Newspaper Page Text
BBeastatmaBzssaz,
THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
(gftrrgut. . rclilij %rlcjjrag|.
Reconstruction or the Charleston and
Savannatt R. R.-W« learn from Charles-
ton papers that the annual meeting of the
Stockholders of the Charleston and Savan
nah Railroad Company will be held in
Charleston on Wednesday, the 21st inst., at
the Ilall of the Charleston Insurance and
Trust Company, when an election will take
p]Acc for President and twelve Directors.—
Also that proposals will be received by the
Engineer and Superintendent of the road un
til the first day of March, for the delivery of
20,000 cross tics upon the line of tho Charles
ton and Savannah Railroad, between Ashepoo
and Saltkaliatchie rivers.
py The President has issued an order re
storing all the churches and parsonages with
in the bounds of the Baltimore Annual Con
ference, embraced in the State of % irginia,
to the M. E. Church of the United States held
by said church prior to 1861. This order
further states that such possession shall be
valid until tho civil courts shall have deter
mined in whom the legal title vests. The
effect of the order will bo to take from under
tho control of the conference .now sitting in
Alexandria, all such property, and place it in
the possession of tho Baltimore Annual Con
ference of the M. E. Church in tho United
States, which will meet tho last of this month
in Baltimore city.
■■ —
Mu. Davis.—Dr. Craven, the medical ad
viser of cx-President Davis, who has just been
mustered out of service, reports the health of
his late charge os excellent, and says that he
is furnished with the various papers and mag
azines, and keeps well posted on the various
topics of the day. lie is resigned to his fate,
whatever it may be.
WHY IT IS DONE.
It is seldom that a political party adopts
any particular measure or line of policy, what
ever may be their real motives, without being
able to assign some patriotic reason for their
course. The only sound basis of party is the
country’s welfare ; one founded on any other
avowed principle, would, ordinarily, meet its
death at tho hands of the people in the very
article of its birth. Tho masses are honest,
and feel interested in politics only so far as
they contribute to the security of vested rights
and the general welfare of tho people.
Such is the general rule. Wc have, how
ever, tho most extraordinary exception in the
present Republican majority in Congress.—
Here wo have a party whose political cohe
sion is destroying thojgovemment by inches,
DESIGNS OF TIIE RADICAL FACTION
IN CONGRESS — UNANSWERABLE
PROOF OF THEIR HYPOCRISY.
Our remarks yesterday touching the de
signs of the Radical Faction at the North,
were predicated chiefly on their confession
that they excluded the Southern members
from Congress and sought to erect a Milita
ry Dictatorship over the South, in order - to
perpetuate their own power in the govern
ment. In this branch of their policy they
are sincere, except the pretext of Southern
disloyalty, which they know to be false.
There is another branch of their policy to
which we desire to direct the attention of
reasonable and just men everywhere. In this
they sail under false colors, and under the
specious pretext of devotion to human rights,
are seeking to oppress and degrade the South-
anil who avow that the object of their mens-1 ern p CO pie. Such shameless hypocrisy has
ures is to enlarge and perpetuute power in | seldom, or never, been witnessed in the his-
thcmsclves. Their unscrupulous and wicked
The National Intelligencer denies, on
authority, the story that Jeff. Davis is about
to bq tried by a military commission. It
says there is no foundation whatever for it,
beyond the expressed desire of a member of
the Cabinet and of n late Major-General.—
These blood-thirsty officials are, of course,
Mr. Secretary Stanton and Beast Butler.
Georoe Schley, Esq., an old citizen of
Augusta and a distinguished member of the
Bar of that city, died suddenly in his office,
of apoplexy, on Monday last.
Demand for Labor in the Southwest,
We learn from the New Orleans papers that
tho demand for labor there in every depart
ment of mechanics is such as to absorb the
entire supply, Never sinCe the first settle
ment of New Orleans, has it been greater
than it now is. One paper says that the
mechanics and laboring men are in greater
power than ever before, and that they are
“educating and elevating themselves, and arc
maintaining an unbroken front in their ef
forts to break down the barriers that have
hitherto opposed their rapid progress in so
ciety and political position.” Those who
nro so greatly exercised lest things in the
South revert to their former condition, and
who fear that the slavcholding aristocracy
will again resume their former sway, should
consider a fact like this. Wc hear the same
thing of other ports of tho South. A new
class is coming into power, new ideas are
gaining the supremacy. It must be so; for
that npon which the old caste was based, and
which gave it power, has passed away for
ever.
Referring Matters to tiie People.—
When Legislators wish to get rid of personal
responsibilities, they find a convenient resort
in referring troublesome questions to the peo
ple. W*e perceive that one branch of our
Legislature has voted to refer the question of
abolishing the Penitentiary to the people.
Pray, gentlemen, what did the people select
and send you to Millcdgevillcforkut to do this
very work which you now wish to throw
back on their sholders ? You were elected
to the Legislature because your constituents
considered you competent to do tho legisla
tion of tho State—they hud confidence in
your judgment and patriotism—why should
you think so much less of yourselves than
they do ? Such was the understanding when
you accepted the trust at their hands, and
we submit that it does not look altogether
manly for you to be thus shrinking from the
duties which yon promised to perform.
The abolition or retention of the Pcnitcn
tiary system of punishment for crime is pure
ly a question of public policy, and a deliber
ative assembly, who arc at least presumed to
represent the intelligence of the State, and
who have every means of information at their
command, should certainly be more compe
tent to decide it than the masses of the peo-
plo whose attention has hardly ever been at
tracted by the subject Then let the legisla
ture attend to its own business, and not be
troubling tho people with matters which the
latter have specially committed to their charge
There is net one man in ten who would alter,
his ticket whether it had Penitentiary or No
Penitentiary upon it
leader avowed it boldly in one of bis recent
speeches in Congress. For this purpose they
are advocating and enforcing a dis-union
which half a million of Northern lives have
been sacrificed to prevent They aro tramp
ling tho Constitntion under foot, simply be
cause a faithful execution of its mandates
would weaken their strength, if not wholly
deprive them of power. The army put
down revolution and restored the Union,
but these men refuse eleven great States
all participation in its rights and bless
ings and, what is still more, insist on im
posing on the excluded parties more than
their full share of the public burthens. Anil
all this simply because the admission of
Southern members to Congress wonld create
Our feet are now upon the rebels’ necks,
Let’s crush them to the dust, and vengeance
take—
For God, religion and our country’s sake—
For all the crimes which tongue can never
tell,
And whicli should expiated lie in a hell.
[Curtain falls.
! Scene Third.—Halt, of Representatives,
| Jan. 31, 1860.
[ Thaddeus Sterens sits in his teat musing
' thus:—The time has come now to make the
; breach complete between my party and the
j President. To-day I will take issue with him,
I and make between him and us an impassable
! gulf. He obstinately declines our course, and
, I will show him and the world who is greater
j in Congress, he or I. To-dny I will, by such
Their stock and cattle men are driving off ! a majority as shall astonish the country, tri-
With speed, to mountain wilds beyond the reach ' umpli over him, and punish his insolence in
Of rebel thieves. Upon each face enthroned daring obliquely to affect our legislation. I
Sits terror, fiend-like, rioting amid will show him that we care nothing for his
The fears that rack the heart. The flames ascend .
_ , ... _. _ , : opinions; that we are independent ot nun,
From many homes, Vis said. Thine Iron Works 1 , , ,.
Are burnt— ' ant * wc can carr y our measurcs over his
Stevens.—[enraged.]—What's that? An,d have tho ; head. He is in the way of full Republican
hell-hounds dared triumph, and must be put down : lie is witb
To burn my Works? j us, but not of us, and therefore we will boldly
Messenger.—In truth , 'tis even so. east him off. My revenge is not yet com-
Stcvens.—Then may th* foul fiend take them all.
[Enter Sumner.
Oh, friend !
Right glad am I to see you, now. You come
In time to hear my vcngeancc-Tow against
Those rebel rascals. Listen, now:—I vow
Before high heaven to use my utmost might
Against then all my life—in tear and peace.
For this vile act they shall, indeed, bo paid
REVENGE.
Scexe First.—A room in Lancaster, Pennsyl
vania.—Thaddeus Stevens pacing up and down
in a perturbed frame of mind.
[Enter'messenger.
Stevens.—What news f
Messenger.— The rebels swarm
throughout the land.
Stevens.—Indeed! and have they ventured, still!
again,
Th’ invader’s role to play! De’il take them all 1 1
Messenger.—Report proclaims thst many thous- j
ands come—
That serried ranks witb banners lying march '!
With atep as proud as victors ever trod-
With bands of music at their head they come,
And shouts of triumph rend the air where’er
Their footsteps lead. Their legions fill the land.
Dismayed, with horror painted in their looks,
Tho country people from their homesteads flee,
And safety seek in distance from the foe.
tory of parties.
Senator Sumner, in his recent speech on
the nouse Constitutional Amendment, de
clared “cgual rights and privileges, without
regard to race or color," as a rule founded
in divine justice, and as the great leading
principle ot the Republican party of the
North. For this he intended to battle until
the great political and social millcnium shall
have been brought to pass. This is the doc
trine which ho wishes to enforce upon
the South, for it is a remarkable 'fact
that during the elaborate discussions
ot public policy and duty iu this re
gard which have taken place in tho present
Congress, not one of the Republican speak
ers hns venturea an allusion to tho relations In groans and tears and blood; and if the pow’r
votes against them and their iniquitous plans. p] e j
sustained by the North to this great princi-
k
Tns Southern Press Association.—This
distinguished body assembled in one of the
parlors of the Exchange Hotel, last night.
In consequence of the failure of the Eastern
train to mako the regular connection, and
tho non-arrival of tho steamer from Selma,
only a small nnmber of delegates had repor
ted tbemsclTes last evening. It was thought,
however, that quite a number would reach
the city during the night.
"VVe have had tho pleasure ot meeting in
our office the following delegates:
W. G. Clark, Mobile Advertiser and Reg
ister, President. .. „ . , _
Mai. Keating, Memphis Commercial, Pres
ident of the South-Western Association.
Thcs. DeWolf, Esq., Columbus Sun.
Mai* J. H. Steel, Atlanta Intcligcncer.
E. O. Haile, Mobile Times.
Delegates from our city press were also in
attendance.
Col. Thrasher, the well known Superin
tendent of the old Southern Press As
sociation is also in attendance on tho Conven
tion.
The Association will doubtless be in readi
ness to transact business to-day.—Montgom
ery Mail, 15th.
A Strange Communication.—Tho follow
ing letter was received at the Philadelphia
Press office on Monday evening:
To the Editor of the Press—Sir: The fol
lowing communication (which I give yon
verbatum) was received at a private circle on
Sunday evening, at half past 9 P. M.
“France Is without an emperor! You will
get the news in ten (10) davs. This is for a
eat.”
Through the medium-hip <>f J. B. Conklin,
’412 North Sixth Street.
Philadelphia, February 4, 1866.
pSjfTlic Maryland Legislature adjourned
on t lie 8ul The attempts to amend or repeal
the registration laws, were not successful. In
the Senate the House kill to allow colored
persons to tistify in courts of justice, was laid
upon the tab! c.
Was ever such a party tolerated in any civil
ized government before!
Wc feel that we have stated the case fairly
against the Radical majority in Congress. To
say nothing of their confessions, what other
possible motive can they hare for excluding
Southern members from Congress and erect
ing a military dictatorship over these States—
for though a majority of the House voted
against the territorial amendment of Old
Tliad. Stevens, the passage of’the Freed-
men’s Bureau by both houses is equivalent to
the suspension of law in the Southern
States) They cannot base their action on
the principle that wc have sinned and must
therefore be punished, for in that case they
er^ct themselves into judges nml jurors and
usurp the powers of a wholly distinct branch
of the government. Trial and conviction are
conditions precedent to punishment in every
country that professes to be governed by law.
On the other hand, it cannot he that they
really consider the Southern people disloyal
and dangerous, for they have been conquered
in the field, deprived of their arms and
military organization, and are evi
dently powerless, so fur as forci
ble resistance to the government and
its authorities is concerned. It is out of the
question that they should apprehend danger
from us in our present condition. They know
wc are harmless, but for a selfish purpose of
their own, wonld brand us with suspicion of
evil intent Southern men, too. who have
never yet forfeited their honor or violated a
pledge, are to be cast out as faithless; and
for what) They know us too well to doubt
our fidelity, but they have a clean sweep in
Congress now, with hardly so much ns a voice
to be raised in opposition, and notwithstand
ing they would still be largely in the majori
ty should the Southern members be admit
ted, they fear the moral power of our repre
sentatives, and the utter overthrow that
awaits themselves at the hands of an indig
nant people, so soon as their iniquities shall
have been exposed and held up to the public
gaze. There is where the shoe pinches, and
well may it pinch. “Tho wicked flee when
no man pursuclk, but the righteous are bold
as a lion.”
Snch is the faction that the people of the
North, in an unguarded or phrensied moment,
entrusted with the reins of government. It
is a wicked, selfish and revolutionary band of
conspirators, and if power exists anywhere to
overthrow them and their villainies, it'ought
to be done, without regard to tho cost. Gen
Jackson would not have tolerated tho war of
such a cabal against the peace and integrity
of his country for twenty-four hours. They
are clearly a band of usurpers and traitors,
and should be cast out, and the Union saved
from their machinations, even though the law
of force should be necessary in order to ac
complish it. The right-thinking and patri
otic of every section would applaud the deed
and stand by its author.
The Coldest Day.—Yesterday was by
long odds, the coldest day, not only of this
season but of any other since the memorable
winter of 1835 and ’36. The mercury fell as
low as 12 degrees, and everything exposed to
the weather was frozen stiff. Tlite water ift
pitchers become thick ice, even where there
had been fires during a good portion of the
night The water pipes to our engine were
clogged with ice soon after our press was put
in motion, and hot water poured npon them
only socmcd to give them a coating os well
a lining of the frozen fluid. The consequence
was, our machinery came to a stand-still be
fore half the edition was worked off This
will explain tho failure of our paper to reach
many of our subscribers in due season.
We learn there was much difficulty in get
ting the loeomitives on onr railroads to work,
and, most of the trains left considerably be
hind time.
Arrival of Immigrants.—The Charles
ton Courier of the 8th inst. chronicles the ar
rival, per the steamer Quaker City, on her last
trip, of one hundred and sixty-five German
immigrants—including men, women, and
children. They will proceed at once to form
a settlement on the plantations of Messrs.
Weldon and Dayton, in Christ Church Par
ish.
The Tribune’s Washington special
says: Benjamin F. Butler has just closed no-
S t rations for a valuable mill property on the
mes river, near Richmond, intending to
erect extensive cotton factories. The
Cox farm containing 2,800 acres, through
which runs the Dutcu Gap canal, has been
offered to General Butler, and he lias in con
templation its purchase. New England fam
ilies and mill operatives will settle upon it.
Florida Matters.—Orders have been is
sued by General Foster ordering the removal
of the soldiers from Fort Clinch and Jack
sonville. It is understood that the order was
issued on the 2d inst A corporal’s squad
only will be left to look after the Government
coal, &c.
pfT" Mr. Anderson, of Missouri, wishes, by
constitutional amendment, to change the
name of the Government from the 11 The
United States" to “America.” It is about
time that a raid was made upon Congress to
rid that body of its lunatic*
We Would now ask tho question, whether
or not these pious crusaders, who arc so anx
ious to extend the laws of justice and true
philanthropy over the South, have entered np
on their holy mission with clean hands) Have
they corrected error and righted wrong in
their own part of tiie moral vineyard. When
the Redeemer of mankind was about sending
forth bis Apostles to cpnvert the world, he
told them to ''begin at Jerusalem." Their
own home must be purified of idolatry and
brought to worship the true God before they
exhorted others to turn from the “error of
their ways.” Has “Jerusalem” been convert
ed in this case ? Has it ever been preached to?
If not, does the great City of the Puritans
stand without sin ) Let us look for a moment
at the facts.
Negro Equality is the doctrine which these
reformers would see practically enforced at
the South. It has two branches, j/olitieal and
social.
And first, wc ask is the negro the political
equal of the white man at the North ? One
brief statement will suffice to answer the
question. Upon examination of their con
stitutions, it wiil be found that but six out of
twenty-two States that may be properly termed
Northern States, allow the negro to vote at
all! Now again: those six States, Mr.
Sumner's (Massachusetts) among them, con
fine the right of suffrage to a comparatively
very small class, to wit: those who have suc
ceeded better in life than the rest and can
boast of being the owners in their own right
of a certain amount of property. In not one
Northern State—so far as our investigation
has extended, and we hope to be corrected
if wrong—is the right of suffrage vested in
all negroes as it is in all white men. So much
for the “political equality” of the negro at
the North.
Is, then, the negro the equal socially of
the white man [in {the land where these
preachers of equal rights hail from ) Is there
a respectable church, or theatre, in Boston,
New York, Philadelphia, or Chicago where
n negro can rent a pew or mingle promiscu
ously with the whites) Wc answer no. Is
there a respectable hotel in all the North
where the negro can take up his lodgings and
set at the same table with tiie white man ?—
Wc answer again no. Is there a train that
runs over a Northern railroad into which- the
negroes can enter and sit side-by-side with
white passengers I We know not one. IIow
many respectable families at the North allow
negoes to sleep in their beds or break bread
at their tables ? Is there one that wonld not
consider itself degraded were a wife or
daughter seen promenading the streets with
her hand resting on a negro’s arm ?
If these things by true, what means this
attempt to force upon the South a social sys
tem at which every decent man and woman
at the North revolts) Does not it establish,
beyond all controversy, a settled purpose on
the part of these political miscreants to op
press and degrade us? If negro equality be
right and equitable tor the South, why is it
that the Northern people revolt at its intro
duction among themselves ? Why is it that
all Yankedom has been kept free from the
curse of their iniquitous legislation and the
District of Columbia, inhabited by a South
em population, is made to groan and writhe
under the foul indignity ? There negroes el
bow white gentlemen and ladies out of street
cars and omnibuses and offthc sidewalks un
der the pretention of law, and yet no such
outrages are tolerated at the North. Even in
the Senate of the United, because the wives
and daughters of Northern members aro ac
customed to frequent the galleries, the con
tact with the negro has become a thing re
pugnant, and a Republican President Pro-
Tcm has ordered a separate apartment to be
assigned to the odorous population!
And now, we ask: did the world ever wit
ness such glaring inconsistency, such shame
less hypocrisy ? Those two miserable
m a r b le-hc&rtcd bachelors—Sumner and
Stevens—who know nothing of a husband’s
honor and whose hearts never throbbed with
a father's love, wonld degrade the wives and
daughters of the South to a level with their
former slaves. Perhaps we should make
some allowance tor Mr. Stevens, who, if re
ports be true, has a personal interest in negro
equality in view of the future condition of
his own illicit offspring.
What, then, is this hne and cry about equal
rights without distinction of race or color,
bnt port and parcel of a revengeful war npon
the people of the South—the result of
malice that turns men into demons, and <> hate
of which the devil himself wonld be ashamed?
Let honest men everywhere contem
plate the spectacle ns it stands, and visit
upon the authors of this unholy crusade a
retribution commensurate with their crime.
Should e’er he placed within my hands to wreak
Upon them vengeance sweet, I will with joy,
Humiliate them ail I can.
From out
The vials cf my wrath I’ll pour such woes
As now they dream not of. Beneath the heel
Of power I’ll crush—aye crush them—crush
their rights •
Their hopes, thiir joy—and, in their wide-spread
woe,
’Mid confiscation slaughter and contempt—
Contempt ns nation ne'er before hath seen—
I’ll smilo with npture in my hot revenge—
Revenge complete and full of sweetest joy.
Sumner—Your hand! I loo owe vengeance to that
race,
And join you, Sfevens, in the pleasant task
You do allot yourself.
[They shake hands warmly
My head hath felt
The blow whicl ne'er can be avenged in full.
Together lotus seek to humble those
Who dared affnnt us both. Proud race they be;
But we the poVer have to make them cringe
And crawl andwhine for mercy, and implore
Forbearance. Fools, to match their puny arms
Against tho mtion’s might! Defeat will soon
Their liaughtj banners trail within the dust,
And then we lang or banish whom wo choose.
The slaves shill all be free, enfranchised, and
Allowed the locial and the civil rights
Their masten now enjoy.
We’ll confiscate—
plete. Though I’ve done much, I’ve not clone
all I wanted to do. We have humbled the
incendiaries and blood-thirsty murderers into
the very dust; have made them stultify them-
; selves in evciy possible way; have made them
' repudiate their secession ordinances and debts,
! free their slaves, sue for mercy like a whipped
i spaniel, and now wc mast make the negro
! their equal every way, under the Constitu
tion. And we must rule over them. no who
; lives at the other end ot the Avenue cannot,
| shall not, prevent this. My power is greater
j than his, as he will find to-dav. Before the
present time I’ve net felt confident enough to
come to nn open rupture; but now I do, and
this day I will; for all the threads are in my
hands.]
[Rises to speak.
‘•A duty high anil fraught with weal or woe
Intrusted is into our hands this day.
And future ages shall demand of ns
Account of its abuse, if we omit
To exercise the rights wc now enjoy—
Fulfil the duties high imposed on’us—
And carry out the aims of that august
Assembly which our “Declaration’ ma de.
Black condemnation will enshroud our names
Throughout all future time, if we deal not,
Most justly to each human being on
This continent—
[To himself—Provided he is black, and
lives South of Mason and Dixon’s line.]
Four millions dwell among us: we must treat
them,
As, solemnly declared our fathers once,
They ought to be dealt with; or!>e oppressed
By us, as tyrants who, most insolent.
[To himself as lie sitB down. TREATY OF ALLIANCE OFFExgjy
Believe it or not, as you please, only con- ■ AND DEFENSIVE BETWEEN CHn,;
tinue to obey the crook of my finger, and I ! 4 vn p R,r -
shall be satisfied.
* Raymond, of New York.
French! Cognac Prospects.—The Cognac
a French journal, states that the cultivation
of vines for brandy distillers’ use has decreas
ed in France to a remarkable degree, in con
sequence of the gradual decline in the price
of Cognac brandy and the increase in the val
ue of other products. In the Grand Cham
pagne of Cognac, land of the first quality lias
not been worth more than £250 the hectare
(21-2 acres) for the last ten years, while the
meadow land lias risen to £440. New brandy
was worth above £16 the twenty-five gallons
in the same district in the years 1856 and
1857. There has been a constant diminution
in the price since the year 1858, which may
be set down at present at twenty-five per cent.
This forebodes, or should forebode rather, a
decrease in the supply of “Choice Old Cog
nac.” But whilst com whisky continues to
be made, in this country at least, and in this
city too—burnt sugar not alluded to—there
will be plenty of fine Cognac for all connois
seurs. By the way, tho common mustang
wine makes a very good article of pure bran
dy.—Louisville Journal.
FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES.
Deserve the execrations of mankind,
Stevens.—Eniugb! Oar aims and objects well | ^ t5mo has come in fact, when we can
accord.
Sweet vcugeaac shall provoke our highest powers;
And when suih powers ore used, not e'en the
Lord
Can fu^y disappoint revenge like ours.
[They separate.
A Windfall to Mrs. Maximilian.—The
London Shipping Gazette of the 20th ult.
says:
Two commissioners have just taken their
departure for Mexico, in order to carry to the
Empress Carlotta the property which she has
inherited from the late King Leopold. It is
said to amount to twenty millions of francs,
but the Empitss will only receive the interest
of that sum, the late King having placed the
capital in such a way that it cannot be
touched.
Scene Second—Washington City—The Republi
cans In Caucus just prior to the present session
of Congress.
[Sumner, Stercns ct al Stevens presiding.]
Stevens—My friends, the time lor which we long
have wished—
For which we've fought and struggled long—has
come.
The chaplets green which triumph doth bestow,
Now graco our brovs—our triumph Is complete;
All—Our triumph is conpletc, thunk God!
Sumner— Thank God
Strcne—The rebels ia tie dust are cringing now,
And we will keep them tlcrc—
All— Wc’U keep them there
Stevens—Too long for rietbry have we strained
each nerve,
Not now to reap its sweetest fruits in full
From fcw we’ve grown to be a mighty host:
Our party sways the land with power supreme;
And wc may now such cotrac pursue os shall
The best subserve those ains wc have in view.
The end of every act ofotrs must be
The reins of pow’r in our own hands to keep.
Remember that!
All— Fiarnot: we’ll not forget
8tevcns—Remember, toe, that uuity most guide
Each vote and public act on our part.
Discord must not distrait our councils now—
Division must not mar «uractions now:
The glorious fruit of al our toil we hold,
Andindiscretiou mnstuot let it fall.
The government musfbe retained by to—
Ourselves must fill ca.li office in the land—
And oil the spoils mat come to us of right.
Now shall not this hi so ?
All— It shall be so.
Stevens—Have I jour solemn promise, too, to
back
Your leader in tbqte measures he may seek
To carry out? /
All— Wc give our solemn word,
Stereos—Enough! And now IJwill unfold the plan
Which best dotli/seem our purposes to serve.
That we may asray the power of Congress most,
Elect a Speaker all prepared to make
Such cominatpns as we may desire.
Colfax presents the requisites we wish.
Th’ election s’er, we must at once appoint
A joint committee for the purpose of
Preventing lasty ingress on the part
Of rebel representatives.
'Tis thus
We’ll keep thv Southern States in our control,
Maintain o'er them a military sway,
Retail the power to perfect our plans,
Gain time enough to carry out our ends
And fully consummate our every scheme.
I’ll read a resolution I’ve drawn up,
Appointing committee of fifteen,
Whose instant duty it shall bo to sit
In counsel o’er the right of rebel States
To wield deceive powe’r in Congress now.
Your glisteniag eyes tell meyou catch the point
[He reads tre resolution concerning the com
mittee of fiftelp passed before the election of a
Speaker.]
Snmner.—The plat proposed receives my full
consent!
'Twill work, I tlink, precisely as we wish.
To crush ont all that may oppose our ends,
Is now the dutybf Republicans.
We rale this laid! 8ofste has pre-ordained ;
And enrst be thme who opposition give.
The traitors wio have sought to overthrow
This government should have no part nor lot
In guiding its pairs, and, hence, we’ll bar
Their entrance to these legislative halls.
The votes of freed men will assist our cause,
And hence we’ll grant to them the right to
vote,
And civil rights in full they shall enjoy—
Among them wj’ll divide their masters’ lands
And if complaint is made we’ll banish them
To show to traitors treason’s direful doom.
[Choked by this mighty effort, Sumner sits
down and gasps for breath, while Wade
hands him a glass of water.]
Stevens.—Aright thou art, my friend; our
our time has come,
And we must wreak sweet vengeance on the
make
The Constitution what our fathers wished:
The time hns come when every stain has been
Washed out through blood; and glorious it
str.nds,
Unless wc choose to re-establish it.
Forbid it, neaven, that I should say, ns says,
My friend," 1 TnE Constitution need not be
Amended!
I’d rather die than l»e disgraced by such
A'sentinient as that.
[Aside—For Buncombe this!
Now for business.]
Presented to us is the question, Shall
We crush beneath our feet four millions men,
For sake of those whose parricidal hands
Were lifted ’gainst the nation’s life, and who
Themselves cut off from every right beneath
The Union’s laws ? Now that’s the question,
Sir;
And wc must march up boldly to its front.
And boldly carry out our party aims,
In spite of him—the man who now dwells at
The other end of this broad avenue.
He dares, through conduit all unused before,
T’abusc the privileges of this House !
Had British King, in such a way as that,
Presumed to treat the parliament of proud
Old England, Sir, in centuries long gone,
It would have cost his head. But let that
pass.
Of usurpation wo are tolerant, ,
In this our government.
[Voorhcos and Brooks to themselves—
Ho'! ho! ho!]
But now I come
To that which most concerns onr purpose
here.
We must so legislate now as to give
The Freedman every right the white man has,
And yet wc must arrange that neither shall
The privilege enjoy of entrance here,
At least for several years to come.
But when
The blacks attain some sense, and loyal men
Enough reside within the Southern States
The ballot to control, I shall be glad
To see them represented here—till then
He must deny admission to them all.
For, let them in, and their united votes
Will number eighty three; and this combined
With copperhead assistance makes us lose
Our power in the nation’s Halls, and bo
A shrivcllcd-up nonentity instead
Of being lords. And they whom we despise
Wonld Congress rale and then, indeed, elect
A President to suit themselve next term.
For this they aim; but we will not permit
8nch gross outrage—such sudden loss of
power.
Amend the Constitution thus, and send
The Bill directly to the States. We shall
Not trouble President Johnson with that,
About which he has naught at all to say.
[Triumphant smiles and applause all around]
But still you have not yet been tutored up
To that which is the real point—nor have
Our people been: the real point is this—
[Reads.—“All National and State laws
shall be equally applicable to every citizen,
and no discrimmination shall be made on ac
count of race or color.”
There is the genuine proposition—the one
I love. It is dear to my heart, for I had been
gestating it for six months. •
[Laughter.
I hope it may yet be brought forward.]
And when our aims are thus all carried out,
And when all power is centered in onr hands,
Then will our vengeance have become com
plete—
[Raymond aside, His Iron Works were
burnt.]
And for tho injuries we have sustained—
[Sumner, in the lobby, rubs his head most
pathetically.]
Can feel that satisfaction has been made.
Advice for President Johnson —He is
Couunselcd Not to Irritate the Empe
ror.
The best hopes of the- maintenance of
peace between France and tho United States
lie in the deep feelings of friendship and
sympathy which Americans have toward the
French people. If the Emperor Napoleon
were obstinately to persist in upholding
the Mexican Empire by force, these
sentiments might doubtless be over-
powered, hut the belief of Amer
icans in the ancient friendship of France is
strong enough to' endure much provocation.
We cannot, however, but feci that the Knc
taken by the American Government is but
ill-calculated to preserve the alliance dear to
American citizens.- However desirous the
Emperor Napoleon may lie of retiring with
decency from Mexico, t^c chance is almost
denied him. The Imperial Government have
always declared that the Frencii occupation
of Mexico was only a temporary measure.—
They have said that as soon as the Emperor
Maximilian had been induced into his posi
tion all auxiliary troops would be withdrawn,
and it would be perfectly consistent with
these declarations were the French troops re
called to morrow. • It is, however, an obvi
ous condition of their withdrawal that no
other foreign power should immediately after
ward intervene in Mexico.
The Austrian protige of the Emperor Na
poleon has in some fashion been adopted by
his subjects, and he has a right to a fair trial.
If his Government is such that the Mexicans
desire to keep him as their Emperor, it is not
easy to sec why their wish should not be grat
ified. Mexico is not only a Republic which
has become an Empire, and the United States
have recognized in Europe what they refuse
to tolerate in America. The objection lies in
that exaggeration of the 3[onroe Doctrine for
which Sir. Monroe is not responsible. Let
President Johnson recur to tiie more moder
ate proposition enunciated by his predecessor,
and the task of coming to an agreement with.
France is at once indefinably lightened. Mr.
Monroe protested against European interfer
ence in America, but left each American com
munity to choose its own form, of govern
ment. If France retires from Mexico, this
protest is satisfied, whethe* the Empire of
.Maximilian be retained or be abolished. It
is true that the Empire will have owed its
origin to European influence, but ifMexicans
acquiesce in it when this influence is remov
ed the vice of its origin ought to be forgiven.
The language of 31. Drouyne de Lhuys leads
to the belief that the Auxiliary Corps would
be recalled to Europe at oner if the American
Government would give a pledge that 3Iexico
should be left to settle its own future destiny,
and wo hope so moderate a solution of a most
embarrassing question will be accepted by
President Johnson —London Times, Jan. 82.
Sharp Work with the Fillibcsteros.—
Tiie Government is making short work with
the fillibusters on the Rio Grande and their
sympathizers. Gen. Crawford has been for
some time in limbo, and this morning we
learn of the arrest of his Adjutant, Col. Reed,
and also of Capt. Sinclair, ot the “Liberal”
army—the former charged with complicity
in the Bagdad nffair, and the latter with vio
lating the neutrality laws. We also learn
that Gen. Weitzcl has been superseded in
command of the Rio Grande District, and that
other changes have been made. Further we
learn that the Provost-3Iarslial is busy arrest
ing and disarming ail suspicious parties in
Brownsville and its neighborhood. Still
further ivc are told that four pieces of artil
lery, taken from Bagdad by the “Liberals” or
fillibusters, have been seized by the United
States Collector of Customs.
This is doing that business up pretty
promptly and quite effectually. We should
think that these gentlemen have learned by a
severe lesson that the destinies of the United
States—tho question of war or peace—arc
not in their control. They have l>een taught
this in such a way as to stop decisively their
fillibustering work. Wc shall have no more
ofitonthe Rio Grande.—N. T. Times.
TnE Bureau Bill—Washington, Feb. 9.
—The Freedman’s Bureau bill, as modified
by tho House, was construed to give the Pres
ident tho discretionary power of limiting the
operations of the act to such States only
wherein the habeas corpus was suspended.
Of course if the President restores the habeas
corpus in Virginia, or South Carolina, or any
other States, the Bureau in that State would
cease to exist. But the Senate disagreed to
this amendment. The term during which the
Bureau is to exist is indefinite. It is to con
tinue till other provision is made by law.
The country must be in a more desperate con
dition than has been supposed, if this insti
tution is necessary. It may prevent some dif
ficulties, while it will not tail to create many.
Still the question is asked whether the
President will sign tho bill Some say he
has already written n message stating objec
tions to it, but suggesting modifications, after
the manner of President Lincoln’s message
of returning the confiscation bilt for amend
ment.—Cor. Balt. Bun.
AND FKItl .
In the Name of Almighty Ood:
The Republics of Peru and Chile, in vi«r
of the danger which threatens America aid
of the violent aggression and unjust prefca
sions with whicli the Spanish government lag
commenced to attack the dignity and sov*r-
eignty of both, have resolved to conclude a
treaty ofalliance offensive and defensive to
which effect they have appointed as Plenipo
tentiaries ad hoc. on the part ot Peru, the Sec
rotary of Foreign Relations, D. Torbio Path-
sco, and on the part of Chile, Sr. D. Domin-
go Santa Maria, who after having found their
respective powers to be in due order, have
proceeded to stipulate the following prelimi
nary treaty: ,,
Article 1. The Republics of Peru and
Chile form between them the closest offensive
and defensive alliance, for the purpose of re
pelling the actual aggression of the Spanish
government, as well as any other of the same
government which has its object in attacking
the independence, sovereignty, or democratic
institutions of both Republics, or of any other
on the South American continent, or which
originate^ in unjust claaims that have been
declared as such by both nations, are not made
according to the principles of international
law, nor decided in tho way this same law
prescribes.
Art. 2. For the present, and by this treaty,
the republics of Peru and Chile bind them
selves to unite the naval forces which they
have, or in future may have disposable in
order to attack with the same the Spanish
maritime forces that arc or may be found on
the waters of the Pacific, blockading, as ac
tually is the case, either the ports of one, or,
as may happen those of both of the above-
mentioned republics, or committing any other
hostilities against Peru and Chile.
Art. 3. The naval forces of both republics,
may they be operating jointly or separately’
as long as the present war lasts, which has
been provoked by the Spanish government,
shall obey the government of that of the two
republics in whose waters said naval forces
may be.
The officer of the highest rank, or, in case
there should be many of the same rank, the
oldest one among them, who is in command
of cither of the combined squadrons, shall
take the supreme command of both when
ever said squadrons operate jointly.
The government of both republics, how
ever, shall be able to confer, by mutual agree-
ment, the command of the squadrons, when
they operate coiubincdly, on such native or
foreign officer whom they may consider most
competent
Art. 4. Either one of the contracting re
publics in whose waters the combined naval
forces may be because of the actual war with
the Spanish government, shall pay nil ex
penses of any kind whatever which the sup
plies of the squadron, or of one» or more of
the vessels thereof, may make necessary; but
at tho end of the. war both republics shall
appoint two commissioners, one for each par
ty, who shall make a definitive settlement of
the expenses incurred and duly proved, and
shall charge to the account of each of the
two one-half of the total sum that these ex
penses may amount to.
In the settlement, the partial expenses which
each of the republics may have paid for the
supply of the squadron, or of one or more of
its vessels, shall he taken account of and
credited in her favor.
Art. 5. Both contracting parties bind
themselves to invite the other American na
tions to give their adherence to the present
treaty.
Art. C. Tiie present treaty shall be ratified
by the governments of both republics, and
the ratifications exchanged in Limn, within
the term of forty days, or before if possible.
In witness whereof the plenipotentiaries
of both republics sign and seal the present
reaty.
Dated in Lima, the fifth of December, one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-five.
J. Pacheco,
Domingo Santa Maria.
3Iariano Ignacio Prado, Provisional Su
preme Chief of the Republic:
In consideration : That Peru, independent
ly from the special reasons which she has for
demanding from the government of Spain
the reparation of grave offenses which the
latter has inflicted on her, hns been obliged
tc consider, and considers ns her own the
question which tiie latter government has
raised against Chili; and that in consequence
thereof a treaty of alliance, offensive and de
fensive, has been signed, approved, and rati
fied between both republics with the object
of saving each other mutually and also Amer
ica from the unjust violent aggressions of
Spain; I Decree:
Art. 1—The republic is declared to be in
a state of war with the government of Spain.
Art, 2—The Secretary of Foreign Relations
will take care to communicate this declara
tion to all friendly nations, with a corres
ponding manifest of the reasons which hav#
caused the same.
The Secretaries of State, each one in the
department that belongs to him, are charged
with the execution of this decree and with
the publication of the same due solemnity.
Given at the Government House, in Lima,
the 14th January, 1866.
3IakianoJ. Prado.
The Secretary of War and Navy—Jose Gai-
vey.
The Secretary of Foreign Relation—T.
Pacheco.
The Secretary of the Interier—J. M. Quim-
per.
The Secretary of Justice—J. Simon Teje
da. #
The Secretary of Finance and Commerce
—31. Pardo.
Abuse op English Factory Children.—
Though the law in England'restricts the la
bors of children in factories to ten hours, a
report to Parliament shows that in the man
ufacture [of various articles, children under
twelve and betwoen twelve and eighteen, are
made to work from twelve to fifteen hours a
day, and sometimes even longer. Even little 'stand where he is there is light in the future.
children six years of age have been compelled
by their parents to turn a wheel, or dr# some
other regular manual labor. In the knitting
trade, children from five upwards are kept at
work on an average fourteen hours a day, and
“hit” when they go to sleep. Artificial flow
er workers aro worse, girls of sixteen and up
wards working at their severe work t which
is straining to the eves, for two-thirds of the
year, fourteen and fifteen hours a day, and
sometimes all night through.
Christ Crucified.—The thing which we
should specially see in Christ crucified is our
sin laid upon him, and him counted as a sin
ner, and published as a sinner, for our re
demption. Iu fact, we see on the cross our
sins punished, crucified, borne, and carried
by* our Redeemer.—Ryu.
Ex-President Pierce Endorses Presi
dent Johnson.—The New Hampshire Dem
ocratic Convention, which assembled at Con
cord on Tuesday last, appointed a committee
to wait upon Ex-President Pierce to request
him to address them.. They subsequently re
turned with that distinguished gentleman,
who, after an enthusiastic reception, said he
was gratified at seeing so many present, bat
begged to be excused from making a speech.
The Democratic party had stood like brave
and faithful men upon the principles of their
fathers, and they have been denounced as hos
tile to the Union by a body of men who, as
far as lie had been able to judge, bad done
nothing but denounce that Union. The Pres
ident of the United States was an honest,
high-minded, patriotic magistrate; his mes
sage was an admirable one, and he has gone
on in a way that should satisfy most men who
desire to sco what can be saved instead ot
what can be destroyed. His steps have thus
far been marked with courage, wisdom and
statesman-like forecast; if he continues to
A deed of trust was recorded at Fori
Wayne, Indiana, on Saturday last, whicli re
quired $10,000 worth of stamps. It was a
mortgage from the Indiana Southern Rail
way, to Win. II. Swift and Samuel J. Tipen,
We are often asked when a chance will come,
and he thought it would bo made apparent
when people are brought to look to some
thing higher than the perpetuation of party
S owtr. 'it would be abject to despair of the
cpublic, and no true man would de it, come
what may.
The Ex-President, on retiring, was heartily
cheered.
South.
It plunged the country in a sea of woe— I Its nectar ,,ow 1 J ust be S in to si P>
With debt o’erwhelmed the land—the sacred Antl 8hou,<l not Providence permit the “man
i; ves , At the other end of the avenue”
Of thousands took ; and come near breaking To bau,k our schemes, the happiest mortals
up we »
A government surpassed by none on earth. 0f aU who ,ive u P° n tUe earth 8ba11
Revenge, revenge, most sweet it is to taste— , for the sum of $10,000,000. This road is to
--—•***• be built from Fort Wayne to Jeffersonville, |
and to be in running order by November I,
United States Soldiers Drummed Ourlofthe
Service for Robbery and Assault#
Nashville, Tenn., Thursday, Feb. 8.—
Eight United States soldiers, convicted by
court martial held in this city, were to-day
drummed out of the service to serve their
various terms of imprisonment, which range
from five to seven years.
They arc marched through the streets with
drums beating. Four of them had their heads
shaved. Their names are John McGee, Henry
Kirk, C. C. Nuttle, Wm. McKoe, Dallas Smith
Thomas Welsh, Hiram 3Iorton, and C. H.
Newell—all of the Sixteenth United States
Regular Infantry. The charge against them
all is robbery and assault.
1866.
. — Brigham Young lias been made a for
lorn widower twenty-eight times during hi-
pyA book lias been published in England j conjugal experience. He endures bia many
by Dr. Stowell, a dissenting minister, in which j bereavements with the fortitude of a Daho-
! lie undertakes to prove that “the forbidden mey chief. One hundred aud cighty-t> vc
j fruit was the tobacco plant!” comforters ar« still spared to him.