Newspaper Page Text
<$ter§ta SMttUa a elrarajilj.
„r.cTio!r—In the editorial lately pub-
in this paper, referring to the schools
il$ !•' ^lmen in Macon, wo were made, by an
f ° f , r of the compositor, to say that 4000
'linen received instruction in the schools
%,con. It should have been one thou-
* ( , ( ioo0.) and so it was written.
rjr As a misnomer, together with several
^important errors, occurred in theobitu-
^.'publitliod yesterday, we republish it to-
,1,'t in * corrected form.
forms SF.isrREs.-All persons interested
• Government cotton seizures, are referred to
; t V ( ,rd of Hon. Jno. Gill Shorter, of Ala*
l mi:i. who has gone to Washington for the
r*ss purpose of giving his attention to the
I _j r ipht of Southern citizens in this parti-
vuisr regard. It is hardly necessary for us
|# insure the reader that in Ex-Gov. Shorter
^ will find an Attorney both capable and
faithful- __
TIIE NEW YORK NEWS.
jj r j. J. Hill, the agent for this New York
TIIE LEGISLATURE AND THE
RAILROADS.
We linvc no personal interest in any rail
road in the State, except Mich as every citizen
should feel in the prosperity of nil our great
industrial institutions; but we have a remark
to make which we think justice and true
policy demand at our hands z# public jour
nalists.
We wish to express the hope that tho bill
recently passed by the IIousc of Representa
tives, assuming to declare on what terms the
railroads of Georgia shall conduct their busi
ness, will not be allowed to pass into a law.
It is partial and most impolitic legislation, ifi
indeed, it be not wholly unconstitutional—a
point to which the Executive will not fail tq
give his earnest attention. We regard the
measure as, first, wrong in principle, for it
seeks to place such a restriction on capital
invested in one particular line which it does
not place on other investments, and to engraft
new terms on charters granted years agw
without them. We do not think this legiti
mate legislation.
In the second place it is unjust and impoli
tic. The railroads have been great public
benefactors during the late war, and they
came out of it, most of them.cripplcd to a de-
pjjxris now in our city and is stopping ut gree that amounted nearly to utter prostra-
. •— Tr - 5- ' r tion. They sustained heavy losses by the
the Lanier House. lie will remnin in Macon
lor two or three days and will receive sub
scriptions and contracts for advertisements in
the News. It may be that he will call upon
douic of our citizens: if so, they will fiud him
a courteous gentleman; and if they wish to
dice a New York paper, we can commend
the iVno.
Confederate Government, and their tracks,
depots and rolling stock were nearly de
stroyed by the invaders, thus throwing upon
them the expense ot almost entire reconstruc
tion. We submit, is this the time to make
war on these institutions? Is it the treatment
they have a right to expect at the hands of
the Legislature, which ought rather, could
Amkiucax Cotton Planter and Soil of j t f, e „f service, to be extending the hand of
the Softii. M e are gratified to see that this ; the State to raise them out of their misfor-
populnr agricultural periodical is about to be j tunes and place them on their feet again ?
renewed by its former editor and proprietor, ; j t j g truc that railroad fares have l>ecnhigh
Pr. N. R. ('loud, who, as a practical fanner ; —pray lts w liat other thing there is for
»nd wr.-' r on tho science ot agriculture, has w j,; c h we h* vc not had to pay an exorbi-
no superior in the South. It will be published tnnt price since the close of tlie war. We
as heretofore, at Montgomery, Alabama, the ma i n ta.in that railroads form no exceptional
firstnumbor being for March and to be issued | j n T j ew of the high prices of lalior
by the SOth of the present month. and of every material used in conducting
Terns—1 copy per annum (in advance) $3.00 ! their operations, they do business on as rea-
C “ “ ’* “ 15.00 ; sonablc terms as any other interest in the
Kverr planter, farmer, borticulturalist and ' country, individual or corporate, and at n
house keeper should take the work and send j time when they have even stronger mduce-
<>n their suliscriptions forthwith so as to se- ; ments to high prices in the necessity for re-
cure the beginning of the volume. • pairing their immense losses. The idea of
, j reducing their prices to the gold staudard in
Hr. Nott. 1 prosperous times and then paying them in a
The Rev. Eiiphalet Nott. D. D., for almost j currency one hundred and fifty centsof which
sixty-two years President of the Union Col- ■ it takes to make a dollar, is, in our humble
lege. Schenectady, N. Y., died recently atthc 1 judgment, little short of an outrage. Why
jjje of U3. lie has been for some time in is it that steamboats, factories, grist mills
treble health, and his death was not uncx- j and -other like enterprises are not subjected to
preted. Under liis able administration, j the same restrictions ? Can anybody give a
I’nion College was raised from poverty to I satisfactory reason ? The fact that they may
wealth and reputation, lie having devoted to
it the money derived from several profitable
mechanical inventions of his own. He was a
native of Connecticut, und a minister of the
Presbyterian Church. He was seif-educated,
never having received a collegiate education.
His sermon on the death of Aaron Harr, while
lie was minister at Albany, in 1804, first gave
hint prominence, and was one of the grounds
hr electing him to the position lie'oceuptedso
long. He would have been 03 years of age
had he lived until next June. His family is
a long lived one. A brother died a few years
since, having nearly completed his hundredth
year.
Souktiiino Choice.—A good and pure
wine is a luxury rarely enjoyed, and when we
meet up with it, it is something worth talk
ing about. In the stock of Messrs. Tour «fc
Ogden, on Second street, are to be found ns
gennineaml savory champagnes as arc brought
across the waters. Two brands, especially,
are worthy of note- tho “ Cliquot,” whose
world-renowned excellence needs no addi
tional testimonial, and the ‘‘Chateau do la
Tourctte,” a new brand to ua, but a wine full
of life, fruity, and smooth as peach and
honey. Wc’vc tried both, and only wislt
every citizen of Macon had a bottle for bis
dinner to-day. It would make little differ
ence to him whether he is in the Union or
out of it.
See Messrs. T. & O.’s card in our columns,
and give them a call.
The ‘‘Child’s Delight.”
The second number of this lteautiful pa
per for children, edited by S. Boykin, of this
city, is just out, and presents a very fine ap
pearance. It is profusely illustrated, filled
with pretty stories and articles to please and
lienefit children. It is printed on fine white
paper, aud taken altogether, is just such a
paper as is, indeed, likely to delight tlie chil
dren. Its terms arc
Single copies otic year, one dollar. For
any number under ten, one year, $1,00 each.
Clubs of ten or over may pay at the follow
ing rates ;
From 10 to 20 inclusive, TS cents per annum.
“• 25 to 50 •» 70 “ “ u
55 to 75 “ 60 “ “ “
One hundred 50 “ “
" and fifty or more, 45 “ “ “
< The CntLD's Delight, is published month
ly at Macon, Ga., by S. Boykin. It will ad
vocate the creeds and doctrines of no partic
ular denomination, but will seek to inculcate
all the commonly received truths of evangel
ic*! religion. Its aim will lie to benefit the
young—-to accomplish which tho editor will
‘pare neither pians nor expense.
The price has been put as cheaply as pos-
’tble, to insure tlie Editor from loss, until a
large circulation is obtained, and when that
happens he will diminish the price or publish
the paper semi-monthly instead ot monthly.
Address
Child's Delight,
Macon, Gn.
Griffin Union.—To our old friend of oth-
,r days, who was wont in times past to write
w much that was just and true, and to write
»so well, we tender our thanks for his kind
ly notice of the “Telegraph.” 5Vc are sorry
that he cannot approve us w ithout a reserva
tion ; but that is his fault—perhaps miscon
ception—not ours. If to exhort earnestly to
forgetfulness of the past, to protest against
meditated wrong, and to hold up to public
odium a faction at tho North who are exciting
their utmost energy to overthrow the Con
stitution, plant the seeds of permanent dis
cord, and enslave tho whole white race of the
South, be “a contwo calculated to keep up
wd intensify feelings of sectional hatred, dis
coid, discontent and jealousy,” then we plead
guilty to the charge. This is the offense of
the “Telegraph,” nothing more. The editors
of this paper long for a restoration of peace
a nd good will, and know no enemies in this
country save those who would perpetuate
‘■trife. Our old friend is honest, but he has
dreamed of the Union until he has - ceased to
’entember the blessings it was intended to se
cure, and without which it should no longer
c nn object of patriotic desire. We did a
’■*'* 1 *•*"- '<• break it up, J*ut we shall do a
*° content to its reconstruction except
on th
ity.
not be owned by chartered bodies makes not
u whit of difference unless the Legislature re
served the right to interfere in their charters,
and even then the discrimination would be
odious and unjust.
It is always safest for tlie Legislature to let
all sucli matters alone. If evils exist, time
will right them all. Our railroads all com
pleted and in operation, there will be com
petition enough to check all excesses and
public impositions. We shall hare several
lines to the coast, competing to carry out pro
duce and bring in goods, and they are very
apt to keep each other on tlie best of terms
with the public. There is one point where
the Legislature has clearly the power and
may act without injustice and to the advan
tage of the public. Let it look to the West
ern and Atlantic Railroad, the|great monojto-
Iyjand feeder of the whole system of inter
nal improvements in Georgia, and compel
that to conform in its charges, especially on
through freights, to those of connecting lines.
Do this, and the Legislature will have dis
charged its whole duty to the public so far
os the railroads arc concerned.
The Representation Amendment.
The Richmond Dispatch, commenting on
the resolution to nmend the Constitution, re
cently passed the House, says; “The circum
stances under which tlie resolution was passed
render its adoption by tlie Radicals very ac
ceptable in one view of the ease. We bad
feared that they would claim the right to reg-
PIIILOSOI’HY OF THE NEGRO-
WORSHIPERS.
The nnxiety of the Northern abolitionists
to confer the right of suffrage upon the Afri
can race in the South, is a fruitful theme for
study and reflection. The contest is a most
extraordinary one, and we doubt it the world
ever presented such a moral spectacle before.
Hcr« we have in tlie Southern States of the
American Union, three millions of blaeks—
one million, or fully a fourth, are supposed to
have passed out of existence under the benign
influence of abolition friendship and protec
tion— wlto, according to the testimony of this
same party, have been kept, under the policy
of their Southern masters, in a deplorable
state of ignorance and barbarism generation
after generation ; and yet a large majority of
the Northern Congress openly proclaim their
desire and intention that these ignorant bar
barians shall be trusted, not only with free
dom, hut with the highest political privilege
and discretion recognized among civilized
mankind—a privilege of which this country
alone lias considered the people a safe depos
itory. This, too, is to be done at a time when
tlie doctrine of universal suffrage among white
men, has come to be considered one of more
than doubtful propriety.
Now, wc repeat, this is a most remarkable
moral and political spectacle. What does it
mean ? What acknowledged principle of hu
man ratiocination does so extraordinary a
phenomenon depend upon’for its origin ?
It is believed by many—ourselves among
the number—that the shrewder portion of the
advocates of this strange doctrine, Lave in
end a view, which, however it may meet the
cold, heartless calculations of political econ
omy, Is an outrage upon humanity and Chris
tian civilization. They know the universal
law that two races, one so vastly superior to
the other as the white man is to the negro,
when endowed with equal civil anti political
rights, cannot exist together in the same com
munity—that a conflict must necessarily arise,
and that the weaker, front extermination by
violence or expatriation from public policy,
must inevitablyfgive'way and disappear before
the stronger. There is no truth more clearly
demonstrated by history than this. It is then,
in simple language, the policy of this class to
rid tlie country of the negro, and to put the
white emigrant from the North and Europe
in his place. Wc are happy to be able to say
that the aversion of the Southern people to
change, and their kindly feelings toward their
former slaves, arc likely to defeat this well-
laid scheme, provided a conflict shall not be
forced upon them by the real enemies of the
negro race at the North.
There is another class, though, who enter
tain a different view, and it includes a vast
majority of the negro worshipers at
the North—the political partisans and
the religious fanatics. They expect
the nagro to remain in the country, and wish
to use him for their own political and person
al aggrandizement. They form a political
party, who have full possession of the gov
ernment with its vast poweg and patronage*
but their race is run, their fortunes arc on the
wane, and something must be done to save
themselves from tbc inevitable disgrace that
awaits them. It is a struggle for existence-
About to go down beneath the waves>f pop
ular condemnation and odium, and.tlic white
man failing them, they look to the negro to
save them. To this end they wish to invest
him with the elective franchise, all unfited as
he is; with tiic expectation that so strong a re
inforcement will enable them to hold on to
the spoils and perpetuate their reign.
Here, again, in our honest judgment, these
political Ishmaclitcs are reckoning without
their host. They arc convulsing the country,
subverting the Constitution, and putting
themselves and everybody else to a vast deal
of trouble and all to no purpose. Enfranchise
the negro, give him the right to vote, and for
whom will his suffrage be cast as a general
rule I Wc at tlie South who know him well
and have borne toward him so long the rela
tion of friend and protector, and are still wil
ling to no him justice and promote -his wel
fare in all possible ways, know best how to
answer the question. The North make a great
mistake when they suppose that as his libera
tors they will bold tbc highest place in his
aid in their wicked crusade against the rights,
interests, and feelings of tlie Southern peo
ple.
THE PRESENT (SO-CALLED) CON
GRESS OF THE UNITED STATES AN
UNCONSTITUTIONAL BODY.
[From the Constitutional Union.
It is an unconstitutional body because its
constituent elements, its composition, are not
such as the Constitution directs, expressly di
rects. To be satisfied of this, an examination
of the Constitution is alone necessary. The
Constitution in its first words, in its Article I
and Sections 1, 2 and 3, ordains that there
shall be a legislative body called a Congress,
consisting of a Senate and House of Repre
sentatives, and it most minutely describes and
ordains tlie composition of each, the qualifi
cations of the uietulters as to age, residence
and the manner in which they shall be elect
ed or appointed, both in tlie first instance and
afterwards when vacancies occur or times of
service expires. Tlie directions are all, most
minute, as if those giant statesmen of old,
who instituted or rather framed our system of
government, foresaw exactly what their pig
my successors, the memliers of the present
radical Republican party would attempt, and
thereby meant to frustrate their designs.
They therefore left nothing whatever to
tho discretion of Congress, but merely to
judge each House for itself whether the quali
fications and mode of election of its members
were in accordance with these constitutional
directions. Among these minute and care
fully worded directions are recorded express
ly, by name, the States from which alone
members were at any time to be sent. And
how many were to be sent to the first Con
gress is expressly mentioned, and it expressly
ordained that after the first. enumeration or
census of the American population, tlie num
ber to be sent from each shall be in propor
tion to its free population, witli a provision
concerning the representation of slave popu
lation, which docs not now apply, slavery
ulate suffrage in tlie States by act of Congress.
This amendment not only excludes that theo- confidence and regard. It is true that liberty
ry, but Mr. Stevens, in proposing and advo
cating it, expressly and in plain terms denied
the power of Congress over the subject. He
said:
“Without this amendment the States always
had the right to regulate the elective fran
chise, and he held that the pending amend
ment did not take nway this right when it
became incorporated in the Constitution. It
said, however, to these States, that it they
abused the elective franchise the Constitution
would hold a penalty over them. All knew
of the aspiration and ambition of tlie Southern
States to rule this nation, for having failed to
ruin tbc country, they wouid now try to rule
it; but this constitutional amendment would
say to those States, just so far as you abuse
the elective franchise by refusing a vote to the
most loyal part of your population, just so in
proportion shall you lose your power in the
Government, by losing your representation in
the halls of Congress. The South would lose
by this amendment thirty-five representatives.
Their representation would be reduced from
eighty to forty-five, and then we could add,
he said, the whole nest of copperheads, end
freedom would still be triumphant in this
hall.”
Perhaps, continues tlie Dispatch, Mr. Ste
vens may be mistaken in his hopes that the
South will lose so many representatives. If
site lose them, the loss will be because of licr
refusal to require simply property and educa
tional qualification* in her voters.
Perhaps, too, Mr. Stevens njay also las mis
taken in supposing—as he declared in his
speech—that the ratification of only nineteen
States will make his amendment a part of the
Constitution. President Johnson may have a
word to say oa that question, since he docs
not agree with Mr. Stevens in the opinion
that the Southern State Legislatures are not
to vote upon its ratification.
A Hint to the Legislature.—Governor
Brownlow has strongly recommended the
building of two more penitentiaries, in ad
dition to tbc one now in operation at Nash
ville. Perhaps this is a hint to our Legisla
tors; nt least- they may console themselves
is a boon, one for which tbc negro
bis ignorance may have sighed, but
twelve month experience has taught him
the real extent of its value, and to whom he
must look in future for sympathy and support
for himself and family. He has heard much
tntt, many protestations of Wen.Wnp, from
the North, but for all real benefits he knows
he must look to the former slaveholders of
the South. - He is with them and they know
how to feel for his condition, whilst his pro
fessed Northern friends are far away, and
when face to face with him know nothing
ot his character,have always been accustomed
to regard Jhim as a {brute, and is less willing
to do him a real service. And again, the ne
gro is mentally weak and dependent, knows
nothing of public affairs, and is easily pre
vailed on to follow the advice of those by
whom he is surrounded, and especially those
to whom be looks for employment and pro
tection in all his rights.
Under these circumstances, allowing that
any man in the South would be guilty of tlie
temerity of running as a Black Republican
candidate for Congress or anything else, for
whom would the negro cast his suffrage at
the polls} Wc have not the slightest doubt
on our own mind but that ninety-nine hun
dredths of them weuld vote for tlie Southern
candidates. Interest and feeling would both
prompt him to such a course, for, aside from
the associations of a life-time, ho knows that
the very day he arrays himself in opposition
to the wishes and interests of the South, will
be the day of his doom. But wc beliQve
his inclination* will lead him to side
with bis employer and the candidates of
his choice. It is astonishing how little
tlie men of the North know of tbc
negro. It may sound strange to Northern
ears, but we liavo no doubt, liad the negro
been enlisted in the Southern army os he was
in the Northern, he would have made a far
better and more willing soldier for us than
he did for them. We have known many who
wcrc/anxions to volunteer on our side when
three times tho number ot convicts for which
room is likely to'be required in Georgia.
“Hooray"for Tenncssccwith its low govern
or! v
with tlie thought that Tennessee, under the
renowned Brownlow, has need of room for! the struggle was pending, and wc committed
a great f olly when wo refused to take them.
It is a notorious historical fact that tlie great
body of them, with ever}' exhortation to dis
affection and every opportunity fur desertion,
stood firmly by their masters and by the
South throughout tlie stiuggle. But few
went voluntarily into the Federal camp, and
we have the best reason fo;: saying that not
one in twenty of that few shouldered a mus
ket in their cause without compulsion.
F n ” these reasons, we think the Radicals of
The Secretary of War has received from
friends in England, principally in Birming
ham, $5,000 for tlie benefit of destitute irecd-
men. It has been turned over to Gen. How
ard'* bureau.
I .lent.-Gen. Grant has contributed the sum
$5,000 to aid i» the erection of the Me
having been abolished. The States men
tioned, from which .alone representatives
were then to be sent, were these commonly
called the “old thirteen,” the original found
ers of the Constitution, and who first, and
entirely of there own free will ordained and
established it within the respective limits of
each. They are New Hampshire, Massachu
setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary
land, Virginia, North Carolina, South Caro
lina, and Georgia. The representation of
these States with tlie prescribed qualifications
and inode of election to either House is ex
pressly provided for in the Constitution. Now
suppose, wliat is almost impossible, tilth; tlie
great men of 1792, who participated in tlie
formation of our existing Constitution and
in the organization of our first Congress, bad
acted like the little men of the dominant par
ty of I860 ; had some of them hastened to
the seat of government, before the rest, hurl
met in secret conclave and therein con
spired and resolved to form themselves
into a body from which to exclude the rep
resentatives of one or more of the States so
named, and to hold snch States for an indefi
nite period or any period of time as conquer
ed provinces, would their conduct have been
considered as being in accordance with the
Constitution, or would the body thus formed
by them have been considered by the patri
otic President George Washington, or his
countrymen qf that time, a constitutional
Congress of the United States ?
I trow not. No; whether they attempted
to affect their purpose directly by an enact
ment to that effect, -or indirectly by a cun
ninglv contrived test-oath of admission ; by
the imposition of any other oath than wliat
the Constitution prescribes, the simple oath
to 4 support the Constitution,” they and their
proceedings would have been equally disa
vowed; tlicir pretended laws, enactments,
joint resolutions, constitutional amendments,
impeachments—all their proceedings would
have been considered as unconstitutional
null and void, which no citizen was under
any constitutional obligation to obey, or any
executive or judicial officer ot the Federal or
State Governments, to enforce and execute.—
Yet, they had then precisely the same pretext
as that alledgcd by the present dominant
party to justify such a course. During the
preceding revolutionary war just ended, there
li.nl l>een a powerful royal party in the States
of New York, North Carolina. Georgia,
Maryland, and, Pennsylvania. In the four
first named States, that party had given pow
erful armed assistance to tlie national enemy,
which required a great expenditure of blood
and treasure to overcome.
Now, this present so-called Congress is in
precise!}’ such a category. It lacks in both
Houses all representation from four of the
original States named in the Constitution,
and for whom a representation of two Sen
ators each, and representatives in proportion
to their free population is therein expressly
provided; that is, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina and Georgia. And that not
because they have neglected to send them
duly qualified, elected, and accredited; but
because a factious party majority has in secret
conspired and has openly acted to exclude
them. The present so-called Congress, is
therefore, an unconstitutional body, having
no constitutional existence, power or autliori
ty, and cannot have, so long as it persists in
its present course. But this is not all. The
Constitution, Art. 4, Sec. 3, provides that
“New States shall be admitted into the Un-
otlier
States shall have representative*, and how
many—therefore, any body which violates
those directions, nnd ban its portals against
any such representatives, has no constitution
al existence, and if it does subsequently com
ply with all the regulations which the Con
stitution lias directed for its proceedings and
ordinary working, when lawfully constituted
and composed, it lias ceased to have a consti
tutional existence. American.
SPECIAL
MESSAGE FROM GOV.
JENKINS.
Executive Department,
Milledgeville, Georgia,
February, 0th, I860.
To ths Gneral Assembly :
man will contend that such new States have
not all the rights of representation in Con
gress as the old original States. Now, of
such new, States, there arc seven other States,
Tennessee, Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mis
sissippi, Alabama and Florida, whose Sena
tors aud Representatives have been also ex
eluded by the majority of the so-called Con
gress. And that not for want of the due
constitutional qualifications, forms cf elec
tion, or credentials. In proof of this is the
exclusion of Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, and
others who have heretofore been admitted in
to tlie preceding Congress by tho consent of
many of the persons members of the domi
nant party, who now persistently vote to ex
elude them—although they have the same
credentials precisely as before.
The eleven States whose senators and rep
resentatives have been so unconstitutionally
attempted to be excluded constitute nearly
one-tliird of the whole number of States,
and their representatives, after presenting
their credentials nnd taken the constitution
al oath (which any magistrate may adminis
ter,) have just the same right to appear and
take their scats in Congress and to partici
pate , in its deliberations nnd its votes as
the representatives and senators of any other
States. For a factious majority to exclude
them is, therefore, plainly unconstitutional,
and effects a political suicide. For the exclu
ding majority thereby makes the so-called
Congress, which it effects to compose, an un
constitutional body. All its proceedings are
thereby vitiated. Its pretended cnocments,
its joint resolutions, its pretended constitu
tional amendments, its impeachments—all its
proceedings are unconstitutional, null and
void—have no force or operation in Jlaw—no
citizen is bound to obey them, and no exo
cutive or judicial officer of the coun
try is bound to enforce them. On the con
trary, each is bound by his official oath “to
support the Constitution,” to disregard them
entirely. The effect of these proceedings, if
allowed, subverts tho Constitution and the
Government. A factious majority have now
the power, if unchecked in tlieir proceedings,
to expel all the members of the opposition—
to deprive the President of his constitutional
participation in the legislative power by veto
—to impeach and depose him or any ’ other
executive or judicial officer. So much for the
present In the future, if such a usurpation
a allowed to be established as a precedent,
any factious congressional majority may any
time usurp oligarchical powers, and deprive
any State of its rights and its people of their
rights and liberties when it chooses, which it
will always do, if its political views arc ob
noxious to sucli a mnjority. To sum up in
fine, the ground taken iii the preceding ar-
With this communcation, I transmit cop
ies of the proceedings of the Stockholders of
the holders of the Bank of Augusta, the Au
gusta Insurance aud Ranking Company, the
City Bank, and the Mechanics t Bank,' loca
ted in the city of Augusta.
It will be seen that the two former make
positive surrenders of their charters; that
the two latter have taken initiatory steps to
the came end, nnd they all have provided for
the assignment of their assets, real and per
sonal, for the benefit of their creditors; that
act having been, at the date of their ccmmu'
nication, completed by tbc President and
Director of tlie Augusta Insurance and Bank
ing Company.
You are well aware of tbc legislation of
your predecessors, alluded to in resolutions
of tho Stockholders, and of the actions taken
by the Executive, by authority of that legis
lation.
It is not questioned, I believe, that these
Banks, and those of the State generally,
were, at the commencement of the late war,
in a sound condition, carrying on within the
limits of their several charters, a legitimate
banking business.
There is abundant reasons to believe, that
but for the large accumulation in tlieir bands
of State securities of different kinds, which
were repudiated by the late Stato Conven
tion, under pressure of Federal authority, and
of irredeemable Confederate Treasury notes,
to which accumulation they were constrained
to submit, by an unusual aud rigorQus State
policy, they would be in a condition to meet
all their liabilities.
If the existence of those facts be doubted,
the truth of tho case may be elicited by scru
tiny into their management. If the recitals
in their proceedings, herewith transmitted,
be true, they present a strong claim upon the
justice of (lie State, for such relief as it may
be competent for the General Assembly to ex
tend. Certainly it would seem reasonable
and beneficial, as well to them, as to their
creditors, that they be allowed to go into
liquidation, under such restrictions ns may
avoid protracted and liarrassing litigation,
without impairing any security, provided by
their several charters, for bill-holders and
other creditors. I cannot dismiss the subject
without remarking, that if, by confirming
tlieir conduct to statutory requirements, tlie
directors and other officers have been placed
in a situation, which, if voluntarily assumed,
would have subjected them to penalties im
posed by prior legislation, justice, (not c/utri-
ty.) would suggest entire and prompt relief
from those penalties. This just measure of
exemption from punishment, where there is
ao guilt, could work no possible injury to
creditors.
These remarks are predicated upon tlie
statements made in the accompanying papers,
and are intended to apply not only to the
Banks above named, tlieir Directors and of
ficers, but to all others similarly situated. I
commend the whole subject to your wise nnd
just consideration.
I also communicate to the Senate, for the
uso of both bodies in turn, a memorial from
a Convention of freedmen, said to have liecn
held in the city of Augusta. Very many of
the subjects embraced in it have already been
submitted to your consideration, and arc now
engaging your attention.
On the whole subject of their status—their
relation to the body politic—the large meas
ure of protection and encouragement to which
they arc entitled, and the confidence I feci in
your purpose, to do all in the premises that
statesmanship and philanthropy may require
I have already conferred freely witli you.
I herewith lay before the House of Repre
sentatives, tor the use in turn of both bodies,
the final report of the Georgia Relief and
Hospital Association, from which' I think,
you will find that the complicated and diffi
cult trust undertaken by that body, has been
discharged with commendable energy and fi
delity. The two documents last referred to,
are so voluminous, that with tho existing
pressure upon the officers of this Department,
copies could not be made of them without
inconveniently delaying their transmission;
and hence the course adopted.
By the act of Congress of the United
States, pnssed Sth of August, 1861, for the
raising of internal revenue, the direct tax as
sessed upon the State of Georgia, is five hun
dred and eigty-four thousand and sixty-seven,
and one-third dollars. ($584,367 38-100.)
One of tlie provisions *>f this act authorizes
the assumption by the States severaly, of the
collection and payment of their respective
quotas, and upon such assumption and pay
ment, deduction of fifteen per cent, (15 per
ct.) without further legislation only tho tax
of one year will now be collected,'and the
process of collecting in Georgia, from tlie
people directly, has commenced, though but
little progress has been made in it.
Several of the Northorn and Western
States have, ns I am informed, actually as
sumed it* collection and payment.
My information is, that the Secretary of
the Treasury declines, without express legis
lation on the point, to permit this by the
States lately hostile to the United States.
Such legislation may, during tlie present
session, be entertained by Congress, nnd al
though in our present status, we shall, stand
ing without witness a practical separation be
tween the power of taxation and the privil
ege of representation, hitherto considered co
relative and inseparable in free governments,
we may indulge the hope, that whilst our
voices are suppressed, onr just claims will not
be ignored. On this, as on other points, pa
tiently awaiting the prevalence of more lib
eral counsels, is is our part, as it is the unmis
takable purpose of our contitucnts, to dis
charge our whole duty to tlie Government
of the United States. Should the privilege
be accorded, it may be after your adjourn
ment, and in that event, any action you may
deem it proper to take on the subject, must
necessanly be hypothetical.
Should our people in their present exhaus
ted condition, be called upon to pay this
Federal tax in the course of the year, and
another at or near its close, for tlie support
of the State government, in the next po
litical year, the burthen will fall heavily upon
them.
In our present financial condition, it is ap
parent that whatever relief, whether tempora
ry or permanent, you may determine to give,
must be accomplished by extension of the
State’s credit. Should you incline to extend
relief in some form, and feel no other embar
rassment than that resulting from tlie uncer
tain action of the Congress, there are two al
ternatives, either of which wonld accomplish
the object. First, you may authorize the Ex
ecutive, in the event that the privilege be ac
corded to the State, to borrow, upon her
bonds, a sufficient sum to-pay the quota.
If this course be adopted, it would be ex
pedient, without loss of time, by resolution,
to request a grant of the privclegc to assume
and a suspension of the collection directly
from the people, until the question bo deter
mined by Congress.
Secondly, leaving the people to meet for
themselves this Federal tax, you may relievo
them from the payment of any State tax du
ring this year, for the uses of tlie next, and
rely upon a loan to supply that deficit The
material difference between the two expedi
ents would bo, that although upon either al
ternative, the people would be relieved from
one tax, upon the second, they would have to
meet the payment before realizing the fruits
of tho years labor. Very far fron counte-
ment, I yet feel, that a state of things, wilii-1
out a parallel in the past, and I trust in the
future, may justify its present adoption. ]
without giving it tho dangerous authority
of precedent. That state of things is simply
this: On tho one hand, a people, having their
individual pecuniary resources temporarily ;
exhausted by a protracted and deplorable I
war; on tlie other, a State constituted of the I
iajp-The Marianna (Fla.) Courier, record*
the death, in that place, on the Sth December
la-t, cfHon. Richard II. Long, in the 75th
year of his age. Col. Long, was for many
years a prominent lawyer of this State, resi
ding in Washington. Wilkes county, but re
moved to Florida near thirty years ago, where
same people, having large permanent resour- ] he took an active part in public ‘.flairs, and
ces, and very small indebtedness, aud there- was a successful planter. He enjoved the
fore entitled to abundant credit Under such frie ndship of manv in this State, who will re-
circumstances, can it besaiu, tuat the use of i _ , ‘ , \ . ,,
that credit, for the relief of such people, so ■ ° 1 ' to lear °‘ ns death, even at a ripe oid
suffering would violate any principle of good ;1 K L ‘-
government or sound policy ? I have felt it i >■*•■ -
my duty to ask your consideration of the sub- j The Fueedjien in Florida.—The Mari-
J cct - _ anna Courier says;
Until the year 1804, the reporter of tho J Wc- have conversed freely with farmers in
Supreme Court was required to publish his j regard to the present states of free labormn
reports in bound volumes. _ : tho plantation*, Mid are pleased to record
By the act of 21st March in that year, lie j that the fears heretofore entertained by ama-
was required to publish them “in pamphlet j jority, were illusory. Tlio laborer for the
instead of in bound volumes.” mhst part has set in with sift 1 interest and ap-
rhere can be little doubt that tills enact- j parent determination to perform his labor
ment was induced by the state of war, then j well and faithfully. Contractors will find it
existing but it _ is not limited in duration, j the best policy to deal openly nnd fairly with
and without legislation, must continue to con- j the laborer, that lie may know at the end of
trol that officer. In point qf fact, the events the year that his labor has not been’ in vain:
of the war have unavoidably suspended all
publication, which is felt as a serious incon
venience. But the reputation of the able nnd
efficient officer, entrusted with that duty,
gives ample guarantee that their publication
will bo speedily resumed, nnd punctually
maintained. Tlie dignity of that tribunal, ns
well as a wise economy, render proper, a re
turn to the former mode of publication. I
seriously doubt, however, whether at the pre
sent high prices of material and labor, bound
volumes c.an be afforded at priccs_Jlxed in
better times.
This matter roquiros legislation.
Respectfully submitted,
Charles J. Jenkins,
Governor.
to control Mm by good advice as to his
earnings, and instruct him to be careful and
economical. We shall recur to this subject,
from time to time, as may be necessary.
MONETARY AND COMMERCIAL.
The Sea Island Plantations Asssigned to
Negroes-»Letter from Gen. Sherman.
Messrs. Tresscott and Whaley, who are in
Washington city on behalf of South Caroli
na and the owners of the sea island planta
tions which were assigned to the negroes by
General Sherman’s celebrated Field Order
No. 15, of 1865, have indirectly succeeded in
drawing from the latter the following reasons
for its issuanco and the extent of the posses
sory title intended to be thereby conveyed.
Washington, Feb. 2,1SCG.
To Andrew Johnson, Presidentof the U. H:—
Silt—I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt last evening of your letter of Februa
ry 1, and in compliance with your request cn
close herewith a copy of Field Order No.
15, of 1865, with this brief history of its ori
gin and the reasons for making it.
Tlie lion. E. 31. Stanton, Secretary of War.
came to Savannah soon after its occupation
by the forces under my command and con
ferred freely with me ns to the best method to
provide for the vast number of negroes who
had followed the army from the interior of
Georgia, as also of those who had already
congregated on the island near Hilton Head
and were still coming into our lines. We
agred perfectly that the young and the able
bodied men should be enlisted as soldiers or
employed by the quartermaster in the ne
cessary work of unloading ships and for oth
cr army purposes; but this left on our hands
the old and feeble, the women and children,
who had necessarily to be fed by the United
States. 3Ir. Stanton summoned a large num
ber of the old negroes, mostly preachers, with
whom he held a long conference, of which he
took down notes. After this conference he
was satisfied the negroes could, with some
little aid from the United States, by means of
tuc abandoned plantations on the sea islands
and along the navigable rivers, take care of
themselves. He requested me to draw up a
plan that would be uniform and practicable.
I made tbc rough draft, and we went over it
very carefully, 3Ir. Stanton making many
changes, and the present orders No. 15 re
sulted and were made public.
I knew, of course, wc could not convey ti
tle to land, and merely provided “possesso
ry” titles, to be good so long as war and our
military power lasted. I merely aimed to
make provision for the negroes who were
absolutely dependent on us, leaving the val
ue of their possession to be determined by
after events or legislation. At that time
(January, 1865) it will be remembered that
the tone of the people of the South was very
defiant, and no one could foretell when the
period of war would cease. Therefore I did
not contemplate that event as being so near !
at hand.
I am, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
W. T. Sherman, Maj. Gen.
WEEKLY REPORT OF THE MACON
3IARKET.
Daily TkleOkaph Office, i_
Saturday Evening, Feb 10, 1866. \
The miserable co d sloppy weather of the fore part of
the week had rather a depressing effect on trade, espe
cially the retai —bat which hits been in some measure
Lettered by the t«odays of sunshine. A pretty good
business as done in Groceries, Provisions, Dry Goods,
Roots, Shoes, Ila*.-, Hardwire, etc., in a wboleaa'o tray
but mostly by orders. The facilities of transportation
having increased, a corresponding decline has taken
place ia tho rates of freight. As a consequence, our
merchants arc cncblod to reduce the prices ot g >odsi
aa 'wc Vem ore to assert too * Ithoni fear of contradiction
that *o ntry dealers can pun base their stocks cheaper,
ia Uacoti tliau in any city Sonth ol New York.
Cotton —Notwithstanding the g oomy lmtu e of the
wcatb r, the demand was very lively d rir.g the fore
]>art or the week Oa Friday t‘i- Liverpool advice,,
q toting a dcclin* ha ■ ing become general y known, had
the • fleet of ( ring u- the markc- to a stand, but seder*
soon yie! ed o the demand of bttyeit, and the resuls
was a pretty rood day’s sale. On Satnnbiy, .to-diy<
tn market op, net weak and languid, which co- t uned
thtouhgo t the d ty. and wc do not think a dozen bales
were sold. On the whole a p roe'ty .'good week's sales
have been affected—amounting to 400 hale»,*tO which
may lie adde 2:0 hides purchased by irregniar dealers.
Th'* following** a* the ruling rate* at ihc close;
inferior
... . 28@3<l
Ord nurv
32X32
Middling
3831M
Strict Good .Midu ni
Receipts, 439 ha -lilpmcnt?. 1665.
36537
Monet Makkkt.—L tile demand in
tlu; . u.nr. et for
sight exchange, with a gmd supply.
wh ch may be
quoted at par.
Tiie follow ng ar - tiie qmlat.o is
brsk s for Bank Notes:
r onr pTIiclpal
Worti.
Gtoit.iA. ; Rank of Chester....
CRR&B’kCo 03• *: *•£ Georgetown
GKKD’kCo WR “ «£ Hambuig.
Mar ue Rank TO
Rank Midd e G org'a ...70
” , of Savannah .>5
•• of Commeic8 10
Planters nnk 10
M’ch’ttSP’tsB’k 10
Fanners' & Me. Ides’. ...10
Timber Cuitc s’ B’k ... 5
Bank of Athens, .20
“ of Fulton 15
*' of Cola' bn* 10
“ of Empire Stale... 10
11 11 Augusta 15
Aug’tn Ins. ,b B'b'g Co.. 10
City B'k of August
Mechanics' Bmk 10
Union Bank .10
B’k S at* of Georgia....20
Manufacturers' Bank....12
SOUTH CAROLINA.
auk of Cam <cn 10
•• of Charleston 10
. .10
of Nc*burrv 16
f^ate S. U 10
of So. U 10
Commercial Batik 10
Excltai.ge Bulk lfi
Farmers' A Ex. Bans... 10
Merchants' Rink 10
People's Bank 25
Plau'erB' IVk Fairfield...W
Pl'Crs’ A Medi cs' Il’k...U)
State Rank 10
Southwestern I!. It. B k.xO
Union t’ank 60
ALABAMA.
Bank of Mobile ...00
“ of M ontgomery,.... 00
“ of Salma 20
Central Bank 26
Commercial Rank Ik
Eastern Hank 40
Northern Bank 20
•southern Bank 59
Ex. ban e on New York at pa*.
Gold 38 to 42.
Dnr Goods —A good business has been done in Dry
| Goods the past wee’, mostly wholes de I tut without
I material chaugc in figures.
| S. Peyser & Co., wholesale ana retail dealers ia dry
! goods, etc., on Cor on Avenue, report a heavy whole-
sJc trade. The follow ligara their quotations;
I Who’an’e.
\ W.imo*ctts Paint* 21
1 Ditches- B. ...- 24
j Amoskeag , 25
i Americans 23
■ Donald's 2>
I Kichnc nds 25
Philip Allen -2V4
I Pacific 271J
I Spragues 28'
1 •' W 28 *
Scotch ginghams •. 45afl0
’ ' 20u35
85a«n£
45a50 *
27}luC7
32837
35ii00
«.»
gument is briefly this, tbe Constitution having- nancing tlie ffeneral policy of resorting to the
•trill*.!. ■ A* • • , .. , (|| I*; .HI It* IIIL 1 lev W1 »•*» .Ul ■ , , , . , , wuut-UI UttVIU” I ASUIIV,...^ am, r sv AUV
principle- qi .m : ;ce and perfect equal- ( Methodist Espiscopal Church, 1 tl, « - Vn ‘ >* depending upon a broken reed I expressly defined and directed what shall be credit of the State, rather than to tlie pockets
Washington. when they look to the Dim k population for the composition of atrenuinc Congress—what of the people, for the support of the govern-
Movehknts of Population.—There are
no statistics attainable that give any approxi
mate idea of the extent to which migration
into the Southern States is now going on.—
There are several large companies in this city
engaged in the work of forwarding to that
region the foreign immigrants to our shores.
One, at least, of these companies is conducted
on tlie principle of paying the expenses of I
passengers to the South, procuring them Em
ployment after they get there, and binding
them to service for a limited term, so 'as to
secure a return for tlie outlay. Of course this
“binding” is without legal force aud is entire
of a moral character; but it is believed the
arrangement will be satisfactory in a large
majority of cases. Jlost of those who have
gone South under this system have been Ger
mans; and some of the German papers in
this country arc making a great outcry against
the whole scheme, denouncing it as partaking
of the nature of slavey; but such wistate-
ments about a simple matter, and such extrav
agant denunciation of a very effective niodc
of facilitating immigration, have ulrcady de
feated themselves. We hear that even through
out the winter, these forwarding companies
have been very active; aud, with the knowl
edge of which they are possessed, they are
making most extensive preparations for a vast
increase of tlieir labors in the spring. We
have no doubt that by these aud other means,
the South will, before the close of the year,
have a large white laboring population,
which will aid the older elements in developi
ng its great resources.—JV. Y. Time*..
Da Laiim*
Standard ahect njr* luilachcd.
Seal-land I
Stripe**, ut eck*
Flaune s
l.inscy*
Cta cs’ spoil coit >u
GENERAL NEWS ITEMS.
Reports are received front Utah that the
Mormons contemplate the abandonment of
that Territory, and a wholesale emigration to
the Sandwich Islands. It is said that Brig
ham Young has purchased or secured tho re
fusal of two of the Sandwich Islands for fu
ture colonization by the 3Iormons. Tl)e mo
tive for this is the growing popular and offi
cial opposition to the system of polygamy.
President Johnson on “Slave Aristoc
racy.”—A Tennessee paper referring to the
abolition taunt about the Slave Aristocracy
of the South, gives the following retort, which
is trom high authority and to the point:
This sort of cant about “aristocracy,” was
very happily taken off by President Johnson
in a speech in the United States Senate in
December, 1859. He said :
‘You talk about a slave aristocracy. If it
is an aristocracy, it is an aristocracy of labor.
What kind of aristocracy have you in the
North < Capital anti money. Which is the
most odious in its operation*, an aristocracy
of money or an aristocracy of labor ? Which
is the most unyielding 1 Which is the most
exacting I Every other man has it in bis
own mind. * * • Capital at the North is
the opprausor of tiie laboring man. There Is
where the oppression is; there is where the
irrepressible conflict exist*. It is between
the dollars and cents of tho North, and the
free labor of the North, not between free labor
and slave labor.” *
lZctu\
M
co “
•XI
m
p
83
Wl65
4*.’a50
40a45
40a30
203
80a48
03.1,5
45255
125
IU supply ia rooL Sheetings—Jobber*
quote Mncon 35: August*. 'M'/,: Osnaburp* se liinr
nt32. Tue stoc. of yarns is ight at $3 51 by ihe
hale.
Data Market, displays renewed activity, after tho lull
caused by the tin' weather. Drugs arc advancing
.V, the Aer/h, a h ch will soon edict this Market
J. . Zeilin. Co., quote in large quaiK
'it c*: Alcohol, 1 5 per cent. $7 per gallon; Aloes.
1.50: Assafetida, 75c to $1.0): Bi Garb Soda, !6c: Bo
ra*, C5c; Bstnn-tonc, 15*'; Brinrtoue Fin r Niiipl.ur,
l'ic,. Camphor 2AO oer U*„ Can'or Oil 5.80 per sal,
Copp-ra* 10c, Cream Tartar 73c,: Kps ui Salts lie.
Gum A able 10e. Iodide Potass 7.50, ! peraeuanha
S 00, Madder 33c, Manna 2 23 ; Oil Bergamot 12 Ed,
Oil Letuon 7.5J Oi Pepperm n 7.0 ). i tpiu n 12.50,
Khenbarh 1003, Sal Soda 12c. Sul Qnla n «8.75, Mor
phine 12.00. Bin* Stone SO:, B uu Mas* 2 00. Caio.gel
3.00, Iud’go 1.75 to 2.S0, sperm ol‘ 3.35, L: a seed oil
W Fears & Go., of Third st eet, give the following
a* tho quotation* for the below article*, nt their
Wht legate H use :
Oils, White I,e id. Glass and Potty—Linseed 2 50 per
gal, tanners’ bank. 2.50. White Lead 22x0. Glass. 3 nt
10, $.50 per bo*. 10 bv 12 0.50. 12 bv 10 11.00, 12 by IS
12.00 II by 15 10.50, 25 by 35 :3.0). Putty 20= per
poind.
Mi5CEu.iN-iot.s-C nccntia’ed potash 2001 per case,
concentrated l>c 14.00,1 nip potash g'.OU, small pack
ages, cask 17.00, soda, k g. 18.00 In 1 lb. papers, 20.00,
palm soap IS 00. turpentine soap lGc. shot 5.50. pow
der, keg. 18.* 0, quarter kegs 5.03, ha f b 1 butter bis-
< nil 14c, do. soda 20c per lb, soda biscuit by the box
23c, pepper acd salee 45c per pound, ginger 40c, ove-
ters, 2 lb can* 7.50 per dozen, oyster* in lb c»nt4.50,
van frttl s S.OOper d zen, pickier pints 5.00 per doz,
quarts 7.60, half gallons 10.60, starch 16c. nails 4 1 to
12d 12%c per lb by the keg, tumblers per doz 2.2302.53.
Western reserve cheese 28-, Uamburr 29c, Macon
candy 45c, steam 40e, fancy 66c, East India rice 20c,
Ltyer raisins, whole. 3J0. wire sieves. No 14, 6.00,
No 10 6.50. No IS 7.00, No 20 7.50, No 218.00 per dozen,
axes 28.00, Sweedo 'ran 14c, wide iron and steel
cha n, hoes ($14 per dozen) and axes very low, wide
plow steel 16 50, trace chains 6 feet, 1.75, 7 feet 2.10,
gunny bagging 41c per yard, rope, half eoita, 22>2e,
Gnoccairs and Provision)—A splendid business has
been done in there lines tlie past week. A i* G Har
ris, Cherrv Street, near Second, reports heavy week’s
sales at the following prices :
Bacon—Hog round 20c, hams 22c. sides 22c, shoulders
20c. AvcrageVho'eial-s rates St. Retail 35.
Fioun—Exir.ifamily 16.00 to 17.00, extra -nncrflnc 13.00
to 13.50, good superfine, 1200 to 13.00.
Conx—Scarce—price upward. Wholesale 1.50, retail
1.75 to 180. Snpp y scarce.
Suoar— Hrown SO to 36, crashed powdered aud A, from
20 to 30. stock good.
Covrzz—Wholesa c, lt,o 35 to 33, Java 50 ti 51. Retail
Rio 45, Java 65. Supply good.
Tobacco—Wholesile 65 to LSI; Stock not very heavy,
bat equal to tbu demand.
Cisnr—S3 to 42 : stock light.
Cazzsz—Wholesale 38 to 32, retail 50 to 60, ■ ock com
ing at all times, uud alwavs cqnai to the demand.
Better—50 to 02 cents: stock light.
tivRcr—Sorghum 69 io 75 cents. Best article wholesale
75 cent. tol.CO, retail 1 25.
Lard—Wholesale 23 a 24 cents, retail 30 stock Hght
nnd demand good.
Rice—*avannah 20c, country 12 a 15 cent*, scarce good
demand.
Sweet Potatoes—1.23 wholesale, 1-50 retail, supply
good.
Icisn Potatoes—$10.00 per bbl., sesree.
Mackerel—No 1 6.00 to 5.25 per kit: Wholesale 4,50
No 2 4.50. No 1 bbis. 30.00 a No 225.00 to 27.09.
Cod Fish—Light demand At 30c.
Heaej.vo—1 so pur box. L:'g >t demand.
Candles—32 to 31c wholesile, 45 to 50cents retail. Stock
large.
Soap—15 to 25 co-t ■. according to q aiity. Stock light.
Apples—600 to 8.00 per ' nshel—very scarce.
Dcied Fruit—15 to 25cents per 'b, s ock light—good de
mand.
Baouisg—Gunny 44 to 45 cents by the bale, stock r-carce.
Kentucky 40 rent?, scarce, retail for Gnnny 59 cents.
Said to be advancing. Wor h 50 cunts per yard in
New York.
Borz—Machine 24 cents. Richardson 25 cent*, stock
not heavy, demand light.
Salt—W olesale 3 to 3 and a quarter, retail 4>^ to
5 cent*, stock not so heavy.
Ssurr—Who csale So to 1.00, retail 1.15 to 1.25, f.to^r
good.
Tra—1 50 to 2.50, according to quality; stock equal to
demand.
Liquors—Whisky, rectified oro, 3 00, rye do 4 .’0 to 7.U),
The bodies of Union soldiers who fell at
Fall’s Church in the first year of the war, are
in" taken up and brought to Arlington for
rial. This extensive cemetery, upon Ge:i. 4‘i;'AimoniK5( •.Tvoif* - T *!i\
jCe's former place, is being rapidly filled by i 1!t f arlK,n I3 *°* 3Y < ?l r,33 J' t -"‘iq’;
liennessec Brandy 900 to 13.00, gia 3.1
con brandy 4 to 4 60 per trailon. Wolf
Schnapp*, per case, 17.bo for qua ts,' 0 O.i I
w ine 3.73 to 6.00. Madeira 4.5o to 8.(0. Kc
Bu , 3,50. Tbe Stock of liquor.* in market
equal to demand.*. All brandsof line whist
ing up, caused by a sc .rcityin the North:
Miscellaaols—Cracker*. Putter ■
17c, plentiful. Sugar, Georgia
. Am.*r-
tlic bodies of the Union dead
Schnapps, qt*. 10,00. Eggs ret .ill our
supplie l.