Newspaper Page Text
THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
o
(gnrgia SMttMg Ctlqra^.
SHcabinkt and the Veto.—a Wash-
1 n despatch says it has transpired that a
i»v 0 f the Cabinet, was in favor of the
"Yesterday. It was supported by Secre-
• ' Seward, McCulloch and Wells. It said
jiennison and the other members
,ppo»d iu
f- Mrs Chaudron the author of several
Mudicrn school books, and the translator of
A 11 and Hit Court, is now teaching
jcliwl in Mobile.
._y- \ woman near Richmond, Va., went
jjjt her mother near by, and before leav-
pit her little child, which was sleeping,
‘. j i, r own I**!, and covered it up, head
nn ,l can. O" i ,cr return she found the
child ^withered to death. A sad warning
ihis is apinst a common habit.
The Veto.—We give, in full, on this page
the Messare of the President assigning his
objections to the Frecdmcn's Bureau bill. It
dceumtnt that will attract attention.—
ijiJe from the subject immediately under
(Otuideratioa, he takes positions that cover
the whole ground of present disturbances,
-ml boldly arrays himself on the side of an
iliatc restoration of the Union under
,he Constitution. The Message is all the
South could ask, and we thank tho bravo
in who has thus thrown himself into the
' reach, lie has triumphed in the fight with
.lisuninn, and the great body of the Amcri-
,an people will wreath a chaplet for his
hrow.
It is hut just to the President to say that
he Message published was transmitted by
telegraph, and is full of imperfections.—
Hi< moaning, however, is obvious, and we
trill do his literature justice when the official
printed report shall have come to hand.
gy Persons mailing letters are warned,
that if they put an insufficient number of
stamjw on them, they will not be forwarded,
except to the Dead Letter office. Heretofore
the deficient postage lias been charged and
collected at the delivery office; but postage will
henceforth l>o required in lull at the point of
mailing. This will be a serious inconven
ience to persous not skilled in guessing at
half ounces, and without scales for weighing
their letters.
So says an exchange, though we received
a letter yesterday from a government officer
with the three cents additional charge en
dorsed.
[a,Hon. Tlios. Hardeman will pleaso ac
cept our thanks for n pamphlet copy of Mr.
Stephens’ address before the members of the
Legislature,
Freedmen’s Code—A Scggestion.—As
the prospect of the passage of the Frecdmcn’s
Bureau bill by Congress, and the consequent
assumption ot all power over the Freed men
f.y tho Federal authorities, have deterred the
Legislature from auy action upon the State
Code for Frccdmen, wo would suggest to that
Isxly that thcconst is now clear and they can
proceed with the work so auspiciously com
menced. Indeed, it has become an impera-
iluty for the Southern States to sustain
the course and opinions of the President by
promptly passing such laws as will secure all
the rights of tin; black population, thus show-
to Congress and the world that the in
terests of that class arc safe in Southern hands.
THE COST OF NEWSPAPERS.
Whatever may Im the popular delusion to
the contrary, it is a fixed fact, to which every
publisher will testify, that newspapers and
newspaper advertising are the cheapest
things to be had in the market. This will
readily appear by a comparison of the price
and cost of publication now with tlioso of
other days. We may safely say, that taking
lal or, cost of material and rent, the average
increase in the cost of conducting a newspa
per is three fold. Now, no paper is published
at tlnubk the former prico when labor, rent
and material were cheap, and as- regards ad
vertising there is but a trifle if any ndvnncc
on the rates that ruled previous to tho war.
These facts fully establish our point, nnd
they prove, too, tlint many newspapers are
apparently prosperous when tho expense of
conducting them is certainly eating np the
profits. Wo have no hesitation in saying
that to approximate a just proportion to
prices, generally in tho mnrkct, a daily paper
ought to command twenty dollars per nhnum
nnd advertising two dollars per square for
every insertion. The writer gives the opin
ion fairly as a business man, having no pecu
niary investment in any newspaper office.
We find in the Philadelphia Ledger some
remarks on this subject, which will doubt-
be verified by every newspaper offico in
die Union. Wc transfer them for the con
templation of tlioso newspaper customers
'vho are sometimes in the habit of complain
ing of high prices. That journal says :
lien newspaper readers occasionally hear
°t the high and increased prices of printing
paper, they ean liavo but a faint idea of what
a serious matter it is to publishers of journals
with large circulations. An addition of one
or two cents a pound to tho prico would
>eera to be n small matter, but where tons of
paper are consumed ’ every day, as in the
wxlgcr office, that apparently slight addi
tion makes up a heavy amount The white
l )# l*r upon which each day's edition of the
hedger is now printed costs nearly one hun
dred dollars a day more than we get for the
printed newspapers; that is to say, that wo
now sell to the carriers the whole of our daily
edition for one hundred dollars less than wc
pry for the paper it is printed on. Such in-
trevse in the cost of tne principal material
wjJ by publishers, acts with peculiar hard-
*"|p upon a newspaper. It is not like most
"thcr commodities, where the price enn be
vnried from day to day, or from hour to hour,
io suit the changing cost of producing it.
prico must necessarily bo a fixed one,
whether that cost will cover the cost of pro
ducing it or not. This is a matter of a kind
that wo do not often lay before our readers,
but it is no more than fair that they should
know that while high prices arc affecting
them in every other article they purchase, and
that in this case the publisher has to bear the
burden of increased prices himself, and that
there is to bo no increased cost to them.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF INTERNAL
IMPROVEMENTS.
Enterprise is a most desirable thing for a
country; indeed, without it every industrial
interest must languish and eventually die.—
But there is such a thing os enterprise run
wild, when in attempting to do too much, wc
violate the roles of true economy, and do
harm instead of good to the general welfare.
A dollar expended injudiciously ia any
branch of industry, or for the attainment of
an object that is really not a public want, is
just^o much thrown away; nay, it proves
more than negatively hurtful in very many
cases by throwing obstacles in the way of
meritorious enterprises, upon the success of
which the best interests of the pnblic de
pend.
In‘elucidating this idea, wc cannot do bet
ter than quote from a private letter received
by the Senior Editor of this paper from a
gentlemen who has a large experience in the
construction and management of railroads in
the South, and who, for enlarged views and
practical wisdom on all questions connected
with internal improvements, has no superior
here or elsewhere. He says:
“It is not my province to elaborate an idea
upon paper, but to work out the result by la
bor. I may however suggest some of the
ideas that I propose to guide me in my policy,
for your consideration.
“The public appear to regard all Railroads
as adventurers, seeking all that it is possible
to get, without giving a fair equivalent in re
turn. This is an error, for they arc not only
a fixed property, but their real interest and
the interest of the public are identified. A
road is fairly entitled to an income equal to
its maintenance in such condition as to meet
the public requirements, and reasonable prof
its on the capital invested. Beyond this the
public hare rights that should be respected.
But it ought not to be expected that a Rail
road is to be kept up for the accommodation
of those using it, os a gentleman keeps up an
establishment for the pleasure of his wife and
daughters.
“The policy that seeks to force commerce
in a particular channel, or to make it tributa
ry to any particular place,by unnecessary bur-'
thens, is, in my judgment, wrong. I have
never known a ferry or toll bridge to make u
town—nor can you make water run up hill—
I would therefore make just and liberal rates
to ail points, and avoid unnecessary expenses
at intermediate places on the line.
That competing lines beyond the real
wants of the public, cheapen transportation,
is a great mistake. They can no more do so
in the end, than a gentleman can be served
at less cost by two servants, instead of one, so
long as that one is able to meet liis wants. I
ain therefore opposed to the constructing of
competing lines while those in existence can
do the work.
“These, in ray opinion, are principles upon
which Railroads should be managed, and by
which I shall be governed, so far as it is pos
sible for me to direct the policy of tlio Road
under ray chnrge.”
31 It. STEPHENS’ SPEECH.
We are sure our readers will not complain
that we devote so much of our space this
morning to tlie address of Hon. Alexander
H. Stephens before the Georgia Legislature,
yesterday. It will be found on the first page
of this paper, and wc commend it to the
careful perusal of every Southerner.
Comment is hardly necessary upon such n
production as this. Wc may remark, howev
er, that in matter and spirit, it does infinite
credit to the author. It is timely, logical,
“PREVALENT SOCIAL SINS.”
The Philanthropist, the Statesman, the
Political Economist, as well ns the Christian,
have ever been puzzled in seeking an answer
to the question—How shall the prevalence of
vice be diminished ? And all that wisdom,
experience, the majesty of Law, and the force
of Power have been able to suggest, and to
perform, has been undertaken, in order to
abate the evils of vice. Gigantic societies, with
ramifications extending thoughout the land,
have endeavored to suppress intemperance,
and yet drinking is as prevalent os ever. The
eloquence of the pulpit and innumerable legal
enactments, to say nothing of tlie force of
public opinion, have sought the suppression
of debauchery and prostitution, and yet, it is
alarmingly true that the evil is becoming
daily more and more unblushinglv common.
Murder, robbery, sacrilege, lying and thiev
ing deceptions of all sorts, withstand all the
power and boldly confront all the menaces of
bayonets, gibbets, jails and penitentiaries.
All this is calculated to dishearten
the philanthropist, discourage the Christian,
weaken the faith of all in the power of reme
dial measures for good, and cast a gloomy
hue over the future of our country.
In the midst of this moral darkness wc
turn to God’s word, and ask, May we not
here find a light which, streaming forth, shall
illuminate this sad scene t May we not here
discover that which shall unravel the mighty
secret and tell us how to put down vice t—
Even amid the light that streams from the
divine word; even amid the teachings and
precepts and practSees of religion itself, a
wail is forced from tho depths of our liosom,
at the still alarming prevalence of sin: it pre
vails over the Bible—it prevails over instrac
tion—it prevails over training—it prevails
over example—it prevails over everything to
which we are accustomed to attach a restrain
ing power. It rides rampant throughout the
land; pervades every circle of society; in
vadcs the sanctuary of every home; and de
files almost every heart. It debases, it de
grades, it demoralizes, it pollutes. The
young man of fair character, honorable
parentage and noble aspirations; with the
dignity of manhood written upon his brow,
and entering, all flushed with hope, into
life’s straggle — an object of pride to his
friends and country—is suddenly cast down
and his hopes all blighted by tho wino when
it is red, or by the willcs of the courtezan.
The maiden, moving in the first circles of
society, fair os the blooming rose, and bcauti
ful as the creation of a poet’s waking dream
—an object of love and admiration—sudden
ly wilts beneath the touch of the enchanter
Vice, and, like a flower bitten by an untimely
frost, withers away, the saddest of all earth’s
spectacles.
The father and tho mother are made to mourn:
on the wife’s sad face anguish engraves deep
lines: sons and daughters are brought to dis
tress: the happiness of families is shipwrecked
pinching want, squalid poverty, curses nnd
blows, are mndc common, and all — through
that demon—Vice.
Iniquity stalks abroad in open day. With
brazen front she clamors at our street
corners, she sets her nets by the wayside—
she enters our houses—she corrupts our
young men—she ruins our young women—
she controls our populace—she paralyses the
church—she is leading us to destruction.
The heavens are black with threatnings—all
earth is vocal with warning—all providence
is a protest against our sins. God wooed
us in our prosperity and wo waxed fat and
kicked against Him. He has sent adversity
. . w , and wc rebel vet more. Our land ravaged
prudent, and sagacious. Mr. Stephens, too,! our dwdlin buracd) onr town8 an( ,
:Ui«nf«AtAa 4lm remaf mnral Ineannu Im fooMioa I » 1 ° ’
cities destroyed, onr wealth wrested from
us; many of our best and bravest slain—
A Slave Trade from the South.—Tho
Georgia correspondent of tho New York
Daily News mentions a fact that goes far to
pport the rumor that the traffic in frezd-
m ® » now carried on between the Southern
States and Cuba. The article says:
I have not seen the letter myself, but gen-
Uemcn in n position to lie well informed tell
informed tell
.■cently been
l Robert
bas just
former (nc-
-im be had
i Georgia and
illustrates the great moral lessons he teaches j
in liis own life and deportment It is, indeed,
a grand spectacle to see a man who has spent
long and dreary months in a Northern pris
on, for opinions’ sake, when set at liberty re
pair fortbwitlfto liis people nnd exhort them,
with all tlio zeal nnd sincerity of his honest
nature, to the great duties of “patience,”
“forbearance,” nnd “charity,” toward the
authors of his and his country’s wrongs. The
world presents few snch instances of disin
terested patriotism and generosity. If any
man has reason to feel in his inmost heart,
“prejudice” against the people of the North,
it is Mr. Stephens; and yet in tills masterly,
Christian address to his countrymen, ho
characterizes the sentiment, even under exis
ting circumstances, as “a perversity of the in
tcrlcct,” the “most formidable of all obstacles
to the advancement of truth and human pro
gress,” as “a horrible distortion of tlie moral
as well as the intellectual faculties,” and as
“a host of evil within itself.” If so great a
sufferer ns himself can school his mind to
temperance, moderation and forgiveness
why may not all bis countrymen learn and
practice something of these noble virtues ?
In reading this catholic and conciliatory
speech of Mr. Stephens, wc could not help
contrasting him with those malignant North
ern spirits who have no word of kindness for
the public car, and wlio would perpetuate
the reign of discord and sectional bate. It
they have souls at all, how they must dwin
dle in their own estimation when they come
to read the exhortations to forgetfulness of tho
past, kindness and brotherly love, coming
from a leading man of a people whom they
would pcrsccuto and destroy!
Mr. Stephens looks to the bright side of the
future, and bases his hop’cs on the eventual
virtue, intelligence and patriotism of the
American people. He draws encouragement
from the order and stability that grew out oj
the chaos and religious despotism of the
Cromwell Protectorate in English history,
and trusts that the spirit which sent Charles I
to tho block, will in this country yet reach
tlie stage of reason, and, as in the Restoration
in that, bring quiet and good government to
the American people. We unite most cor
dially with him in the prayer that such a
happy destiny may be in reserve for our dis
tracted country.
The Tennessee Union Convention, which
met at Nashville, on the 22d., seems to have
disturbed the nerves of Brownlow’s organ, tho
Prett a Timet. It lets fly the following char
acteristic hit at that body:
“Tho mock Union Convention of yesterday
ignored Abraham Lincoln and the Union ar
my, hung out no Union flag, played no Union
music, and twice hissed the gallant General
Joseph A. Cooper of East Tennessee, a soldier
who fought four years for the Union, and
fought heroically under General Thomas in
defense of Nashville. The devil take all such
damnable Union Conventions as the vile im
posture of yesterday.”
mourning in almost every home, sorrow
and gloom in every heart — the past lost,
the future hnving no promise—all this is
the terrible voice of God calling us to re
pentance. lest worse befall; and Iniquity is
allowed still to stalk abroad, gathering her
forces against Jehovah, growing bolder day by
day, and sweeping the land with a wider ruin
More and more we pursue evil, break down
every barrier an Almighty hand lias built
across our path, overleap all obstructions, de
fy argument, scoff at entreaty, repell all calls
to repentance, quench the Spirit, lift the hand
against God, and continue pursuing evil—
rushing on to death
And now comes the question: Why is it
that sin prevails so alarmingly against all re
monstrance, against every power and influ
ence that can be brought to bear, and even
over the teachings of God’s word ?
- In the first place, wc may say that public
opinion is depraved. Its standard of right
is low and lowering. It has no rebuke for
many vices—nay, for many crimes. Some
vices it encourages, because they are fascina
ting; others, again, arc popular because there
is money in them. Should an honest legisla
tor seek to arm tho law with authority to
surpress the schools of vice and to close the
theatres of temptation, that dot our thorough
fares, stand masked at our street corners, or
hide themselves in secret haunts or along blind
alleys, public opinion will not sustain his
efforts. Should a God-fearing magistrate at
tempt to execute the inadequate penalties now
affixed to crime, the wicked combine against
him and defeat his efforts to maintain good
order. Pnblic opinion is not arrayed on the
side of right.
Secondly—there is a school in society
itself which prepares its constituent mem
bers only for the pursuit of sin, and for
tho death which follows. It is that of the
gay and godless world of pleasure-hunters,
against which the pulpit warns in vain. The
wise man says, “There is a way that seemeth
right unto man, but tho end thereof are the
ways of death.” The way of the giddy
throng whose highest idea of happiness is,
that it is toeia.1 pleasure, seems right to these
deluded phantom-worshippers; but tbc sad
truth is, that they are crowding the way to
death, and yet they will not be warned.
* But behind society wc find tho family'and
the individual sinner, and with them the cor
ruption begins. They make society, and it is
made in their own likeness.
In the head of tho family you shall find a
man of whom all men speak well. He lends
dignity to his calling, however humble in it
self by liis industry and integrity. He is hon
orable, enterprising, energetic, nnd, what the
world prizes most, successful. Absorbed' in
his pursuits, one triumph achieved only paves
the way to another, and stimulates to higher
effort. He prospers. Wealth and honor,
with all their fruits, accumulate about him.
his life gives no answer to the high claims it
makes upon him. His influence is not given
to the church; its sacraments have no signi-
ficancy in his life of unbelief; and in his
household God’s word does not assert domin
ion. No family altar is there—prayer is un
known—and all the precepts of life taught
there are drawn from the code of honor, or
of worldly prudence, not founded on the
highest and most imperative of all the grounds
of obedience—duty to God. Under such a
tutelage what are we to expect, but that tho
sons will grow up idle and dissipated, and the
daughters irreligious, extravagant and world
ly-minded I
Finally, a cause for the prevalmcc of sin
may be formed in the delinquencies of pro
fessing Christians—in their neglect of per
sonal" duty tand of family reigion—in
their likeness to the world in chiracter and
principle and conduct.
All these causes unite in resisting good in
flucnces, promoting evil, and spreading
throughout society the leprosy of rice, which
neither Law, Religion nor Force can eradi
cate.
We hope that our readers will ponder up
on these things, which have been suggested
to us and in part expressed word br word in
a sermon preached in this city on (he 11th of
Feb. by Rev. Dr. Myers.. We highly coin
mend the sermon, which has been jublished.
and hope it will be productive of gieit good
WASHINGTON NEWS.
D1SLOVAL NEWSPAPERS NOUTn AND BOfTH
TO BE SUPPRESSED. i
Washington, Feb. 10.—It is known ihat
on Saturday Gen. Grant refused to revoke the
order suppressing the Richmond Exan^ner,
expressing himself in decided terms agiinst
the publication of a certain class of abides
in Southern papers, calculated to do irremed
iable mischief. On Tuesday, howevej Mr.
Pollard was officially informed by an rfficcr
of Gen. Grant’s staff that the order wotld be
revoked, provided the course of that paper
would be milder in the future and lessliablc
to objection. Gen. Grant will, liowcvei, take
care no newspaper shall be published con
taining statements of disloyalty and hoitility
to tlio Government in any of its braiches.
The persistent publication of articles calcula
ted to keep up a feeling of hostility beween
the different sections of the country, vill bo
no longer tolerated. The circular t> this
effect, dated Saturday, is addressed ft De
partment commanders, wlio arc requiiod to
give such information with a view to the sup
pression of papers of bad character.
IMPORTANT DECISIONjop THE SUPREME OURT.
New York, Feb. 20.—The Herald’s «orres-
pondent says: An important decision yas re
cently rendered by tlie Supreme Court Dur
ing the reliellion, all cases from the rebellious
States were laid aside by the Court; but now,
the rebellion being terminated, it was pro
posed to resume the consideration of such
cases, and on this question all the Associate
Justices voted in tlie affirmative, Chief Jus
tice Chase alone dissenting. It is claimed
that this decision is in effect a legal indorse
ment, by tbc highest judicial tribunal of tbc
Republic, that tlie lately rcbellous States now
occupy their former position ft tbc Union.
PRIZE MONEY)
Prize money is now ready for distribution
to the crews of the following vessels, by the
Treasury Department: Comubin, Princess
Royal, Fort Jackson, Amcican Flag, Flam
beau anu Canandaigua. i
THE TAX ON BANK 1EPOSIT8.
The World’s special sayg: The recent or
der of General Spinner, in eferecne to tlie re
turn of deposits, it is saidiwill involve one
New York city National Bank in the pay
ment of one return alone of $268,000.
THE TEST OITII.
The Supreme Court /esterday ordered
that tlie test oath case ex parte be re-argued
on the 2d proximo.
THE PRESIDENT’S VETO IN OHIO.
Dayton, O., Feb 20.—The Democracy of
this city had a jollification this afternoon
over President Johnson’s veto of tlio Freed
men’s Bureau bill, firing 100 guns.
Mr. Yallandigbam, in liu speech, said tlie
Democracy did not elect President Johnson,
but would now stand by bin. He announced,
a mass meeting nt a future lay for exultation.
A flag floats from Sir. Vnlaniligbam’s win
dow.
DEMOCRACY JUBILANT.
New Haven, Conn., Fcb.20.—The Democ
racy of this city’ are firing thirty-six guns in
honor of President Johnson and his veto of
the Frccdmen’s Bureau bill.
FROM EUROPS.
New York, Feb. 20.—By the arrival of
the steamers Moravian and City of Baltimore,
we have advices from Europe to the 191i
inst.
The following is a summary of the dis
patches by tlie City of Baltimore: Queen
Victoria opened Parliament on the 0th. Her
speech expresses sntifaction at flic successful
termination of the American war and the ab
olition of slavery, and says tint tlie corres
pondence relative to the rebel cruisers will
be laid before Parliament.
Liverpool, Feb. 9.—Very Latest—In the
House of Commons yesterday The O’Dono-
ghue moved an amendment to tbc Address,
declaring it to be the duty of tlie Ministers
to examiue into the cause of Irish dissatisfac
tion and remove them
After a general debate on Feninnism the
amendment was rejected by a v«tc of 24 to 23,
nnd the address was agreed to. On closing
the special Common for the Foiian trials at
Dublin, the judges highly eulogized tlie ju
rors, and claimed that the whole course
adopted had been marked with moderation
nnd justice, and would be fully approved by
the countty.
Spain.—The London Times publishes a
translation of a letter from the late Admiral
Parejn, written just before bis suicide, to a
friend in Europe. It shows that bo was over
whelmed with the idea of having inflicted
tho calamity of war on a friendly nation.—
He says: “This letter will convey to you the
news of my death. The errors of judgment,
and not of will, with which I have unfortu
nately embarrassed the government of my
Queen,, cannot have any other expiation. I
have been unjust and prejudicial against
Quviaria. Request him to pardon me. Ho
knew this Republic better than any body else,
and his advice and his proceedings were over
safe and sound. It is tho interest of our
country to embrace tic first moment to make
peace with Chili.
A telegram from Rotterdam says tho Chil
ian privateer, Independence, remained at Ti-
mons, closely watched by a Dutch frigate.
In tho Spanish Senate during an address
in response to the Queen’s speech, a Minister
of State said the recognition of Italy by
Spain had no significance beyond tbe renew
al of diplomatic intercourse between the two
countries. An amendment which had been
proposed, regretting the recognition of the
Italian Kingdom, was rejected by 100 against
65 votes.
Rcs8ia.—Lengthy details arc published of
an entertainment given on the 14th of Janua
ry to General Clay, the American Minister,
while traveling in the interior, by the corpo
ration and merchants of Moscow.
Veto of Frccdmen’s Bureau Bill
Tho President’s Views on tlie Subject.
THREE CHEERS FOR ANDY JOHNSON
THE PEOPLE’S PRESIDENT!
To the 8enate of the United States:
I .have examined with care tbe bill which
originated in the Senate and lias been passed
by both Houses of Congress to amend an
act entitled “An act to establish a bureau for
tbe relief of freedmen and refugees and for
other purposes.” Having, with much regret,
come to the conclusion that it would not be
consistent with the public welfare to give my
approval, to the measure, I return the bill to
the Senate with my objections to its bccom
ing a law.
I might call to mind in advance of these
objections that there is no immediate necessi
ty for the proposed measure. The act to es
tablish a bureau for the relief of freedmen
and refugees, which was approved in the
month of March last, bas not yet expired.—
It was not thought stringent and extensive
enough for any purpose in view. Before it
ceases to hayo effect, further experience may
assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to
the policy to be adopted in time of peace.—
I have, with Congress, the strongest desire to
secure to freedmen tho full enjoyment of tlieir
freedom and their property, and their entire
independence and equality in making con
tracts for their labor
But tbe bill before me contains provisions
which iu my opinion, are not warranted by
the Constitution, and not well suited to ac
complish the end in view. TUc bin propo
ses to establish, by authority of Congress,
military jurisdiction over all parts of the
United States containing refugees and freed
men. It would, by its very nature, apply
with/most force to those parts of the United
States in which the freodmen most abound,
and it.expressly extends the existing tempo
rary jurisdiction of tho Freedmen’s Bureau,
with greatly enlarged powers, oyer those
States in which the ordinary course of judi
cial proceedings has been interrupted by the
rebellion. The source from which this mili
tary jurisdiction is to emanate is none other
than the President of tho United States, act
ing through the War Department and the
Commissioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau. *
The agents to carry out tin's military jurist
diction are to be selected cither from the
army or from civil life. The country is to be
divided into districts, and tlie number of
salaried agents to be employed may be equal
to tho number of counties or' parishes in all
the United States where freedmen and refu
gees are to be found. The subjects over
which this military jurisdiction is to extend
in every part of tlio United States, include
protection to ail employees, agents, and of
ficers of this Bureau in tbe exercise of the
the United States, and practically it is eradi shall be deprived of its suffrage. In the Sen
ontor onri hoe roofiirnrI t in oocnnt nml nnn . *. “ .
Large numbers of beef cattle are being
driven from this section to Jacksonville, for
government supplies.
France.—The address of French Senate
in reply to the Emperor’s speech expresses
satisfaction that the mission of the French
troops to Mexico approaches completion, and
says, “the fine communication made by the
Emperor to the United States has demonstra
ted that haughty and menacing language
Small Pox. 1 lie number of patients in q,j years pa«s awnv, nnd bis children grow
the small pox hospital m this city is two bun- inus ’ J™" *
dred and thirty-nine—one hundred and for- up, basking in the sunshme of his prosperity J Hau RHH
ty-seven citizens and ninety-two soldiers. and, old age finds him (must wesay it t) I.,, not ^us/Francc to withdraw. France
Chattanooga Ornette. only a sinner, 1 laving pursued evil all Ins j ; s accustomed to move only at her own time;
. _ TV . j days. I but she nevertheless wishes to remember her
that General Artemns Warn is Will to \ professed lxilierer m the Cliristian relig-1 ancient friendship with America. What is
that the $30 000 by YOm bdokt s»d attendant upon its services-* liber- asked of tbe United States is neutrally and
““ ,h “ «1, this 'k* observance of the nfUtrality tas.
duties imposed upon them by the bill in
eleven States. It is further to extend over
all cases affecting freedmeu nnd refugees dis-
criniinutcly, and against local laws, customs
and prejudices in these eleven States.
The bill subjects any white person who
may be charged with defrauding a freedman
of any rights or immunities belonging to
white persons, to imprisonment or fine or
both, without, however, defining tlie civil
rights nnd immunities which are then to be
secured to the freedmen by military law.—
This military jurisdictiou also extends to all
questions that may arise respecting contracts.
The agent who is thus to exercise the office
of a military judge may be a stranger to and
entirely ignorant of tlie laws of tlie place and
exposed to tbc error of judgment to which
all men arc liable.
The exercise of power over which there
is no legal supervision by so vast a number
of agents as is contemplated by the bill,
must, by the very nature of man be attended
by nets of caprice, injustice and passion.—
Tlie trials having their origin under this bill
are to take place without the intervention of
a jury and without any fixed rules of law or
evidence. TlieJ role on which the offenses
arc to be beard nnd determined by the numer
ous agents arc such rules and regulations as
the President, through tlie War Department,
shall prescribe.
No previous presentment is required nor
any indictment charging the commission of
a crime against the laws, but tbe trial must
proceed on charges and specifications. The
punishment will not be as tbe law declares,
but such as a court martial may think proper,
and from these arbitrary tribunals there lies
no appeal or writ of error to any of the
courts in which tlie Constitution of the
United States vests exclusively the judicial
power of the country, while the territory
aqd tho class of actions and offenses that are
made subject to this measure arc so extensive.
The bill itself, should it become a law, will
have no limitation in point of time, but will
of u.0 permanent location of
tlie country.
I cannot reconcile a system of military ju
risdiction of this kind with the words of the
Constitution, which declare that “no person
shall be held to answer for a capital or eth
erwisc infamous crime unless on a present
ment or indictment of a grand jury, except
in cases arising in tbe land or naval forces
or in the militia when in actual sendee in
time of war and public danger;” nnd that
all criminal prosecutions the accused
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury of the State or dis
trict where tbe crime shall have been com
mitted.”
The safeguards which the wisdom and ex
perience of ages taught our fathers to estab
lish as securities for the protection of the in
nocent, the punishment of tlie guilty, and the
equal administration of justice, are to be set
aside, and for the sake of more vigoorous
interposition in behalf of justice we are to
take the risk of tbc many acts of injustice
that would of necessity follow from nn al
most countless number of agents established
in every parish or county in nearly a third of
the States of the Union, over whose decision
there is to be no supervision or control by tbe
federal courts.
The power that would bo thus placed in
tlio hands of the President is such as in times
of pence, certainly ought never to be entrust
ed to any ono man. If it bo asked wheth
er the creation of such a tribunal within a
State is warranted as a measure of war, tho
question immediately presents itself whether
wc are still engaged in war. Let us not
unnecessarily disturb the course and credit
and industry of the country, by declaring to
the American people and the world, that the
United States arc still in a condition of civil
war.
At.prescnt, there is no part of our country
in wh|ch the authority of tho United States
is disputed. Offenses that may bo commit
ted by individuals should not work a forfeit
ure of right of the same communities. The
country has entered, or is returning, to a state
of peace and industry, and rebellion is, in
fact, at an end. Tbe measure, therefore
seems to be as inconsistent with the actual
condition of the countryt as it is at variance
with the Constitution of tho United States.
If, passing from general considerations, we
examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections.
In time oi war it was eminently proper that
wc should provide for those who were pass
ing suddenly from a condition of bondage to
a state of freedom, but this bill proposes to
make the Freedmen’s Bureau, established by
the act of 1805, as ono of the many great and
extraordinary military measures to suppress
a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch
of the public administration, with its powers
greatly enlarged.
I have no reason to suppose and do not
understand it to be alleged that the act of
March, 1805, has proved deficient for the pur
pose for which it was passed, althouglj at that
time and for a considerable period thereafter
the Government of the United States remained
unacknowledged in most of the States whose
inhabitants had been involved in tho rebel
lion. The institution of slavery, for the mil
itary destruction of which the Freedmen’s
Bureau was called into existence ns an auxil
iary for it, has been already effectually and
catcd, and has received the assent anil con
currence of most of those States where it any
time existed.
I am not, therefore, able to discern in the
country anything to justify an apprehension
that thc*powcr and agency of the Freedmen’!
Bureau, which were effective for the protec
tion of freedmen and refugee during the ac
tual continuation of hostilities and African
servitude, will now, in a time of peace, and
after the abolition of slavery, prove inade
quate to the same proper ends. If I am cor
rect in these views, there can be no necessity
for that enlargement of tlie powers of tbe
Bureau for which provision is made in the
bih.gp ■ H
The third section of the bill authorizes
general and unlimited amount of support to
the destitute aud suffering refugees and freed
men and tlieir wives and children. The suc
ceeding sections make provision for the rent
or purdiasc of landed estates for the freed
men, and for the erection tor their benefit of
suitable buildings for asylums and schools,
the expenses to be defrayed from the treasury
of the whole people.
The Congress of the United States has nev
er heretofore thought itself competent to es
tablish any laws beyond tbe limits of the
District of Columbia, except for tho benefit
of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has
never founded schools for any class of our
own people, not even for the orphans of those
who have fallen in defense of the Union, but
has'lcft the care of their education to the
much more competent control of the State, of
communities, of private associations, and of
individuals. It has never deemed itself au
thorized to expend public money for the rent
or purchase of houses for the thousands, not
to say millions, of the white race, who are
honestly toiling from daj u» day lor tlieir
subsistence. ,.
A system for tbc support of indigent per
sons in the United States was never contem
plated by the authors of the Constitution,
nor can any good reason Jie advanced why,
as a permanent establishment, it should bo
founded for one class or color of the people
more than for another. Pending the war
many refugees and freedman received sup
port from the Government, but it never was
intended they should henceforth be fed,
clothed, educated and sheltered by tlie United
States.
The idea upon which the slaves were as
sisted to their freedom was that, on becoming
free, they would be a self-sustaining popula
tion. Any legislation that shall imply that
they are not expected to attain a self-sustain
ing condition, must have a tendency injuri
ous alike to tlieir character anil their pros
perity. The appointment of an agent for
every county and parish will create an im
mense patronage, anil the expenses of the
numerous officers and their clerks to be ap
pointed by ’liePrcsident will be great in the
beginning, with a tendency steadily to the
The appropriation asked by the Freedmen’s
Bureau, as it was established for the year
i860, amounts to $11,745,000. It may be safe
ly estimated that the cost to be incurred, un
der the pending bilj, will require double the
amount more than the entire sum expended
in any ouo year under the administration of
the second Adams.
If the presence of agents in every parish and
county is to be considered as a war measure,
opposition or even resistance might be pro
voked ; so that to give effect tatbeir jurisdic
tion troops would have to be stationed with
in reach of every one of them, and thus a large
standing force io rendered necessary. Large
appropriations would, therefore, be* required
to sustain and enforce military jurisdiction in
every county and parish, from the Potomac
to tlie Rio Grande.
The condition of our fiscal affairs is encour
aging, but in order to sustain the present
measure of public confidence, it is necessary
that we practice, not merely customary econ
omy, but as far as possible, severe retrench
ment.
In addition to the objections already stated,
tbc 5th section of the bill propose to take away
land from its former owner, without any legal
proceedings first had contrary to that provis
ion of tlie Constitution, which declare that
no persons shall be deprived of life, liberty
or property without due process of law. It
does not appear that the lands to which this
section refers may not be owned by minors,
or persons of unsound mind or by those who
have been faithful to all tlieir obligations as
citizens of tlie United States.
If any portion of tlie land is held by such
persons it is not competent for any authority
to deprive them of it. If on the other band
it be found that the property is liable to con
fiscation, even then it cannot be appropriated
to public purpose until by due process of law
it shall have been declared forfeited to the
government.
There are still further objections to the bill
will tend to keep the minds of tbc freedmen
in a state of uncertain expectation and rest
lessness, while to those among whom lie lives
it will be a source of constant and vague ap
prehension.
Undoubtedly the freedmen should be pro
tected, but they should be protected by the
civil authorities, especially by the exercise of
all the constituteonal power of the courts of
the United” States and of the States. His
condition is not so exposed as may at first be
imagined. He is in a porti n of the country
were his labor cannot well be spared.
The competition for his services from plan
ters, from those who are constructing or re
pairing railroads, or from capitalists in bis
vicinity or from other States, will enable him
to command almost his own terms. lie also
possesses a perfect right to change liis place
of abode, and therefore if he docs not find
in one community or State a mode of life
suited to liis desires or proper renumcration
for bis labor, he can move to another, where
labor is more essential and better rewarded.
In truth, however, each State, induced by
its own wants and interests, will do what is
necessary and proper to retain within its
borders all tlie labor that is needed for the
development of its resources. The laws that
regulate the supply and demand will main
tain their force, and the wages of the laborer
will bti regulated by them.
There is no danger that tlie great demand
for labor will not operate in favor of the
laborer; neither is sufficient consideration
given to the ability of the freedmen to pro
tect nnd take care of themselves. It is no
more than justice" to them to believe that, as
they have received their freedom with moder
ation and forbearance they will distinguish
themselves by their industry, and that they
will feel and soon show to the world that in
the condition of the freedmen, they are self-
sustaining and capable of selecting their own
place of abode, of insisting for themselves on
the proper renumeration, and of establishing
and maintaining their own asylums anil
schools. It is earnestly hoped that instead
of wasting away they will, by their own
efforts, establish for themselves a condition of
respectability and prosperity.
It is certain they can attain to that condi
tion only through their own merits and ex
ertions. In this connection the query pre
sents itself whether the system proposed in
the bill will not, when put into complete
operation, practically transfer the entire care,
support and control of four millions of
emancipated slaves to agents, overseers, or
task-masters, who appointed at Washington,
are to be located in every county and parish
throughout the United States, containing
freedmen and refugees.
feuch an asylum would inevitably tend to
such concentration of power in the Execu
tive which would enable him, if so disposed
to control the action of a numerous class, and
use them for tho attainment of his own po
litical ends. I cannot but add another very
grave objection to the bill. The Constitu
tion imperatively declares, in connection
with taxation, that each State shall have at
least one Representative, and fixes the role
for the number to which, in future times,
each State shall be entitled.
It also provides that the Senate of the
United States shall be composed of two Sen
ators from eacli State, and adds, with pecu-
ate the original act was necessarily passed in
the absence of the States, chiefly to be affect
ed because their people were then contuma
ciously engaged in tbc rebellion. Now the
case is changed, and some, at least, of the
States arc attending Congress by lova! repre
sentatives, soliciting the allowance of the
constitutional right of representation.
At the time, however, of the consideration
and passing of the bill there was no Senator
or Representative in Congress from the eleven
States which are to be mainly affected by its
provisions. The very fact that representa
tions were and are made against the good dis
position of the country is an additional rea
son why they need, and should have, repre
sentatives of their own in Congress to explain
their condition, especially to assist by tlieir
local knowledge in perfecting measures im
mediately affecting themselves, while tfyc lib.
erty of deliberation would then be free, and
and Congress would have full power to de^
cide according to its judgment:
There could be no objection urged that the
States most interested had not been permit
ted to bo heard. The principle is firmly fixed
in the minds of the American people, that
there could be no taxation without represen
tation. 1(I
Great burdens arc now to be borne by all
the country, and we may but demand that
they shall be borne without murmur when
they are voted by a majority ol the Repre
sentatives of all the people. I would not in
terfere with the unquestionable right of Con
gress to judge, each House for itself, of the
eleetion returns and qualifications of its own
members, but that authority cannot be. con
strued as including the right to put out, in
time ui peace, any *i»<* radrpfipnta-
tionsto which it is entitled by the Constitu
tion.
At present all the people of blevwn States
are excluded—those who were most’faithful
during the war not less than others. ,Tbc
State of Tennessee, for instance, whose au
thorities engaged In rebellion, was ryforifl
to all her constitutional relations to the Union
by the patriotism and energy of her injured
and outraged people before the war was
brought to a termination.
They had placed themselv^ in relations
with tlie General GovernnierU. had estate
lislicd a State Government <r their own.
and as they were not included i.i thccmaiH
cipation proclamation, they, by their o .v i not.
have amended their constitution so m te
abolish slavery within the limits of their
own State. »
I know no reason why the State of Ten
nessee, for example, should not’fully cpjoy
her const! tutionol relations to the United
States. The President of tlie United States
stands toward the country in a somewhat dif
ferent attitude from that of any member! of
Congress chosen from a single district or
State.
The President is chosen by the people, of
all the States. Eleven States are not at tliis
time represented in either branch of Congress.
It would seem to be his duty on all proper
occasions to present tlieir just claims to Con
gress. j
There always will be a difference of opin
ion in tlie community, and individuals niliy
be guilty of transcending the law, but these
do not constitute valid objections against the
right of a State to Representatives. It would
in no wise interfere with the direction of
Congress with regard to the qualification of
members, but I hold it my duty to recom
mend to you in the interest of peaco and in
the interest of the Union Administration of
every State to its share of public legislation,
when, however, insubordinate, insurgent, oj
rebellious, its people may have been, it pre
sents himself not only in nn attitude of loy
alty and harmony, but in the persons of Red-
resentatives whose loyalty cannot be ques
tioned.
Under the existing Constitutional or legal
test it is plain that nn indefinite or permanent
exclusion of any part of tbe country from
representation must be attended by a spirit
of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and
dangerous to pursue a course of measures
which will unite any large section of the
country, no matter how much the latter may.
predominate. . . •
The course of immigration, the develop
ment of industry, and business, and natural
causes will raise up at tlie South, men as de
voted to the Union as those of any 001*
part of the land, but if they are all excluded
from Congress, and if, in a permanent stature,
they arc not to be in full constitutional rela
tions to the country, they may think they
have cause to become a unit in* feeling qnfl
sentiments against the government.
Under tbe political education of the Amer
ican people, the idea is inherent and ineVadi-
cablc, but tbe consent of the majority of "the
whole people is necessary to secure a- willing
acquiescence in legislation.
The bill under consideration refers to cer
tain States as though they bad not been fully
restored to the United States; and it they
have not, let us at once act together to secure
that desirable end at the earliest possible mo
ment.
It is hardly necessary for me to inforne
Congress, that, in my own judgment, iftost
of these States, so far at least as depends up
on tlieir own actions, have already been fully
restored, and are to be deemed entitjee) to
enjoy their constitutional rights ns mem
bers of tbe Union.
Reasoning from tho Constitution itself, ami
from the actual situation of the country, I
feel not only entitled but bound to assume
that, with the Federal courts restored in the
several States, and in the full exercise of their
functions, the rights and interests of all clas
ses of the people will, with the aid of-the
military, in case of resistance to the law, be
essentially protected against unconstitutional
infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhappily fail,
which I do not anticipate, then the Executive
is already armed with the power conferred by
the acts of March, 1865, establishing the
Freedmen’s Bureau; anil hereafter, as liere-
tofore, he can enqiloy the land and naval,
force of the country to suppress insurrection
and to overcome obstructions to the law.
I return the bill to the Senate in earnest
hope that a measure involving questions and
interests so importont to the country will not
become a law unless upon deliberate coq§id r
cration by the people it shall receive the sanc
tion ot an enlightened public judgment.
[Signed] " A. Johnson.
finally abrogated throughout the whole coun- i; Hr furce, that no State without its consent
try by an amendment of the Constitution of
East Florida Itcnio.
Wc copy tlie following items from 1 the
Jacksonville Floridian, of the 15th instil
We understand that, the remains of seven
of the Union soldiers, who fell in the fight
of Natural Bridge, in Waukulla county, wore
recently discovered lying unburied, and were
gathered up and given burial by the military
authorities. , . „
We understand that several white lathilfrs
have found winter quarters in the magazines
of the abandoned fortifications near the city.
It is reported that there is not less than six
or seven white women living with colored
soldiers and other colored men in this city.
Oranges are becoming scarce and in great
demand in our markets. Instead of being
had for two or three cents as formerly, twelve
and a half is now the prices at the groceries;
but they are fresh and most delicious. >.. (
We also clip the following items ft ' in the
Era:
Colony.—The negroes have bought a ten
acre tract of land in the suburbs of this place,
and intend to divide it into lots and settle it
up. We hear that they intend to erect a
church and school house upon it.
The prospects fora crop in this section this
is year not as discouraging as they mighvbe.
Cotton seems to be rots’ beau-ideal of all the
planters, and there is, doubtless, money in
cotton. .i |
Report says that every house at Fern>ittdi-
na and Cedar Keys is occupied. Both places
will grow rapid*ly as soon as the road is
opened, and both will be goo points for
business.