ns tlu-ir Senator.,
Col. Ramsey’s testimony, if required here,!
will show’ that Mr. Stephens, up to this'
time, knew nothing of the movement. Mr.
Hill must now fall back upon his ‘ judgement j
as heingbiasedhy his attitude.’’
Wc have felt it to be our duty to correct >
this erroneous version of Mr. Stephens’ posi
tion. What motive, we ask, could have in
duced Mr. Stephens, if he had desired the
election, to have taken the course he did, of
of writing to the Legislature and emphatical
ly desiring that not even a complimentary
vote be cast for him i That is not the course
usually adopted by candidates. We state,
most emphatically, that Mr. Stephens know-
nothing of the movement until lit was ma
tured, and moreover we further state that
many of the friends of Mr. Stephens to whom
the plan had not as yet licen divulged, had
determined, in view of his first letter, not to
vote for him, thinking that liis services coold
not be obtained." At this stage of
the movement, those who had ori
ginated it, believing that Mr. Stephens
could not commit the incivisiu of refusing
any reasonable trust confided to him by his
State, and regarding the greatest possible
approximation to unanimity ns altogether
desirable, determined to address him a letter
putting the question to him direct—“ Will
yon scree us if electedf” that letter to be
handed to him with the verbal declaration
that we intended to elect him any way, be
lieving that he would he the most acceptable
man to the whole country that Georgia could
send.
Now, here is, sirs, a true revelation of the
wliole transaction. We have said thus much;
we do not feel that we could have said less.
We make issue with Mr. Hill again. The
scope and tenor ot his speech arc to the effect
that wc were opposed to him solely for his
loyalty to the old flag, and that his defeat
was, or would he, regarded at the North as
an act. of disloyalty. Now, just here we must
ask, wdmt is tlie plea of loyalty set up by Mr.
Hill ? What docs he give as the evidence of
liis loyalty ? That when the State of Georgia
seceded, lie did not retain his seat in Con
gress, but vacated it by bis own act; that be
came home and never raised liis voice in any
public manner, before or during tlie exist
ence of the reliellion, one way or the other.
His plea, to make the most of it, is that he
preserved a position of neutrality, and be
sets that up ns an cvidincc of liis statesman
ship and of liis loyalty to the Union. We
claim that Mr. Stephens did more than this.
He saw the breakers ahead, the shoals and
the quicksands, and. likeatruc watchman on
llie tower, his warning voice was heard but
not heeded. Have we forgotten the memora
ble occasion when the gifted Toombs stood
before the Legislature of liis State and ad
vised his conntrynien to strike for indepen
dence ? Who measured arms with tlie great
orator on that occasion ? Who dared to face
the multitude clamorous for secession ? Who
had the nerve amid tills torrent of excitement
to raise his voice in favor of tlie then des
pised Union ? If you desire an answer, go
and read the printed speech of Alexander
Hamilton Stephens, which you will find in
almost every house throughout the Northern
and Northwestern States. Where wns Mr.
Hill all this time ? A loyal man, forsooth ;
hut according to his own declaration not a
word does he utter in defense of the Union.
But more than this, Mr. Hill, not only pre
served silence at that critical time,
but in the progress of events we
find him a candidate for Gubernatorial hon
ors, thereby asking the people of Georgia
to bestow upon him the ermine of office which
would have placed him in official antagonism
to the Government of the United States.—
And yet lie claims to have licen. from first to
last, a steadfast Union man. Mr. Hill says he
can take the test oath; did he not try to get
an office, the obtaining of which must have
made it impossible for him to take that oath )
True he was not elected, and therefore not
called upon to take the oath of office as Gov
ernor of the State; hut it was only because he
did not get votes enough. Wc must jndge
him by his acts. His letter of acceptance,
where he takes higli ground against recon
struction is upon record, and that will fix the
animus of the man.
But, Messrs. Editors, we will pursue the
speech no further. What we mean to say is
this: That Mr. Stephens was not privy to
the plan inaugurated for liis election, and
the determination to'run biui was based upon
tlie idea first, that he was the choice of the
people; and second, that he was the most
appropriate representative of tlie present sen
timent in favor of restoration and pacifica
tion. Original Union men and original
secessionists united in choosing as their com
mon representative, tho Prophet, who
had warned us against the fatal error,
which wc all now lament and arc
anxious to correct. Instead of its being an
act of disloyalty, it was just the reverse. Wc
knew that Mr. Stephens was on the line of
President Johnson’s restoration policy.
As you have given publicity to Mr. Hill’s
speech, wc now ask a place in your paper
for this vindication; and all papers, both
South and North, which have or may publish
Mr. Hill’s speech, are requested to publish
this also.
sknatoss:
Jesse Smith,
.1 W AsImry,
B B Wilkerson,
.1 F Williams,
T O Wicker,
J L Dodds,
Sami C Candler,
W W Davenport,
E T Rogers,
W Brock,
U Dart,
James 31 Russell,
Claiborne Snead,
.las II 3IcWliorter,
James Stapleton,
J F Usrcy,
O J McDowell.
J 31. Johnston,
E B Gross.
Henry It. Casey,
Wm. Gibson,
B B 3Ioore,
JAW Johnson,
O P Beall, i •
T J Simmons,
John T Ezrard,
J S Gliolston.
R 31 Paris,
John B Russell,
Alex W Daley,
F E 3Innson,
P B Bedford,
J F Johnson,
Thos 31 Carter,
P J Strozcr,
J E Bower,
L II Kenan,
S D Fuller,
T L Wilcox,
O L Smith,
Geo 8 Owens,
Jno A Crawford,
Jno 31 Freeman,
31 A Turner,
F P Brown,
S Overstreet,
N J Patterson,
uefbesentativ es :
E C Harden.
R F Maddox,
J B Jones,
TJ Smith,
(j II Cooke,
John Hockashull,
J E Stallings,
J C Simms,
31 P Tucker,
Geo P Harrison,
J W Tench.
P 31 Russell,
W D 3Iitcbell,
S A Fraser.
J A Stanfield,
W II Woods,
G W Thomas,
Nathan Woodard,
J T Carter,
J 31 Edge,
J J A Sharp, »
PASSAGE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL
AMENDMENT BY THE HOUSE.
SCENES AND INCIDENTS OF THE 0C-
SION.
[From the Correspondence N. Y. Times.]
Washington, Thursday, January 31.—The
Joint Committee on Reconstruction fulfilled
my prophecy of last night in regard to their
probable action of the recommittal of the
constitutional amendment with more prompt
ness than was generally expected. Before
the morning hour had expired Mr. Stevens
reported the amendment again, modified by
striking out the words “direct taxes,” thus
confining the operation of the amendment to
representation alone. 3Ir. Stevens at once
demanded the previous question, but yielded
a moment to allow 3Ir. Schenck to offer his
substitute, which makes suffrage the basis of
representation. 3Ir. Stevens then renewed
his demand for the previous question, and
the excitement in the House began to rise.
The galleries caught the meaning of the
scene, and immediately began to fill
up, and an intense interest was man
ifested everywhere. 3Ir. Wright, of New
Jersey, appealed to 3Ir. Stevens to have the
amendment temporarily laid on the table and
printed, but 3Ir. Stevens said no; it had been
debated more than a week and must now
come to a vote. He therefore pressed his
demand for the previous question, which was
seconded, yeas 73; nays 41). 3Ir. Stevens
then had an lvour, as chairman of the commit
tee, in which to close the debate, and he pen
cilled nut his time to his own taste. He gave
3Ir. Schenck five minutes in which to urge
the House to come to a square vote on liis
substitute. Another five minutes to 3Ir. Ben
jamin, ot 3Iissouri, who explained that as Mis
souri had defranchiscd rebels, a suffrage ba
sis of representation would cut her down from
nine members to five.
The scene now became invested with much
dramatic interest. Knots of members in earn
est conversation were scattered over the hull;
the galleries bent forward to catch every
word; the matter was coining to a point
blank issue, and members were preparing to
meet it. When 3Ir. Benjamin's five minutes
had expired, 3Ir, Stevens rose to make the
final speech in favor of the amendment. He
had the whole subject at his mercy, tor as
Chairman of the committee lie could use up
his whole time, and there would, under the
previous question, be no opportunity for re-
ily; and therefore, no one was surprised to
ear Mr. Stepcns make a bitter, vindictive,
unrelenting speech—a speech full of the
same passion and hatred that lias swayed his
judgment all through the war: a speech in
which there wns no argument in' favor of his
proposition, which was no reply to any of the
objections urged against it; a speech wliich
was a tirade of denunciation ot alt those who
exhibit the least magnanimity toward the
South, and which was full of contemptuous
and sarcastic allusions towards the President.
No one knows better the use of wrathful ex
pletives, and 3Ir. Stevens used them. He de
nounced os iufanious blasphemy the senti
ments uttered by Mr. Raymond*, where the
latter speaks of the courage and devotion
shown on both sides during the war as now
the common glory and admiration ot the
country, anil for thisutterance he invoked the
ghostly spirits of the fallen to rise from their
graves and haunt the gentleman until they
seared his eye balls.
Such was 3Ir. Stevens’ reply to arguments:
The President a “pundit,” and magnanimous
sentiments, “infamous blasphemy.” Such
were the sentiments which drew from one of
the most prominent, brave and patriotic gen
eral officers of tlie war this comment: “Such
utterances have no longer the merit of being
bold and fearless. The priyite soldier who
has fought uud died unheralded, puts such
rhetoric to shame. None but cowards taunt
fallen foes; and God pity the future of our
country if sueli passions are to rule in its
legislative halls.”
When 3Ir. Stevens concluded, there was a
general-demand for the question, and 3Ir.
Sclienck’s substitute was voted down by a
large majority, less than 30 votes being cast
in its favor. The main question was then
put, and the amendment was passed—yeas
120, nays 40. This result was anticipated,
and therefore occasioned no surprise. All
the Union members favored the principle in
sonic shape, and preferred to take this to tak
ing the chances on any other project that
might In. reported bv the committee; and
even the few Union members who voted
against it, such as 3Iessrs. Hale, Davis, Ray
inond, Eliot, Baldwin, Jcnckcs and others,
did so not because they were opposed to the
principle, but because they objected cither to
its present shape or to the questionable policy
and power exercised by the committee in re
porting it.
The Finance Bill—Mr. Morrill’s Amend
ment.
Washington, Feb. 1.—The bill introduced
by 3!r. 3Iorrell from the Committee on Way!
and 3Ieans to-day, provides as follows: First,
that the act entitled “An Act to provide Ways
and 3Ieans to support the Government,” ap
proved 3Iarch 3d, 1865, shall be extended and
constructed to authorize the Secretary of the
Treasury, at his own discretion, to receive any
treasury notes or other obligations issued un
der any act of Congress, whether hearing in
terest or not, in exchange for any description
of bonds authorized by the act to which this
is an amendment, and also to dispose of any
description of bonds authorized by said
act, either in the United States or else
where, to such an amount, in such manner
and at such rate as he may think advisable,
lor lawful money of the United States, or for
any treasury notes, certificates of indebted
ness or cirtifi cates of deposit, or other repre
sentatives of value, which hnvc been or may
be issued under any act of Congress,—the
procecdss thereof to be used only for raising
notes or other obligations issued under an
act of Congress, but nothing herein contained
shall be construed to authorize an increase of
the public debt, provided that the bonds
which mny be disposed of elsewhere than in
the United States may be made payable, prin
cipal and interest in coin and currency of the
country in which they are made payable, but
shall not hear a rate of interest of over five
per cent, per annum; and provided, further,
that the act to which this is an amendment
shall continue in full force in all its provis
ions, except as modified by this act.
Gen. Winfield Scott.—The Pensacola
Observer, of the 27th, says, the distinguished
and sage military chieftain, Gen. Winfield
Scott, made a brief visit to the Pensacola
Navy Yard on Tuesday last. The Observer
says liis feeble health prevented his mingling
with the people or receiving any one aboard
except the officials. Tlie U. S. steamer on
which he came,-entered port at 5 o’clock p.
in., on Tuesday and cleared Wednesday morn
ing at an early hour. The usual honors were
paid him by both tlie Army and Navy.
EGO AND ECHO.
I ii?keil of Echo t’other day,
(Whose words arc few ami funuv,)
What to a novice she would say,
Of courtship, love and matrimony!
Quoth Echo, plainly’ “.Matter o’ money!”
Whom should I marry?—should it be,
A dashing damsel gay and pert—
A pattern of inconsistency;
Or selfish, mercenary flirt ?
Quoth Eclio, sharply, “Nary a flirt!”
Wliat—if aweary of the strife
That long has hired the dear deceiver—
She promised to amend her life.
And sin no more, can I believe her?
Quoth Echo, with decision, “Leave her!”
But if some maiden with a heart
On me should ventnm to bestow it,
Pray, should I act the wiser part.
To take the treasure or forego it ?
Quoth Echo, very promptly, “Go it!”
But what, if seemingly afraid
To bind her heart in hymen’s fetter;
She tows she means to die a maid
In answer to my loving letter ?
Quoth Echo, veiycooly, “Let her!”
What if, in spite of her disdain,
I And my heart entwined about.
With Cupid’s dear delicious chain,
So closely that I can’t get out?
Quoth Echo, laughingly, “Get out!”
But if some maid with beauty blest.
As pure and fair ns heaven can make her,
Wl!l share my labor and my rest
Till envious death doth overtake her?
Quoth Echo, sntto voce, “Take her!”
GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE.
As went tho knight with sword and shield
To tourney or to battlc-flcld,
Pledged to the lady fair and true
For whom Ids knightly sword he drew,
You offered at yonr country’s call
“Your life, your fortune, and your all.”
Pledging yonr sacred, honor high
For her to live, for her to die;
AVitti her you cast your future lot;
And now, without one single spot
To dim the brightness of your fume,
Or cast its shadows o’er your name,
Yon wear defeat as ’twere a crown;
Nor sit, like 3Iarius, brooding o’er
A ruin which can rise no more;
But from your Pavia bear away
A glory bright’ning every day.
Above the wreck which round you lie*,
-Calm and serene I see you rise,
Agruud embodiment «f PmnE,
Chastened by sorrow, and allied
To disappointment but to show
IIow bright thy virtues ’neath It glow.
But who may tell bow deep the dart
Is ranking in your noble heart,
Or dare to pull the robe aside
Which Cnsar draws, bis wounds to hide.
[Richmond Examiner.
“That is too Simple.”
11 was attending a protracted meeting in an
adjoining town, and had been endeavoring,
according to the ability given me by God, to
assist souls in finding Jesus. A brother, who
had for years been stumbling at the simple
way of faitli, called on me, desirous of in
struction respecting it I endeavored to sim
plify it in various wavs, but all had no effect,
and I was on the point of giving up, think
ing that I could not in any way help his
mind. At length, in reply to my remark that
he must make the unreserved surrender of
himself to God, and that it was his privilege,
when all was consecrated, yea, and duty, when
he did this, to believe that lie was then the
Lord’s—that the offering required at his hand
was accepted when presented, through the
merits of the atoning blood of Christ—he ex
claimed, “O, that is too simple; I must do
something more than that!" Just then an
illustration struck my mind. It was this:
“Brother, suppose you had a watch, and it
would not keep good time. You try to regu
late it, hut/ all effort is vain. Now, what
would you do with it ?”
“I would take it to a jeweler, and have it
repaired,” was the reply.
“Very well, but would you stand constant
ly by liis side, and assist a little here and
there ?”
“O, no,” said lie, “I should place the watch
in his hands, and go about my business.”
“Yes, yes, brother B.; now do just so with
that heart of yours. It is out of order, it
does not keep good time, it is not in liarmo
ny with the great heart of Christ. Take it
to him; he is the great repairer ot hearts; he
knows precisely how to regulate it. It was
for tills very purpose he came on earth, that
he might put hearts in order Place it in his
hands, and us you remarked respecting the
wateli, “go about your own business.’ ”
“That is it! that is it! I will do it,” he ex
claimed with much earnestness.
The way of faith is simplicity itself Look
at the case of the man who came to the Sa
viour, crying, “Lord, if thou wilt, tliou ennst
make me clean.” Listen to the reply:
will; be thou clean.” He sends a blind man
to the pool of Siloam, there to wash off the
clay which He had put on his eyes. He
washed, and came seeing. Was the virtue in
Silouui’s pool ? Nay, verily, but in tlie faith
that led him there to wash.
Nitaman was one of those who suppose
they must do “some great thing” ere the. work
can be accomplished. He is bidden by the
prophet to bathe seven times in Jordan. The
prescription is "too simple," end lie turns away
in a rage. “If by having one of my legs am
putated I could become a Christian, I would
he one to-day,” said a skeptical friend with
whom I was one day conversing in regard to
the interest of his soul. The way of salvation
by faith was “too simple” for his reception;
and so he turned away from the offer of sal
vation, choosing, if saved at all, to be so by
liis own works instead ot by grace through
fuitli.
little boy on bi» death bed was ur-
his father to repentance, and fearing lie
ad made no impression, said, “Father, I am
going to heaven ; what shall I tell Jesus is
the reason why you won’t love him J” Tlie
father burst into tears, but before he could
give the answer, liis little Sunday school boy
bad fallen asleep in Christ.
The Frcedmcu’s Bureau—The Wild Leg
islation of Congress.
From the New York Herald.)
Wc have already chronicled tho fact that
the bill enlarging the powers of the Freed-
men’s Bureau lias passed the United States
Senate by a large majority. It is therefore
now before the House of Representatives, and
to that body must the people look for the
rejection of the scheme.
Prepared, as the American people must
have been, for almost every kind of wild and
reckless legislation, under‘radical rule in Con
gress, we believe we express their unanimous
sentiment when, we state that a measure hav
ing the ramifications of this Freed men’s Bu
reau never entered tlieir minds. What docs
this bill propose ? It provides tlmt its ope
rations shall extend to refugees and freedmen
in the section covered by the rebellion; that
this section shall be divided into districts;
those districts into sub-districts, not exceed
ing the number of counties or parishes in
each State; and that each district and snb-
district shall have its local agent, at a salary
of fifteen hundred dollars per annum. Now
that the war is over, we do not sec what the
government has to do with refugees, suppos
ing them to be white, any more than it has
to do with the paupers in our almshouse at
Bellevue. We, therefore, in considering the
subject of this Freedmen’s Bureau, throw
them out of the scale altogether.
Now, liow will this measure operate ? By
tlie provisions of tho bill the Secretary of
War is authorized to “issue provisions cloth
ing, fuel and other supplies, including medi
cal stores and transportation, as may be
deemed needful.” <fcc. In other words it is
establishing a gigantic government poor-
house for the emancipated blacks; and those
who have a plantation experience of the negro
character know that he will not be slow to
avail himself the benefits of an eleemosynary
institution like tlie one proposed. The meas
ure is not only a bad, but a*wicked one. It
demoralizes the negro ; it encourages him in
habit9 of laziness; it offers a premium to in
dolence and affords shelter and protection to
the black man which have never been, and
probably will never be, accorded by the gov
ernment to tl\e poor white man in. the South.
It will place a useless government official in
every county and parish in the late re
volting States, constituting altogether an
immense army of greedy office-holders.
It will saddle the country with an enormous
expenditure, say fifteen, perhaps twenty
millions of dollars a year. It will force
upon the government a million of negroes os
perpetual dependents and pensioners, all, no
doubt, perfectly contented, because they have
all tl ley want—plenty of rations, abundance
to cat and drink, and no work. It will foster
the hiving ot (.rones. It will make the idle
more idle and the lazy lazier. Briefly, it will
paralyze the industry of the South’ ’ and is
nothing in any particular but a reckless, ex
travagant, gigantic and preposterous scheme
of government charity. And what will make
it more interesting to our overburthenod tax
payers, they will have to pay for it. If the
bill is intended as a experiment, it may serve
the purpose of an enabliogact to permit Ulos •
Congressmen who have a single idea—and
that about the negro—to ventilate tlieir ora
tory. In that light it may be regarded as a
furnishing bureau, established to serve up
food for radical and declamatory speeches.—
But if it be intended as a sericus matter, it
is calculated, not only to embarrass President
Johnson in bis restoration policy, but to en
tail a vast amount of mischief and. in
jur} - on. the country. The people ot the
South do not want any measure of the kind.
They dread its effects. They arc ready to do
what they have always heretofore done—take
care of tlieir sick, aged and decrepid servants.
The servants themselves, as a general thing,
are doing very well under the peculiar cir
cumstances of the situation. Many who left
tlieir former masters, and came North, have
returned home and been kindly received and
taken care of. The former relations between 1
master and servant having been summarily
sunderecl, it will take a little while before tlie
relationship or anything likened to it is re
stored. But the well fed and kindly treated
colored servant, after having tasted the bene
fits of li!>crty in thc-North," and received the
cold charities of his brawling Northern sym
pathizers, is prone to return to the old home
stead in the sunny South and resume the easy
life lie once led—free, to be sure, but still hav
ing an irrepressible yearning fertile scenes
amid which he was domesticated. Things
are gradually becoming tranquilized in the
South, especially with respect to tlie uses and
obligations of labor and capital, and all the
tinkering and hammering which radicals in
Congress indulge in, and all the bills they
propose like the one before us, are only cal
culated to keep alive a feeling of irritation
and resentment, and prolong to an indefinite
period the restoration of good order and ami
cable, social and business relations, both with
tho North and with the Southern laboring
population.
If Congress is determined to proceed in
this preposterous and costly experiment of
charity, why does it not take tlie cases of our
destitute and disabled white veterans into
consideration! Many of these brave fellows
have families depending upon them for a pit
iful subsistence, and the widows and orphaus
made by the war can lie numbered by thous
ands. Why does not the government look
after these poor and worthy creatures, instead
of coneocting schemes to feed, clothe and
demoralize fat Southern negroes, who have
been accustomed to labor and have extensive
fields for employment all around them? Or
Congress might take care of the poor emi
grant as lie lands upon our shores, point him
way to the government poor-house and keep
him there. In short, there are numerous ways
in which the GovdVnment can spend its mil
lions of dollars, pile on taxation and task the
people until they groan again under their
burdens; but there is none so transparently
preposterous as that of the Freedmen’s Bureau
bill now before tlie House of Representatives.
If it 6e not killed there, the force of wild,
reckless and extravagant legislation can no
further go.
»♦»— :
Foundering ofihe Steamship London—Loss
of Two Hundred and Fifty Lives—Ter
rible Scenes.
Tlie steamship London, from London to
3Iel!>oume, 1ms foundered at sea, with about
200 souls on board. The survivors—16 ot
the crew and 8 passengers—were landed at
Falmouth ou Jan. 10. The Western 3Iail
gives the following account of the closing
scene of this terrible disaster.
“It was at 10 oiclock on tlie morning of
that fatal Thursday thatCapt. Martin had the
terrible task of making known to the 200
passengers that the ship was sinking, and
that they must prepare lor the worst. She
was then as low in the water as the main
chains. The. whole, of the passengers and
crew gathered, as with one consent, in the
chief saloon, and having been calmly told by
Capt. Martin that there was no hope left, a
remarkable and unanimous spirit of resigna
tion came over them at once. There was no
screaming or shrieking by women or men, no
rushing on deck, or frantic cries. All calmly
resorted to the saloon, where Rev. 3Ir. Draper,
one of the passengers, prayed aloud, and ex
horted the unhappy creatures by whom lie was
surro unded. Dismay was present to every heart,
but disorder to none. 3Iothers were weeping
sadly over the little ones al>out with them to
be engulfed, and the children, ignorant of
tlieir coming death, were pitifully inquiring
tlie cause of so much woe. Friends were tak
ing leave of friends, as if preparing for a long
journey ; others were crouched down with
bibles iu their hands, endeavoring to snatch
consolation from passages long know or long
neglected. Incredible, we are told, was tlie
composure which, under such circumstances,
reigned around. Capt. 3Iartin stationed
liimseif in (he poop, going occasionally for
ward into the saloon ; but to none could he
offer a word of comfort by telling them that
tlieir safety was even probable. " He joined
now and then for a few moments in the pub
lic devotions, but liis place to the last was on
the deck. About 2 o’clock in the afternoon,
the water gaining fast on tlie ship and ro
signs of the storms subsiding being apparent,
a small band of men determined to trust
themselves to the mercy of the waves in a
boat rather than go down without a struggle,
Leaving the saloon, therefore, they got out
and lowered away the port cutter, into which
16 of the crew and three of the passengers
succeeded in getting and in launching her
clear of the ship. These 19 men shouted for
the captain to come with them, but with that
heroic courage which was liis chief charac
teristic, lie declined to go with them, saying:
‘No, I will go down with the passengers; but
I wish you God speed and safe to land.’ The
boat then pulled away, tossing about help
lessly on the crests of the gigantic waves.—
Scarcely had they gone eighty yards, or been
five minutes off the deck, when the tine
steamer went down stem foremost with her
crew of human beings, from whom one con
fused cry of helpless terror arose, and all was
silent forever.
After the pinnace had got away from the
London, and in the brief interval before she
foundered, a rush was seen to be made for the
two remaining boats, but the efforts to launch
them were ineffectual, and the suddenness of
the foundering at last—the London being an
iron ship—prevented what might have been
a successful second attempt to save a few
more lives.”
HOYT’S SUPERPHOSPHATE
1’ E R T O N
DELIVERED IN AUGUSTA.
We oiler the above well known and thoroughly
favorite MANE BE a‘. ?(-•; cr Ton, in lots of Five
Ions. InamaHer parcels, 8Wper Ton.
This manure ha- Veil used and tested in the
most thorough mai cer In Georgia, and has univer
sally proved equal t ■ any Manure altered in tho
culture of Cotton. Every barrel is guaranteed to-
be of standard Purity. Terms strictly cash. Be
low are t.ic names of - one who h.tva used, and can
best speak of its excellence:
Jonathan M. Miller, Esq.' Beech Island, S. C.
212 P-FUxrfmmona, Esq., Jefferson Co.
David Dickson. Esq , Oxford, Ga.
J. A. Bell, Esq., Oglethorpe Co., Ga
•Tas. P. Fleming, Augusta, Ga.
Isaac T. Heard, Esq., Augusta, Georgia.
Dr. E. M. Pendleton, Sparta, Georgia!
KobL F. Connelly, Esq,, Burke Countv, Ga.
K. J. Henderson. Esq., Covington, Gal
Tim-. J. D. Davis, Esq., Beech Island, S. C.
Geo. A. Oates, Esq., Augusta, Ga.
Dr. H. R. Cook, Beech Island, S. C.
Thos. W. Whatley, E-q., BeocbIsland, S. C
Wm. bummer, Esq., Pomarin, S. C.
Col. M. C. M. Hammond, Athens Ga.
Wm. D. Grant, Esq., Walton Cou’niv, Ga.
•Tames A Shivers, Esq.. Warrentou, Ga.
A ^trey, Esq., LaGrange, Ga.
Wilson i.v]., ilanrock County, Ga«
J. K. Morrisson. Esq., Burke County, Ga.
I*. A. Saffold, Madison, Ga.
W. W. Anderson. Esq., Warren Couutv, Ga.
M. H. WclbckSj Esq., Warren Co., Ga.
rff -Colbert, Esq., Warren County, Ga.
W. H. Brantley, Em., Warren County, Ga.
IsaaePoweB.W, High Shoals, Ga.
I. C. Dennis, Esq., Eatonton Ga.
A. G Hester, Esq., Walton County, Gx
Joel Mathews, Esq., Oglethorpe County, Ga
Col. John Btllnptf, Athens. Ga.
Dr. G. W. Watkins, Sparta, Gx
A. J. Lane, Esq., 8parto, Gx
\V.W. Simpson, Esq., Sparta, Ga.
J- T. BothweU, Esq., Augusta, Gx
J. V. Jones, Esq., Burke County, Ga.
A. Pharr, E*q„ Social Circle, Georgia.
J. C. Bower, Esq., Irwiulon, Ga.
i ,V V. i>uraecounty, Uu
S. M. Manning. Hawklnsvillc, Go.
E. A. Smith, Kr-q., Walton County, Georgix
Walton County, Georgia.
■U. V\ hitehead, Esq., Burke Couutv, Gx
Dr. M. S. Durham, Esq., Cfarke Countv, Gx
A- P- Dearing, Esq., Athens, Gx
i or prompt attention, orders should b* sent In
early, to
, J- O. M ATHEWSON. Agent,
febo ft 3S5 Broad st., Augusta, Gx
ISAAC SCOTT, I O. A. NUTTINO. [ A. II. POWELI.
SCOTT, FOTVELL & CO..
B A. NT K E R S .
Will receive, deposits, buy and sell exchange.
Specie, Bank notes, Government, Railroad, and
other securities. Make collections in any part of
the United States or Canadas.
3V ill make cosh advances on cotton and other
produce in store, or consigned to Edward Fad el-
ford, Savannah. Scott, Zerega A 6o., New York,
or our correspondent in Liverpool.
Operating on a largo paid in capital, with the
long established credit of tlie members of this
firm, furnishes sufficient guarantee of safety in all
our business transactions.
Notes on all National Banks received at par.
dcc23-3m.
A. S. PATRICK,
W. F. HAVENS.
NEWS DEPOT,
TRIANGULAR BLOCK, CHERRY STREET.
PATRICK & HAVENS
KEEP
ALL THE DAILY JOURNALS,
AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN MAGAZINES,
DIARIES FOR 1S66,
STATIONERY OF ALL KINDS.
* NOTIONS,
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^* CALL AND S E JS ; -
jaaS-Sm
g5f“Wcll, stranger, where are you from ?”
said a landlady of Arkansas to her guest
“Why, madam, I am now from Baltimore,
Maryland, but I was born and brought up in
Massachusetts, near Boston, said the gen
tleman. '
‘Ain’t that where the Yankees live!” said
the lady.
“So it is said,” he replied.
“Law me you ate the man I have been look
ing for this long time—my clock is out of
fix!" ejaculated the lady in ccstacies of joy.
EORGIA, Quitman County.—To all whom it
VJT may concern: Haywood Graddy having in
proper form applied to me for permanent letters of
administration on the estate of James-HAVellborne,
late of said County, this is to cite all, and singu
lar, the creditors and next of kin of James II.
Wellborn* to be,andjippcar at my office within the
time allowed by la-.v, and show cause, if any they
can, why permanent administration should not be
granted to the applicant.
January 30tb, 1SCC.
W. P. JORDAN,
febl-law3d Ordinary.
r i EORGIA, Quitman Countv.—To all whom it
r may concern: Catherine AT. Harden having
in j.roper forni applied to sus lor permanent let
ters of administration on the estate of John J.
Harden, late ol said County, this is to cite nil and
singular, the creditors, and next of kin of John J.
Harden to be uud appear at my office within
the tiiuo allowed by law, and show cause, if any
they can,why permanent administration should not
be granted to the applicant.
W. P. JORDAN,
febii-lwoOd Ordinary.
LANIER HOUSE.
REPAIRED AND REFITTED.
MULBERRY STREET, MACON, GA.,
GEO. M. ILOCiSAlV, - - Proprietor.
Omnibus and Baggage Wagon,
AT THE TRAINS. WILL CARRY PAS
SENGERS AND BAGGAGE TO
AND FR03I THE DEPOT.
Free of C lia,rge.
jan 7-3m
R. W. eur.HEDGE, b. A. CALDWELL,
WM. IIAZLKHHRST.
CUBBEDGE, CALDWELL & 00,
bankers,
2d St Macon, Ga 2d St.
S TOCKS, Bonds, Uncurrent Funds, Coin, For
eign and Domestic Exchnngo bought and sold.
Monies invested as parties may direct. Collections
made and proceeds promptly remitted. Deposits
received and paid on demand.
feb4-3m.
Notico.
G EORGIA—Bibb county.—Two months alter
the date hereof, application will be made to
the Ordinary of said county, for leave to sell all fhe
property, both real and personal, belonging to the
estate of Albert G. Bostick, lute of said county,
deceased, JNO. J RILEY,
fcbC-wCOd Administrator.
Excelsior! Excelsior!
EIGHTY BARRELS
THIS EXCELSIOR FLOUR
Just received. Mark you,
It is not Western Excelsior,
LOW BRANDS;
THIS IS “TENNESSEE EXCELSIOR,’
Try it. Yon will then Try it Again.
TEN BOXES I
HEAVY AXES.
ALL IN STORE.
J. W. FEARS & CO.
Griffin Star, Talbotlon Wcrkly, icr. il & Mes
senger and Jli-i or copy. ' febfi-ti
O' i.'ii-c iru
;.- . 1 • It’s r,or
: d . I, eo ju
For r.e:'-rvt( :,tion or iuec i::
tation,inflammation or uli u«i
kidneys, diseases of the presti
the bladcur, cah-uins, gmvd or tfrk-k-dwK (nWm
(•(Cals k Fni.is,
USB UFi.MliULD’S 11 IJ.'D EXTi '( T BI'CITU