Newspaper Page Text
Georgia ®cclujr£ele tap.
TIIK GAME OF BRAG.
It there is one thing thtt'has done more
than all others to bring the American people
into disrepute with the nations of the earth,
it is their disgusting proclivity to brag and
brow-beat. Wc brag over every thing—when
wo get the worst of a bargain about as much
as when we get the best. Indeed, that is one
of our ways for making up all deficiencies
whenever we get worsted. The habit com
menced, and still prevails to the greatest ex
tent, with the Northern press, but we of the
South have not failed.to exemplify the good
old scriptural rule that “evil communica
tions corrupt good maimers.”
In nothing has this national characteristic
been more strikingly illustrated than in our
discussions upon the present condition
and future destiny of Mexico. For a year
past the press of the North has been giving
Maximilian weekly notice to “quit” before he
is carried out on the point of a Yankee bay
onet. The domestic rebellion having been
wiped out, it would only take a corps of our
volunteers to make a clean sweep from the
Sierra Nevada to the Isthmus. Napoleon,
too, was a sorry old “blunderer,” who, in a
thoughtless moment, had “put hia foot into
it,” and only needed a moderate shriek from
tho American Eagle 10 take it out again,
and if he did so with “a whole skin, 1
it would result from the good fortune that has
attended his family. One thing was certain,
no monarchy could be planted on the ruins
of an American republic. That was ex
pressly forbidden in the gospel according to
President Monroe, and ratified and confirmed
by every prophet, priest and disciple from
that day until now.
This was qot mere editorial vaporing. The
popular mind partook of tho pious indigna
tion over foreign aggression and insolence
it was imparted to the National Legislature
and about a year ago the United States House
of Representatives, by solemn resolution,
gave formal notice to all the world, and
France in particular, that monarchy in Mcxi
•co was a standing insult and menace to our
■own republic and would, by no means, be
tolerated.
Here was oar position, clearly defined be
fore the world. A protracted diplomatic
.correspondence grew out of the subject. The
French Premier and Mr. Seward have taxed,
respectively, all their powers of logic and di
plomacy, and at last we are informed that the
whole matter has been adjusted—that France
has backed down—some say have “eaten
dirt”—and the United Stntes have triumph
ed. One of the evidences cited is the late
speech of the French Emperor to the Impe
rial Legislature. A telegraphic synopsis of
this address was given some days ago in these
colamns,bnt a translation of the text entire will
he found on this page. The reader wifi sec for
himself the circumstances under which the
French troops are to be withdrawn from
Mexico—the empire of Maximilian is “becom
ing consolidated,” “the malcontents have
been vanquished and dispersed and have no
longer any chief,” and “the country has found
guarantees <f order and security." One of
these “guarantees” is a pledge on the part of
the United 8tates to stand neutral, and allow
Maximilian to maintain himself against the
insurgents if he can, of which there is no
doubt.
JJ Where stands the the Monroe Doctrine ? If
‘dirt” has been “eaten,” whose digestion is to
be taxed. “Brag is a good dog, but Hold
Fait is a better,” we imagine may be quoted
with some degree of gusto by Napoleon and
his Austrian protege.
SPEECH
EMPE-
OF TnE FRENCH
non.
Paris, January 22.—The session of the
French Legislature was opened at one o’clock
to-day by the Emperor, who delivered the
following speech:
Messieurs let Senateurt, Messieurs lee Deputes:
The opening of tho ^legislative session per
mits of a periodic exposition oftbe situation
of the empire, and the expression to you of
my views:
As in preceding years, I will examine with
you the principal questions which interest
our country abroad. Peace seems assured
everywhere, for everywhere the means arc
sought for of amicably settling difficulties in
place of ending them with the sword.
The meeting of the English and French
fleets in tho same ports has shown that the
relations formed on the field of baftlc have
not been weakened. Time has only cemented
the agreement of the two countries.
In regard to Germany, my intention is to
continue to observe a policy of neutrality,
wbicb, without preventing us at times from
being displeased or satisfied, leaves us, nev
ertheless, strangers to questions in which our
interests are not directly engaged.
Italy, recognized by almost all the powers
of Europe, has strengthed its unity by inaug
urating its capital in the center of the penin
sula. We may count upon the scrupulous ex
ecution of tho treaty of the 15th of Septem
ber, and upon the indispensible maintenance
of the power of the Holy Father.
The Bonds which attach us to Spain and
Portugal, arc still more strengthened by my
late interviews with the sovereigns of those
two kingdoms. , , .
You have shared with me the general in
dignation produced by the assassination of
President Lincoln, and recently the death of
Kingofthe, Bslgians has caused unanimous
IC ln C Mcxico, the government founded upon
the will of the people is being consolidated.
The opposition, conquered and dispersed,
have no longer a chief. The national troops
have displayed valor, and the country has
found guarantees of order and security which
have developed its resources and raised its
commerce with France alone from twenty-one
to seventy-seven millions.
As I expressed the hope last year that our
expedition was approaching its termination,
I am coming to an understanding with the
Emperor Maximilian to fix the cpocli for the
recall of our troops, before their return is ef
fectuated, without compromising the French
interests which we have been defending in
that remote country. North America issuing
victoriously from a formidable struggle, has
re-established the Union and solemnly pro
claimed the abolition of slavery, h^rancc,
•which forgets no noble page of her history,
offers up sincere wishes for the prosperity of
the great American Republic, and of tlic
maintenance of the amicable relations which
soon will have bad a century’s duration. The
emotion produced in the L nitcil States by
the presence of our troops on the Mexican
soil will be pacified by the frankness of our
declarations. The American people will
comprehend that our expedition to which we
invited them was not opposed to their inter
ests. Two nations equally jealous of their
independence ought to avohl every step
which might affect their dignity and their
honor. .
It is in the midst of populations satisfied
and confiding that our institutions perform
their functions.
The municipal elections are conducted witu
the greatest order and with the most entire
liberty. . . .
The laws upon coalitions which gave rise
to some apprehensions have been carried out
with strict impartiality on the part ol those
interested. ... -
The working class, intelligent as it is, ha.
comprehended that the more facility is ac
corded to it to discuss its interest, the more it
is bound to respect the liberty of each and
the security of all.
The inquiry into the co-operative societies
has come to demonstrate liow just were the
bases ot the law which’has been laid before
yon on this important subject. This law will
permit tlic establishment of numerous associa
tions to tho benefit of labor and providence.
In order to favor the development of them, I
have decided that authorization to meet to
gether shall be accorded to all those who,
outside of politics, may desire to deliberate
respecting tbrir industrial and commercial
interests. This liberty will be limited ex
cept by the guarantees which public order
requires.
The equilibrium oftlie budget is -secured
by a surplus of revenue. In order to attain
tills result, it was necessary to effect econo
my in the greater part of the public services:
among others in the War Department.
The army being on a peace footing, there
wns only the alternative of reducing cither
the regimental cadres or the effective. The
latter measure was impracticable. Since the
regiments hardly mustered tlic necessary num
ber of men, the good of the service counsel
ed even their augmentation. By suppressing
the cadres of two hundred and twenty compa
nies, forty batteries, but dividing the men
among the remaining companies and squad
rons we have rather strengthened than weak
ened our regiments.
The budget ot the Public Works and that
of Education have not undergone any di
minution. It was of use to preserve to the
grand enterprises of the State tlieir fertile ac
tivity, nnd to maintain the energetic impulse
of public instruction.
Agriculture has made great progress since
1852. At this moment it suffers from tho
lowering of the price of ccreats. That depre
ciation Is the necessary consequence of the
plenty of the harvests, and not of the sup
pression of the sliding scale. I have thought
it useful to open a serious inquiry into the
condition and needs of agriculture. It will,
I am convinced, confirm the principles of
commercial liberty.
In tho midst of always increasing prosper
ity, unquiet spirits under the pretext of dis
cussing the liberal progress of the govern
ment,'would hinder it from marching by
taking from it all force and initiative. The
Constitution of 1852, submitted to the accept
ances of the people, undertook to establish
a sytem rational and wisely hassed upon the
just cquilibruin between the different powers
of the Stato. It is at an equal distance be
tween two extreme situations. With a cham
ber mistress of the fate of ministers the ex
ecutive is without authority and without
spirit. In tlic same way it is without control
if tlic Elective Chamber is not independent
and in possession of the legitimate preroga
tive. Our constitutional forms, winch have
a certain analogy with those of the United
States, arc not deficient because they differ
trom those of Englaud. Each people should
have institutions conformable to its genius
and traditions. Assuredly every government
has its defects. But casting a look at the
past, I rejoice in seeing, at the end of four
teen years, France respected abroad, tran
quil within, without political prisoners, with
out exiles beyond its fronteera.
Tlic nation for fourscore years has amply
discussed theories of government. It is now
no longer useful to seek the poetical means of
improving the moral and natural condition
of the people.
Let us employ ourselves in spreading eve
rywhere intelligence, healthy, economic doc
trines, the love of what is good, and religious
principles.
Let sw solve by the freedom of our transac
tions the difficult problem of the just distri
bution of productive forces; and let us
attempt to ameliorate tlic condition of labor
in the field as in the workshops. When all
Frenchmen invested with political ijglits shall
have been enlightened by education, they will
discover tlic truth without difficulty, and wijl
not suffer themselves to be seduced by possi
ble theories.
When all those who live by daily wages
shall have seen increased the benefits which
assiduous toil procures, they will be warm sup
porters ot a society which guarantees their
welfare and their dignity.
Finally, when all shall have received from
infancy those principles ot faith and morality
which elevate mnn in his own eyes, they will
know that above human intelligence, above
the efforts of science and reason, there exists
a Supreme Will, which rules the destinies of
individuals as well as of nations.
EX-ADMIRAL Js EM .TIES’ LETTER
TO THE PRESIDENT.
His Arrest nod Imprisonment n Violation
of the Convention between Gen
erals Johnson and Sherman.
Vindication of his Course in the Naval En-
gsgeraentoff Cherbourg, etc.,
VARIOUS ITEMS.
Mysterious predictions of tremendobs po
litical events emanate from Baltimore.
The prisons in Richmond are to be greatly
enlarged to accommodate the numerous black
convicts.
Our minister has been treated coolly in St.
Petersburg. Very severe winter.
The Prince of Wales and his friends shot
two thousand head of game at one ot their
recent bouts.
Princess Helena pouts because her mama
will not let her be married until next June.
The Italian nuns and monks arc petition
ing Louis Napoleon against the abolition of
their convents. «
The Louisville Journal thinks it is a bad
thing for an old man when bisbead is silvery
and his pocket isn’t.
A widow in Dray ton, Ohio, was snapped up
by a stranger, married, robbed and abandon
ed in less than 24 hours. Quick country, the
West
A band of New York thieves put out the
lights on a Brooklyn ferry-boat, robbed all
the passengers and escaped with tbc plunder.
Liszt is to compose a grand march for the
coronation of Francis Joseph as King of
Hungary.
The Lowell mills employ 1650 females. No
wonder tlic noise is so great.
There were 05,000 Germans emigrated to
this country last year.
A man in Cincinnati relinquished all claim
to liis wife for £300 down and signed a paper
to that effect.
Variegated hair is fashionable with Wash
ington ladies.
Fred. Douglas is said to avoid common ne
gro society in Washington.
Illinois has just revealed tho thickest coal
vein on record.
There is a Sabbath School in Stockport,
England, with 5000 scholars and 300 teach
ers.
A Calcutta paper announces the arrival at
that port of a ship from England with nrae-
teen lady passengers and no quarrel during
the voyage.
A woman in North Carolina put into her
coffin while in a trance, boiDg supposed to bo
dead, very much surprised and mortified her
friends by suddenly walking the room in only
her grave clothes.
A spirit merchant in Killamcy, Ireland, has
announced that he has still on sale a small
quantity of whisky which wns drank by the
Prince of Wales when last at Killamcy.
jgy A strange story is told of two sisters
at Berlin. About three ycarsago, one of these
young ladies was engaged to be married, but
on the bridal morning became so ill that she
could not possibly go to the church. The
bridegroom was a desirable one, and lie was
a fish who, it seems, had not easily been
hooked. There was, therefore, great danger
in delay; so, instead of postponing the mar
riage, the second sister, covering herself in a
long veil, personated the first, and duly went
through with the ceremony. The moment it
was over, she transferred the bridal dress and
ornaments to liersistcr, who, in her innocence,
was thus considered to have all proper claim
to this husband she married by proxy. It is
only recently that a discovery has been made
of the real facts, nnd proreeding- are about
to be taken not only in the civil, hut also the
criminal courts of Berlin.
To His Excellency Andrew Johnson, Presi
dent of tbe United States;
Sir : Being satisfied tbat you are anxious
to arrive at a correct decision in my case—
one tlint shall accord, at the same time, with
the honor nnd dignity of the United States,
and with justice to myself—I venture to ad
dress you the following brief exposition of
the law and the fates of the case:
On the 2Gtli day of April, 1863, the follow
ing military convention was entered into at
Greensboro, North Carolina, between Gen
eral Joseph E. Johnston, commanding the
Confederate States army in North Carolina,
and Maj-Gcnefal W. T. Sherman, command
ing tho United States army in the same State,
viz:
1. All acts of war on the part ot the troops
under. General Johnston’s command to cease
from this date.
2. All arms and public property to lie de
posited at Greensboro, and delivered to an
ordnance officer of tlie United States army.
3. Rolls of all tbc officers and men to be
made in duplicate, one copy to be retained
by the commander of the troops, and the oth
er to be given to an officer to -be designated
by General Sherman. Each officer and man
to give his individual obligation, in writing,
not to take up arms against the Government
of tbe United* 1 States until properly released
train this obligation.
4. The side-arms of officers, and their pri
vate hones and baggage, to be retained by
them.
5. This being done, all tlic officers and men
will be permitted to return to tlieir homes,
not to be disturbed bv tbe United States au
thorities so long as they observe tlieir obli
gation and the laws in force where they may
reside.*
[Signed] W. T. Sherman, Maj. Gen.
Comd’g U. S. Forces in North Carolina.
[Signed] Jos. E. Johnston, General,
Comd’g C. S. Forces in North Carolina.
Here, Mr. President, was a solemn military
convention entered into by two Generals, who
had opposing annies in the field, in which
convention the one and the other General
stipulated for certain terms: General John
ston agreeing to lay down his arms and dis
band bis forces, nnd General Sherman agree
ing, in consideration thereof, that the forces
thus disbanded shall proceed to their homes,
nnd there remain undisturbed by the United
States authorities. I beg you to observe the
use of the word “undisturbed,” one of the
most comprehensive words in our language,
f pray you also to remark the formalities with
which this convention wns drawn. We were
treated ns officers commanding armies, rep
resenting of course, if not a dejure, at least
a defacto government. Our proper military
titles were acknowledged. I was myself
styled and treated in the muster rolls, and
other pnpers drawn np by both parties, a
Brigadier General and a Rear Admiral. The
honors of war usual upon surrenders upon
terms, were accorded to us, in our being per
mitted to retain our side arms, private horses
and baggage. In short, the future historian
upon reading this convention, will be unable
to distinguish it, in any particular, from oth
er similar papers agreed upon by armiesof re
cognized governments.
At the date of, and some weeks prior to
the ratification of this convention, I coni
manded a brigade of artillery,.forming a part
of the army of Gen. Johnston. I was of
course, included in the terms of the conven
tion. I complied with those terms, under
orders received from Gen. Johnston, by turn
ing over my arms to the proper officer, and
disbanding my forces. The convention was
approved by tbe Government of the United
States. Your excellency may recollect, that
the first convention entered into between Gen.
Johnston and Gen. Sherman, which provided,
among other things, for tlie return of the
Southern States to tlieir functions under the
Constitution of the United States, was disap
proved by the Government, on the ground
that Gen. Sherman, in undertaking to treat
of political matters, had transcended his
authority. The armistice, which had been
declared between the two armies was dissolv
ed, and hostilities were renewed. A few
days afterwards, however, negotiations were
commenced, and the convention with which
wc have to do, was the second convention en
tered into by those Generals, and which was
a substantial readoption of the military por
tion of the first convention. It was this
latter convention which was formally approv
ed, both by Gen. Grant, the Commander in
chief, under whose orders General Sher
man acted, and by the Executive, at Wash
ton.
Confiding in the good faith of the Govern
ment, pledged in a solemn treaty ns above
stated, I returned to my home in Alabama,
and remained there for tbe space of seven
months, engaging in civil pursuits as a means
of livelihood for my dependent family, and
yielding a ready obedience to the law. I
iiad, in fact, become an officer ot the law,
having established myself as an attorney. It
would have been easy for me, at any* time
within these seven months, to pass out of the
country, if I had had any doubt nbout the
binding obligation of tlie Greensboro Con
vention, or of tbe good faith of tho Govern
ment. But I had no doubt on either point,
nor have I any doubt yet, as I feel quite sure
that when you shall have informed yourself
of all the facts of the case, you will come to
the conclusion that my arfest was entirely
without warrant, and order my discharge.—
While thus remaining quietly at my home, in
the belief tbat I was “not to be disturbed by
the United States authorities,” I was, on the
15th day of December, 1865, in the night
time, arrested by a Lieutenant and two Ser
geants of the Marine Corps, under on order
signed by the Secretary of the Navy, and
placed under guard; a file of soldiers in the
meantime surrounding my house. I was in
formed by the officer making tbc arrest that
I was to proceed to Washington in his custo
dy, there to answer to a charge, a copy of
which he handed me. This charge, and the
protest which I filed the next day with the
commanding General of the Department of
Alabama, against my arrest, your Excellency
bas already seen.
The question for you then to decide, Mr.
President, is the legality of this arrest Can
I, in violation of the terms of the military
convention already referred to, and nndcr
which I laid down my arms, be held to answer
for any act of war committed anterior to the
date ot that convention t I respectfully sub
mit that I can not be so held, either during
the continuance of the war (and the political
power has not yet proclaimed the war ended)
or after tlic war shall be brought to a close by
proclamation,' and the restoration of the writ
of habeas corpus, without a flagrant violation
of faith on tlic part of tlie United States. If
it be admitted that I might be tried for any
act dehors tlie war, and having no connection
with it, as for instance, for a forgery, it is yet
quite clear that I cannot be arrested or ar
raigned for any act manifestly of war, and ac
knowledged ns such, (as tlie act, for instance,
for which I was arrested,) whether such act be
in consonance with the laws of war or in vio
lation thereof; and this for the simple reason
that tlic military convention was a condona
tion and an oblivion of all precedent acts of
war, of what nature soever those acts may be.
I am “not to be disturbed,” says tbc mili
tary convention. Disturbed for what ? Why,
manifestly, for any act of war theretofore com
mitted against the United States. This is the
only common sense view of the case; and if
the convention did not mean this, it could
mean nothing; and I laid down my arms, not
upon terms, as I had supposed, but without
terms.
If I was still at the mercy of the conqueror,
and my arrest asserts ns much, I was in the
condition of one who iiad surrendered uncon
ditionally ; but it lias been seen that 1 did not
surrender unconditionally, but upon terms—
terms engrafted .'.ad ratified by the conquer
or’s government. Nor is this inconsistent
with good taith to qualify or restrain those
terms so as to make inapplicable the acts of
war that may be claimed to have been in vio
lation of the laws of war; for this would l>c
to refine away all the protection which has
been thrown around me.by treaty, and put me
in tlic power ot the opposite contracting par
ty, wlu» might put his own construction upon
tlie laws of war. This vfcry attempt, Mr. Pres
ident, has been made in the case before you.
I claim to have escaped, after my ship had
been sunk from under me in tlie engagement
at Cherbourg, and bail I wen precipitated in
to tbe water, tbe enemy not having taken
possession of me, according to the laws and
usages of war, as your Excellency may rend
in almost every page of naval history, the Sec
retary of the Navy claiming the contrary'.—
fear, and yet as concisely as was consistent
with clearness, the ground upon which I
claim, at your hands, who are tlic guardian
of the liouor of a great nation, my discharge
from arrest and imprisonment. I have spoken
freely and frankly, as it became an American
citizen to speak to tlie Cbi if Magistrate of
the American republic. We live in time of
high party excitement, when nmn unfortu
nate!/ are but too prone to take counsel of
tlieir passions; but passions die, and men die
with them, and after death comes history. In
the future, Mr. President, tehen America shall
hate a history, mv record and that of the
gallant Southern people will be engrafted
npon and become a part of your history, the
pages of which you are acting; and the prayer
of this petitioner is, that you will not permit
The true, and the only just and fair criterion I the honor of the American name to be tarn-
in, was tlie act for which the arrest was made
an act of war ? If so, there is an end of the
question, and I must be discharged, for, as be
fore remarked, the convention, it it is any
thing, is an oblivion of all the acts of war of
whatever nature.
ished by a perfidy on those pages. In this
paper I have stood strictly upon legal defen
ses; but should these barriers be beaten down,
conscious of the rectitude of my conduct
throughout a chccquercd and eventful ca
reer, when the commerce of half a worldwas
But it may be said that, although I cannot j at ray mercy, and when the passions of men
be tried by a military tribunal during the war, j North and South were tossed into a whirl-
I may yet be tried by a civil tribunal after tbe : wind by the current events of the most bloody
war. * Let us try this' question also. I was, ! nnd terrific war that the human race laid ever
undoubtedly, amenable to the civil tribunals! seen, I shall hope to justify and defend my-
of the country, as well as after as before the J selt against any and all.charges affecting
convention, for any offense of a purely civil ■ the honor and reputation of a man and a sol-
nature, not founded upon an act of war—to J dier. Whatever else may be said of me. I
instance as before, tlie crime of forgery. If I have, at least brought no discredit upon the
had committed a forgery in North Carolina, I
could not, upon arraignment; plead tho mili
tary convention in bar of trial. Why not ?
Because that convention bad reference only
to acts of war. I was treated with, iu my ca
pacity of a soldier and a seaman. But, does
it follow that I may be tried for treason ? And,
American name and character.
I am very respectfully, &c.,
Raphael Semmes.
Washington City, Jau. 13, I860.
Tlie “Wild Hunt’’ after Cotton.
,. The Yankees have come to be marvellous
if not, why not ? The Attorney General tells 1 cotton planters G f late, and some of their
yoti that treason is a civil offense, and, in Ins . ,,,
opinion, triable exclusively by the civil courts,. h S urC3 a,ul speculations are amusing. 1< rom
and lie hopes you will give him plenty of oc- a long article in the New 5 ork Herald, we
cupation in trying “many whom the sword extract tho following, which will doubtless
has spared.” (Sec liis letter to you of tlic afford some amusement to the practical plnn-
4th of Jnnuarv, 1866.) But does that officer ters Q f tbc .
not forget that treason is- made up of acts of The cotton plan * t it shouM bc rem e inb crcd,
war; and is it not apparent that you cannot doe3 not impoverish the soil. Lands where
,7 f war * . T J'° Constitution ot thc soii is no ‘ t friable and , iab]e to be washcd
the United States, which the Attorney Gen- awav by the rains in time of cultivation can
oral says ho loves even better than blood, de- be p J lv ^ rved b a rotation of cropa of corn
'2, '.' ort ?’ O’ 11 ' 1 Reason ri*<* and beans, one in every four or five years, for
United States shall consist only in levying the growth of cotton f tothc cnd time.-
wnr against them, or in adhering to tlieir en- 'p| 10 brancbe3 and foliage which fall from the
cm.es, giving aid and comfort, etc., are equal- plant return to mot i lcr t-arth the invigorating
ly acts of war. There is no constructive trea- - - -
.ve principle which she has imparted to it. Cot
. . . . .... ... , , . nt *j ther ,,e ton, unlike some other plants, does not rol
tried by a military tribunal during the war, tbc soi , but it bori . ow / its wcaltbt to return
nor by a civil tribunal after the war, for any it in ahnost intact Its produ ct, then, is
act ot war, or for treason which consists only mor * , asting if indeed) it is 1 not morc profit _
ot acts ot war. . . able, than all the gold mines of tlie country.
But it may further bc said, that this con- All that is required to make it so that we
vention, of which I am claiming the protec- shall he able to produce it and sell it at
tion, is not a continuing convention, and will from fourteen to fifteen cents per pound; for
expire with tbe war, when, as Mr. Speed at that price the world will cease to compete
thinks, you may band me over to the civil with us n its production. That we can so
tribunals. Whence can such a conclusion he produce and sell it, and at a large profit, is
drawn ? Not from tlie terms of tbe conven- beyond question.
tion, for these contradict thc conclusion : not A plantation, say of four or five thousand
by implication merely, but in tottitem eerbis. acres of well cleared land, would require one
Tlie terms are “not to be disturbed so long hundred and fifty good field laborers. Ttiese,
as they shall observe their obligation, and the provided with the necessary improved itnple-
Inivs in force where they may reside.’’ A ments, can raise cotton plants sufficient to
misuse of terms, Mr.. President, sometimes yield from six to seven million pounds of cot-
mislcads very clever minds. And, I presume, ton, gross—that is to say, including the seed,
it is by a misuse of teims that the Attorney Three and a half pounds of cotton gross will
General has fullen into this error. [Sec l
letter to your Excellency, before referred t.
That officer, while he admits that parole pr. •
tects the party paroled from trial during wa:
yet 'contends that it does not protect hiii
from trial by a civil tribunal, for treason, after
yield one pound ot cotton net—that is, divest
'‘d ot the seeds. To raise this crop would re
quire the labor of the field hands tor a period
• >f about tire months. For the picking of a
crop raised by one hundred and fifty laborers
the services of five hundred persons would be
the war. As I have shown that treason can ' needed, also for about tire months, and just
only consist of acts of war, and that tlic mil -. here is where tho superiority of the free over
itary convention is an oblivion of all acts of the slave labor system is naost apparent. Un-
war, the Attorney General, when he says that der tlie slave system the cotton grower wns
a paroled party may bc tried for treason at forced to maintain all the year round a force
the end of the war, (the parole being no of laborers for whose services lie had need tor
longer a protection to him,) must mean that only a portion of the time; hence by the free
the parole will have died witli the war. This labor system he will only have to pay for ser-
is entirely true of a mere parole, for a parole ; vices actually needed and rendered. Besides,
is only a promise, on tho part, of a prisoner • to pay the cotton pickers will not necessitate
of war, that if released from imprisonment, 1 a draft upon his capital, for they can bc com
bo will not take up arms again unless lie is j pensated from the crop as it is gathered. Wo-
cxclinnged. i men and children of from fourteen to fifteen
This parole is as frequently given by pris-; years of age can pick as much cotton as adult
oners of war, who have surrendered uncon-: males—indeed, the women generally pick thc
ditionaliy, as by those who have surrendered j most.
upon terms. There cannot be any parole, i The laborers would thus be divided into
then, without a prisoner of war, and the status j two classes—the field hands and thc pickers,
of prisoners ot war ceasing, the parole ceases ! The field hands might be paid forty dollars a
—for eessemre ratione, eetsas et ipsa let. Thus j mouth (a high rate of wages) during five
far the Attorney General is quite logical, but j months, and the pickers one cent per pound
by confounding in his mind tho certificates j for all they pick; then two hundred pounds
given to the officers and men of Gen. John- or more per day, and at one cent per pound
ston’s army, stating the terms of the Greens
boro’ convention, and guaranteeing those offi
cers and men against molestation, in accord
ance with those terms, with paroles, it is easy
to see how the mistake I am exposing can
have been made. But the convention made
between General Johnston and General Sher
man was not a mere releasing of prisoners on
parole, nor, indeed, had it anything to do
with prisoners, for none of the officers and
men of General Johnston’s army ever were
prisoners, as may be seen at a glance by an
inspection of the terms of the convention. It
was a treaty between commanding Generals
in the field, in which the word parole is not
once used, nor could be used with propriety;
a treaty in which mntual stipulations arc
made, one in consideration of another, and
there is no limit to the time set to this
treaty.
On tlie contrary, it was expressly stated
that thc guarantees contained in it were to
continue and bc in force so long as tbc par
ties to whom the guarantees were given
should perform their part of tho treaty stipu
lations. It was made, not in contemplation
of a continuance of the war, but with a view
to put »n end to thc war, and the guarantees
were demanded by us as peace guarantees.—
It did. in effect, put an end to thc war, and
pacify the whole country, General Taylor, in
Alabama and Mississippi, and General Buck
ner and others in Texas, following the lead of
General Johnston. Are wc told now by an At-
terney General of the United States, that the
moment the object ot thq convention, to-wit:
tic restoration of peace, was accomplished,
tie convention itself became a nullity, its
terms powerless to protect us, and that Gen-
cnl Johnston’s army surrendered, in fact,
without any terms whatever! You cannot
sustain such opinion, Mr. President. It will
shock the common sense and lore of fair play
of all American people. But to show still
further that it was the intention of tho par
ties tha‘ this should be a continuing conven
tion, the words used were; “not to be dis
turbed fcy the United States authorities,”
these words being co-cxtensive with the whole
power of the Government. We were not on
ly “not to be disturbed” by General Sherman
or any other military commander or authori
ty, but by any authority whatever, civil or
military. Nor will it do to say that General
Sherman, being merely a military man, had
no authority to speak for the civil branch of
thc Government, for its action, as wc have
seen, was rpproved by the Administration at
Washington.
One more, remark, Mr. President, and I will
forbear to trespass further upon your time
and patience. Thc act of war for which I
was arrested was well known to the depart
ment of the Government making the arrest
ten months before the convention was entered
into at Greensboro’. • It was also well known
to thc same department that about tbe mid
dle of February, 1865,1 was assigned to the
command of the James River Squadron, near
Richmond, with the rank of a Rear Admiral,
being thus promoted nnd employed by my
Government after the alleged illegal escape
off Cherbourg. If the Government then en
tertained the design, which it has since devel
oped, ot arresting and trying me for this al
leged breach of thc laws' oi' war, was it not
its duty, both to itself and to me, to have
made me an exception to any military terms
it might have been disposed to grant to our
armies i I put it to you, Mr. President, as a
man and a magistrate, to say, and I will rest
my case on your answer, whether it was con
sistent with honor and fair dealing, for this
Government first to entrap me by means of a
military convention, nnd then, having me m
its power, to arrest nn? and declare that con
vention null and void, for the course recom
mended to you by Mr. Speed comes to tiiis—
nothing more, nothing less. *
I have thus laid before you, tediously, I
they would earn very handsome wages.
Based upon this calculation, tbc figures and
the result would be as follows:
150 field laborers, 5 months, at $40 per
month $30,000
500 boys, girls, men and women to pick,
after deducting rainy days—say 90 days
good picking during the season, to av
erage 150 pounds per day each—6,750,-
000 pounds, at 1 cent per round 67,500
Total expense for labor $97,500
0,750,000 pounds of cotton, with the eeed,
at 4 cents per pound gross, or at 14
cents per pound net 370,000
Balance $173,500
In brief, one hundred and fifty laborers can
raise an amount of cotton that will realize
for tlie producer when sold, at fourteen cents
per pound, the sum of §270,000, and leave,
after paying the laborers and pickers, a bal
ance m his favor of §172,500. After paying
all other possible expenses, what a splendid
profit would remain!
Origin or TnE Sisters op Charity.—The
origin of tbat charitable association of
world-wide fame, styled Tlie Sisters of Chari
ty, whoso signal services, during our late civil
war, to sick, wounded and dying soldiers, in
hospitals and on thc battle-fields, as well as
their constant ministrations to the sick or suf
fering poor in our city and throughout the
land in times of peace, have won for them the
profoundest respect of all ranks, is thus de
scribed in a religious journal:
About the year 1626, in ChantiDon, France,
there existed an humble rural pastor, named
Vincent de Paul, who has since justly deserv
ed tho title of tbe benefactor of his race. It
happened that during his ministry a serious
case of distress came under his own immedi
ate notice.
The good man recommended from the pul
pit to the charity of his congregation a poor
family in his neighborhood. Moved by his
appeal, bread, meat and vegetables poured in
upon the distressed ones. After vespers tho
pastor himself proceeded to the house of pov
erty, and met a crovAl of his parishioners re
turning from it “Behold,” said he, “an
abundant supply of prov isions for this poor
family; but there is no order in this profu
sion of charity. Thc most of these provi
sions will spoil, and the poor family, the ob
ject of benevolence, will be as badly off as
ever.”
The happy thought then occurred to him
to form a charitable society, whose members
should bc specially trained to manage the in
terests of the poor in a judicious and eco
nomical manner. Pious ladies of thc first
families offered their valuable services and
went to work, according to a rule laid down
by this man of God, and approved by the
spiritual authorities.
This was thc foundation of that charitable
Association whose noble services have been so
well known to history for more than two
hundred years.
State’s Evidence.—A good story is told
of George White, a notorious thief in West
chester county. He was once arraigned for
horse stealing, when it was supposed that he
was connected with an extensive gang, which
was levying contributions upon all the sta
bles around about. Many inducements were
held out to White to reveal the names of liis
associates, but he maintained a dogged si
lence. An assurance from the court was at
last obtained that he should be discharged,
upon which he made oath to reveal all be
knew of his accomplices. Thejurj were ac
cordingly suffered to bring in a verdict of
“not guilty,” when he was called upon for the believe as mm
For tlie Georgia Telegraph.
THANATE.
’Tis worse than death to fall from honor’s height
And grovel iu Disgrace’s dismal night.
Oh, rather than such late should me befall,
Come, welcome Death armed with thy terrors
* all;
Come the dark silence of the uairow tomb,
The worm’s foul banquet and oblivion’s doom, i
The exchange of certainties this side the grave
For all the dark unknown which we must brave.
’Tis worse than death to see a lov’d one die.
The last faint grasp of Nature’s agony,
The tolling bell, the funeral’s sad array,
The solemn halt, the narrow bed of clay,
The hollow sounds upon thc coffin's lid,
The form, thc best beloved forever hid,
The little narrow mound of earth beneath, ,
Oh, these athousand times arc worse than death!
’Tis worse than death to fondly love in vain:
When love’s soft fasvinating rosy chain,
Clasp’d fondly while the wearer gladly strives
To win t-e boon upon whose hope he lives,
Falls dark and heavy on his stricken heart'
As comes the words of doom, and hopes depart,
Oh, then how morc than welcome death appears,
Than life unloved drdggcd on through weary years!
Jan 31st, 1806. • ■
LAPSUS LINGUiE.
All men who arc deficient in the three first
qualities—namely, thought, fluency and or
der—arc liable to the lapsus lingua, and if
they declaim much in public, wiii sometimes
excite uniutentionni merriment by their blun
ders. How we laugh, even at the present, at
the elaborate mistakes of Sir Boyle Rochc.—
The famous “There he stands, Mr. Speaker,
like a crocidile, with his bands in his pockets,
shedding false tears,” may surely be consid
ered a slip of tlic tongue; lie would not have
written such a sentence. He possessed a cre
ative imagination and fluency of speech, but
was entirely deficient in the power of arrang
ing his ideas; comparisons, illustrations, in
vectives overflowed his brain, and came pour
ing out of his mouth in a heterogeneous tor
rent. Take, for instance: Mr. Speaker, sir, I
smell a rat; I see him floating in the air; but
I will nip him in the bml!” Here are three
distinct images jumbled up into a ridiculous
sentence. A man with an equally fluent
tongue and a brain of inferior productive en
ergy, would have stuck, say, to the flower,
some poisonous plant probably, would have
sown it, watered it, pampered it a quarter of
an hour before the nipping process, and prob
ably impressed his audience with the idea
that he had made a very respectable speech,
The more ordinary slips of tho tongue arc
caused either by nervousness or l»y the mind
wandering away while tlie unruly member is
left to trip unguided over some oft-repeated
words, and the effect produced by such* mis
takes is some times very ludicrous.
A terrible thing must it bc for a clergyman
to make a ludicrous blunder of this descrip
tion while conducting thc service; the morc
solemn the cast of our thoughts at any par
ticular moment, the more comic does absur
dity seem, and he must have been a very seri
ous person indeed who refrained from smil
ing when thc officiating minister read: “He
spake the word, and earthoppers came, and
grassipillars innumerable.” The .best thing
which could happen to one who made such a
slip, would be not to perceive it; that is, if
ho were a man who found a difficulty in
keeping his countenance upon trying occa-
casions, a bisk, however, which thc majority
of clergymen seem to find simple enough. Is
it possible that they appoint comic clerks,
and select qaint hymns, that constant prac
tice may perfect in them in the art of
preserving their gravity under any circum
stances? Our rector is a learned man, not
devoid of humor, and the first line of the
hymn which he gave out to be sung before
his morning sermon last Sunday was:
“Awake my soul, stretch every nerve.”
And yet there were dozens and dozens of
hymns in the book set to the same tune, quite
free from snch comical suggestions; lie must
have had some secret motive for picking that
one out.
The Count de Roney, who was rather fa
mous for these ingenious blunders, went to
call upon Madame de Thianges when she was
very ill. “And how are you to-day, madame?”
“No better, count I cannot get a wink of
sleep.”
“Dear, dear; how is that ?”
“It is those church bells that keep up one
ceaseless din day and night I do wish some
thing could be done about it”
“Wiiy don’t you have straw laid down be
fore the door ?” cried Dc Roney, his face light
ing up ns he thought of this ingenious expe
dient.
A better illustration of the compound lap-
stts I allude to, is perhaps afforded by thc fol
lowing anecdote of a Gascon soldier at Rome
who was being lionized by some Italians, and
whoso patriotic soul refused to admit any su
periority in St. Peter’s over the churches of
his own country. “That a cathedral!” he
said shrugging his shoulders: why in thc
country where I come from, there is one the
nave of which is a thousand yards long.”
“Oh, oh, oh 1” chorused the Italians.
“Fact, I assure yon,” insisted the Gascon:
“and it is twice as broad P'
“Well, well,” he said afterwards to his com
rades who bantered him on thc slip that he
had made; “perhaps I did overdo it. I was
going to make it square, only they took me
up so sharply that I had not time to think.’
TELEGRAPHIC
dispatches to the associatkiT7^~~
NEW YORK MARKET^ "
New York, Feb. 14—Cotton is steady
45 cents for Middlings.
Gold quoted at 438.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Washington, Feb. 14-Thc Senate res Unu I
tire consideration of the joint rcsolmj on t J
amend the Constitution regarding repress I
tation, but took no vote.
Thc House was engaged with thc contests
elections.
TEXAS STATE CONVENTION.
Galveston, Feb. 14.—A resolution hnJ
been offered in tbe Convention declaring tbit I
thc secession of the State was null an<]°voirl(
A resolution declaring that any State b-J
tlie right to secede, was introduced, and -
motion to lay on the table lost by a vote of jJ
yeas and 45 nays.
A message was received by Congress from I
the President, embracing a communication!
from the French Minister in relation to a pro.I
posed international conference at Constanti-I
nopleou thc subjectof the Cholera. Congas,!
will consider the proposition.
Capt. Scmineslias been allowed tbe privilege!
of exercise in the yard of the Marine Barrack-1
KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.
Cincinnati, Feb. 15.—The Kentucky!
Legislature has rejected the constitutional I
amendment abolishing slavery. It has alsn I
passed resolutions asking for the removal cf|
the troops from the State, thc restoration ofl
thc habeas corpus, ami condemning thc|
Freedmen’s Bureau.
CONGRESSIONAL NEWS.
ANOTHER CONSTITUTIONAL AMEND-1
MENT.
Brief Sermons.—The sermons delivered
at the funeral of the late Robert B. Mintnrn
Esq., by the Rev. Dr. Muhlenberg, is said to
have been tbe shortest on record, though sev
eral are recorded with ns few words. He
read, for his text, the words of thc Prophet
Micali: “He hath shown thee, O man, what is
good ; and what doth tlie Lord require of
thee, but, to do justly, and to Iqvc mercy, and
to walk humbly with thy God 7”, And then
added: “So did he.”
One sermon having the same number of
words, but more letters, was once preached
by the Irish Dean Kirwan. He was pressed,
while suffering from a severe cold, to preach a
charity sermon in St. Peter’s Church, Dublin,
for the benefit of the orphan children of thc
parish school. The oliurch was crowded to
suffocation, and tbe good Deuu, on mounting
thc pulpit, and announcing his text, pointed
with his hand to the children intheaisle, and
simply said, “There they are!” The collec
tion exceeded all belief.
It was Dean Swift who was to preach a
charity sermon; and giving out his text, “He
that hath pity on the poor lcndctli to the
Lord,” then added: “If you like thc security,
down with thc dust.”
Washington, Feb. 13.—In the House, Mr. j
Bingham, from thc Committee on Resolu [
tions, reported an amendment to the Federal!
Constitution to be submitted to the State |
Legislatures for ratification. It declares that j
Congress shall have full power to make all I
laws which shall bc necessary to secure to I
the citizens of each State all thc privileges!
and immunities of citizens in tbe several!
States, and to secure to ail persons in tlie sev-|
era! States equal protccticn of life, liberty I
and property. The amendment was rccom-l
mitted.
In the Senate, Mr. Wilson, from the Milita l
ry Committee, reported a bill fixing thel
peace establishment of thc army, with amend-[
ments. ■ It omits the veteran reserve corps oil
eighteen regiments, which were provided fot|
originally.
Tlic Senate then resumed the discussion oa|
the Constitutional amendment regarding rep-B
resen tation.
NEW YORK 3IARKET.
New York, Feb. 18—Cotton is firm at 45c|
for middlings. Gold, 138 3-4.
NEW YORK MARKET
New York, Feb. 12.—Cotton is declining!
sales at 44ca45c.
Gold, 138 7-8.
FR03I WASHINGTON.
Washington, Feb. 12.—No business doncl
in Congress to-day, this being tbe occassioil
of 3rr. Bancroft’s address in memory of Mr.
Lincoln, which was delivered in the presenetj
of a highly distinguished audience.
Death of the Chief Justice of Kentucky.
Glassgow, Ky., 3Ionday, Feb., 5.
Wn\ 31. Sampson, Chief-Justice of Ken-I
tucky, died to-day after a painful and pro-1
tractcd illness.
Alleged Cabinet Changes.
The Hartford Times Democratic has the
following from Washington:
The rupture between the President and the
Radicals is now openly declared by “that man
at thc other end of the avenue,” as 3Ir. Stevens
conteraptiously styles 3Ir. Johnson.
The President has told a Democratic Sena
tor that he will “show these men in a few
GENERAL NEWS ITEMS.
Nothing has transpired to indicate I
the wherefore of thc meeting of tho big Gen !
erals in Washington. Thc 'consultation k|
ended and the Generals dispersed.
25?" Ten thousand dollars has been ap.|
propriated to pay the expenses of “the com-1
mittee of fifteen”—it being supposed that!
witnesses from a distance arc sent for and
their board bills paid. Just to think of per
sons from all parts of the country being sent!
for to testily 1 And such persons!
(fC7~ It is said that Gen. Grant destroyed!
Beast Butler’s curt note declining his inviti-,
tion, being determined to know that, if it ever
appeared in print, B. B., himself should haw 1 ,
furnished it.
Our commerce with Canada is cstima-l
ted at about seventy millions per annum, be
sides which we transport nearly twenty mil
lions of her products to market over our^j
lines of transit.
3Ir. Julian presented a bill in Con-1
gross which extended tlie benefits of the new!
Homestead Bill, granting pre-emption rightj
in certain Southern States to freedmen—to|
“pardoned rebels,” also,
At the end of the reading 3Ir. Ste-1
vens, who had imperfectly heard it, inquire!*
who the author was. Upon being told bt!
ejaculated something which sounded ymAJI
like “damn him,” with a morc profane prefit-'j
23T” The Connecticut and New Hampslii r£ J
Democratic Conventions strongly endorsf-
the President’s reconstruction policy, mp* -
negro suffrage, denounced the course of >
radicals in Congress, opposed further
stitutional amendments, advocated the* 1 !',
mission of the Southern members, and
clared that all the privileges enjoyed by tbej
other States should be accorded to the South-J
era States.
The island of St Domingo is co# - !
posed of two republics now—St Domingo, n '
the east,controlled by tbe descendants ofSpJ 0
iards, and Hayti, in the west, controlled ty ;
blacks. They have both been recognized hj
our Presidents—Hayti by President Lincoln
days,” whether they can heat him or not— . and Congress, in 1862, and St Domingo
Stevens’ conduct in driving through that j President Johnson, lately, as far as lies in k-
amendment matter, over the President s well power Gen Cazneau bavin" been appoint®
Minister to tb*t republic, though his appoio 1 '
appealed to tlieir feelings, be will now touch
those Radicals “on the raw” by a summary
decapitation of some of the head Radical pets.
Stanton goes first. Tlic information on
this point comes in such a way that I cannot
doubt it. The President, I learn, promised
General Grant some months ago that Stanton's
resignation would be called for the moment
he (Grant) desired it. Stanton’s open oppo
sition to the General’s wishes in the mustering
out of useless officers and the reorganization
of the army, has brought the matter to a focus, i
That resignation has been called for. Harlan 1
is going. Dennison is going. Mr. Welles
will remain.
AH of which our readers are welcome to
they choose—which tvould
promised revelation. “I shall be faithful to be very little, it left with
my word,” said he; “understand, then, that *
tlie devil is the only accomplice I ever hud — It is a curious fact that Victor Hug*
we have been a great while in partnership— should labor under the delusion that he bus
you have acquitted me, and you may hang mistaken his avocation, and that as a painter
him if you can catch him.” bc would have achieved a greater fame.
ment is not yet confirmed by the Senate.
j5gT" To the colored delegation which p 1 * - ■
sented itself to him, lately, as representative
in behalf’of the interests of thc colored p®* |
pie of the United States, tho President d®"
nounced the attempt to confer tho right ;
suffrage upon the blacks in thc District - -
Columbia and upon the freeumen, avoffUb
that it belonged to the States to do so.
Fred. Douglass, the colored apostle, at t--
conclu'ion et’ tbe interview, expressed lii-’d-
satisfaction :;i these impudent words:
••The President sends us o the peoph
we will have to go and get the
faith in the people. I believe chat the/
do what is just, and hope that it will be so
mitted to them for final action.
The delegation then bowed and wi'-udr®*
at
rffil!