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WM. A. KEID & Co.,]
NEW SERIES,!
A Family Journal for .he Dissemination of General Intelligence, Miscellany, Agricultural, Commercial, Political and Eeli"ious Information.
[PROPRIETORS
MACON, G-A., MONDAY, MARCH 19, 1866.
VOL
1, NO, 17
TKLKOliAPH
PUBLISHING HOUSE.
WILLIAM A. REID &Co., Proprietors.
J. H Sneed.]
[S. Bovkix.
EDITORS.
Term* of Subscription :
Georgia Weekly Telegraph: St 00 per
amuun.
Macon Daily Telegraph : 812 00 per annum.
JOB PRINTING:
gf Particular attention will be Riven to tbe
execution of JOB PRINTING of every descrip-
WORDS OF COUNSEL.
We confess that we distrust, our own judg
ment as to tho course which our people
ought to pursue, in these days! of peril and
uncertainty; but, assuming, as a strong
probability, that our State will soon be ^illy
reinstated in her domestic administration, wc
venture to make a few suggestions for the
consideration of the people.
First, wc say that the Southern people
should be slow to yield the belief that, come
what will, the Southern race shall rule in
State politics, in monetary matters and in so
cial life. To become, under any circum
stances, the subject of our quondam slaves, or
the passive creatures of an alien despotism, or
the hewers of wood and drawers of water to
an overpowering immigration, is out of the
question: martyrdom would he altogether a
preferable doom. To these things the spirit,
the genious, the enterprise and the manhood
of our people will never—no never—submit.
We can die, but we cannot live the Tassals of
any people on earth. '
But is there any jnst grounds to think that
these inflictions will bo visited upon us?
We think not. Then let us hold steadily to
the idea that Georgians shall yet rule Georgia
under her own constitution and laws, and un
der the constitution and laws of the United
Slates; and let us act up to this conviction-
Again: In some parts of the South the
spirit of immigration to Mexico, to Bra
zil and to other places, prevails to a consid
erable extent, and bus been discussed in our
own State more ns a future necessity than
a present purpose.
Emigration is, indeed, a deplorable alterna
tive. In most cases, the removal of families
with ample means from the skies and soil and
friends and associations of all the past of life,
involves the sacrifice of happiness, even
when the removal is to a country where ex
ists the benign sway cf a good and settled
government; but to remove to a revolution
ary state, where there is a mixed population,
where various languages aro spoken, and
where the social habits arc different from ours,
is unconditional folly. The old and middle
aged would soon wilt and die, for adult hu
man beings flourish under transportation as
rarely as full grown trees. "Privation, dis
comfort, jealousy and social and political
proscription await them wherever Jhcy may
choose to go. And, with reference to gov
ernment, where, on this continent, can we go
without the risk of revolution and its at ton
dant horrors? To the empire of Maximi
lian? Just now’, it is true that government
presents all the promise of permanence, but
our own government is jealous, and there is
no telling what the popular frenzy may de.
maml at its hands. War is not impossible,
and under all the circumstances wc consider
it better, iar better, for us to remain at home,
and with unflinching firmess, take the chances
of our own future, and going steadily to
work,provide for that future.And it is as bad
or worse to venture to the forests of Brazil, or
to any of tha South American States, and in
the midst of a foreign population, encounter
life in the woods. View him as you will, in
ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, an exile is
a miserable creature. Maury’s manifesto,
which is intended to invite emigration to
Mexico, advises the combination of a number
of persons, provided with all the/ means of
comfortable living, nud armed so as to repel
violence and outrage to person or property.
This may suit the young and adventurous, but
the conditions are not very inviting to the
aged and men pf families.
n o more, the interest of the South ro-
rjoires that we accept, ns incontrovertible
facts, the conditions of our position—not po
litical condition, for these are yet to bo ascer-
tained. 'WKKtti
The conditions to \vhich we refer are, the
loss of more than half our available property
ln the freedom of our slaves; new and untried
relations towards those slaves, who, poor
ar -'-l averse to labor, are demoralized by the
’itense of unappreciated liberty; a necessary
ehange in our agricultural system, and in our
method of securing labor; the mournful loss
of one-half of our young' men by the ravages
°f war; our homes desolated; our schools
disbanded; our institutions of learning para
lysed by poverty, our ministers driven from
their charges; and our churches all crippled.
These are melancholy conditions truly, but
they are not remediless. Concede to them their
roost adverse bearing, and yet wc need not—
should not yield to despair beneath their
mighty weight. On tha contrary, with minds
and hearts rising above adversity we should
diligently avail ourselves of the means still
left at our disposal to retrieve our misfortunes
ever remembering that it is not in prosperity
that true strength of character is displayed,
l>ut when men in adversity rise triumphantly
superior to its trials.
The great question of the day for us is: how
►hall we rise superior to the trials of adversi
ty?
The following hints may be useful: Let u
mnnd, and let us view in the near future the
uprising of the bright and glorious sun of
prosperity and happiness.
Let us conquer the vindictive passions that
war has engendered, and, if possible “love our
enemies;” this is a Christian duty, and that is
not all—these passions are as injurious to the
moral man as mineral poisons are to the phys
ical man. They corrode the heart and enfee
ble the intellect And, besides, tho course
they would indicate comes not within our
sphere—retribution lielongs to the Almighty
If wc would, wccould not avenge our wrongs.
One of the chief.agents of our recovery is
economy; for wc are poor, and wo must learn
to reduce our expenditures below our income,
and, for a time, eschew the displays of fash
ion, the indulgences of luxury and tho haz
ards of speculation,
And we must set ourselves vigorously to
work to mend up our broken fortunes. In
dustry it the master of want; and its recupe
rating power adversity cannot withstand. In
our country competency has always been with
in the reach of industry. Tho brow shall
sweat—but the laborer shall cat bread. This
is the primal and irrevcrsable law, aud there
is in it both a curse and a blessing. Indeed,
it may be well, questioned whether the virtu
ous laborer in a Christian land is not the hap
piest type of mortal man. Wc should, there
fore, go cheerfully to work at some business,
calling or profession. What noble example
is set us by the wise and brave and virtuous
Lee! Whilst tho nations of earth with loving
acclaim proclaim his greatness, he quietly re
tires to work at the head of one of the insti
tutions of his native State!
Labor is dignified; and it harmonizes beau
tifully with the order of creation, with the
destiny of man in tha world and with his hap
piness and love. Among thopleasantest sounds
of this earth is tho ring of the anvil, the whirr
of machinery, the plow-hoy’s whistle, and the
SPEECH
HON. R. J. MOSES,
OF MC8C0GKE,
On n Motion to take up n Rill to Relieve
Banks anil Bnnk Officers from the Fains
and Penalties Contained in Section -1324,
•132G of the Penal Code.
[DELIVERED ox SATURDAY, 40TU MAR CD, I860.]
Mr. Speaker:
In moving to take up this bill from the ta
ble, I fear that I make a fruitless effort.—
When I review the course of the Legislature
upon thetyroposition to relieve the Banks in
jtny shape or form, I am taught by the lessons
of the past that there is no hope of justice
from this body in any application which may
be made to it for relief. On yesterday, when
tbe Senate bill came np, the ten minutes rule
was put upon us, and to-day, on a motion for
reconsideration, the previous question was
called and debate entirely cut off:, by your
vote upon that proposition, you refused to
reconsider a vote which the people must in
evitably seal with tbeir condemnation; yon
are mistaken in supposing that in yielding to
the prejudicies of the past you meet the de
mands of tho present.
I say to you in my place as a Representa
tive, that the legislation of yesterday,
no foundation in justice, was contrary to the
best interest of your constituency, and will
not be approved by the sober second thought
of the people.
I know that it is difficult to overcome pre
judice, and I have scarcely a hope that I shall
be able to persuade you to take up this bill,
and give some relief from pains and penalties
which arc the result of your previous legis
lation, whereby the very acts which are made
penal wero forced upon the petitioners.
If a majority of this Legislature desire to
discharge conscientiously the responsible du
ties imposed upon them—if the end you nim
at is the protection of the rights of your consti
tuency—if you desire to save from irremida-
ble ruin a large class of your fellow-citizens
whoso present condition is the result of pre
vious legislation, over which they had no
control, and of patriotic impulses, which itn-
I pcllcd them by a loan of their bills to save
tho people from taxation and furnish ”
of its birth! That relief was that tho Banks J circulation of thecountry, and that until 1802.
should loan, to the Confederate Government, : before which time, nearly all the bills and
every bill whicli they had in their vaults.— notcs discounted by tbe Banks, amounting to
These bills bore date as far back .is 1850. and j the remaining seven millions, must have fallen
none of them as late ps June. 1881., due, that these notes must have been paid
To lend these bills without sccuritj’ 'was I back to the Banks in Bank bills, or that the
not a business transaction. It was not the I people who owed the Banks took advantage
exercise of any power granted to the direc- of your stay laws, failed to pay their notes,
tors by virtue of the Bank charters. It was
not a power implied in any of the customs of
Banking. It was a naked satiation of au
thority "on tho part of tlie Bank officers.—
They derived their pow;r only from what
was "then thcsublii at cftlio country.
Banks, people, everything that could thick
or feel from the Potomac to the Rio Grande,
acted upon the one unselfish impulse: “Sink
or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I stand
by the revolution.” The directors yielded to
this sentiment and loaned tlieir notes and
credit to the Confederate Government. The
people applauded it. The widow, whose
whole means of support wds vested in these I . , ,, . , P . „ .
stocks assented to it, as her heart swelled J to comply with the impossible condition of re
with patriotic pride at the bright future i turning specie payments, or that they should
which her too sanguine imagination pictured 1 “receive in payment ot all debts due them
to her senses. Tlie stockholders all cried i Confederate or State Treasury notes and
amen • and many of them sealed the cove- them as a necessary equivalent
and withheld the Bank bills, for the pay
ment of which they.are now clamorous, in or
der that under further legislation they might
be able to pay their indebtedness to the
Banks in Confederate money when it might
become still further depreciated. If the
Bank notes were indeed, held up by the
debtors with this expectation, the Legislature
of 1862 was faithful to its trust: it did not
“hold the word of promise to the ear and
break it to the hope.” In 1862 the Legis
lature passed an act which required the Banks
whose circulation (under the pressure of
State and Confederate State necessities) had
expanded from 7 to 14 millions (at that time)
The iAssets, when collected, will pay 10 cent.- bam, Km sell of Muscogee, Scandiett, anead
in gold for each dollar in circulation. He ! Swearingen, Tucker, Vasoa, Wicker,
calls on the bill-holders to come and receive | i v ‘. «ro-~Bur^’hvr“ #0 p;t?'T d ' $°"X’ of r? a , r
their distributive share ; A. the farmer, and ! son, ot WaU. r: Uox^'uurln^ Eilm-
B the broker, each, appear and present their I ton, Kvios, Flncaonon, French, Frost, Gknn, Gro-
separate bills. 1 The Receiver replies, here is ' i- aD » Hall, Hand, Harlan, Hargett, Howard, of Bar
twenty dollars in gold for the two bills; you S ? ^ v: . 1 rl l’.Lttjapkfn; Hudson, Hughes, of
nant with their blood, leaving their depend
ent orphans to the care of a grateful country
Alas! how little did they dream, when up
the right to -pay out the same currency
for all demands made upon them, thus,
so faros legislation could, i do it, actually
the
song of the reaper at harvest home.
. The negro race ittnong us will probably, in j which toted thTfanlbhing mot
the course of a few generations, become almost j ; n t j, e j, our 0 f t ;, e j r 80rc distresses—if these
extinct. If this is not so; history demonstrates | ore your objects you will hear me:
no fact. Their numbers are now one-third
less than before the war. As slaves, they were
prolific; as freedmeu, promiscuous cohabita
tion will stint the yield of progeny. As slaves,
they multiplied rapidly, fostered by the char
ity of masters stimulated by interest; as freed*
men, incapable of family life, and proverbial
ly negligent of children, their offspring will
rarely reach maturity. Their old meD, their
feeble women and children will soon die, and
thus the race will rapidly diminish.
Our late enemies boast that from the limbs
of four millions of human creatures they have
stricken the chains ■ ot servitude, and
the nations of earth rise up and shout
all hail! Would that the world could im-
derstand the real facts of the easel The
truth is, they have slain the slave in order to
make him a freeman, as the Inquisition was j
wont to burn a heretic in order to make him
That the legislation of yesterday is destruc
tive to both ol these objects, I have no parti
cle of doubt.
It deprives the honest bill-holder of all
participation in the fair distribution of tlie
assets ot the insolvent Banks.
It postpones their just claims to the specu
lative demands of brokers, who have paid
but a nominal consideration for tbe bills
which they hold against the hanks.
It forces your citizens to pay with tlie rem
nant of their property to brokers and note
shavers tlie speculative margin between the
price paid by them for Bank notes and the
nominal amount called for on the face of the
bills.
It ignores the claim of the widow and the
orphan, of the guardian nud the trustee,
while it tenders a premium to sorded specu
lation at the expense of tlie virtue and patrio
tism of the children of the State entitled to
the protection of your laws.
If I can prove that these are the consc-
! qucnces of your refusal to grant tho relief
holding amidst the storm of battle the starry i converting Confederate aA*. State Treasury
banner, on which was inscribed the rights I notes into a conventional, if not a legal ten-
and honor of Georgia, that the day would \ der; for whatever the Banks were obliged to
come when their children, applying to a receive and pay out Irom their counters, at
Georgia Legislature for whatever relief lhc once, became the currency ot the country.—
law allows, would receive foranswer the reply 1 Thus by legislation you transmitted the as-
of the Honorable member from Troup, (D,-. j of the Banks into Confederate and State
Ridley) “though a* speculator may have J Treasury notes. All the bills discounted,
bought up these evidences of indebtedness at | hitherto payable in gold and silver or its
10 to 20 cents in the dollar, though he may i equivalent, by this simple act of legislation
proceed to recover judgment against these ; became payable in the same currency, and
stockholders for one hundred cents in the dol-! coukl have, been thus redeemed had they been
lar: I w 11 give no relief,” although the widow presented for payment at any time between
may he driven upon the world homeless and \ Juncl, 186Land June 1,1865.
penniless, and the orphan beggared, he has j A want of confidence in. the nltimatc pay-
stood by his declaration and refused by vote ! ™ent of any notes used as circulation pervad
or word to save them.
Docs the venerable member c insider that the
stockholders of Banks arc citizens who have
suffered tlieir full share of Iqses in common
with the rest of the pcople-lhattheseBsnks , nn(J th ~ may bave bcea „ calc ui a ting
were so well conducted that they have sur- ^ h ]ack cr ’ n anlidst tho blojdiest hoars «ff
vivcil all the financial enses which have oc-, ) * hcn heart liad its sor _
currcd-trom their creation to the commenee.■ ; who Lo ’ rded up tll< f s , bills, relying on
ment of the war-tl.at thiy had justly earned th ; crsonal lia bility clause in the Bank char-
hc, and that their . ‘ i,', i,,. rr .„r fnr
cd the country. Bank notes were regarded
as more valuable than State or Confederate
Treasury notes, because it was always believ
ed that they had an intrinsic value in the re
maining Bank assets of 10 to 15 and 20 cents,
i 1- x- „ ! asked for by the Senate bill, which you this
i 1 t . rue bchever. I ever , . 1 ‘ j morning refused to reconsider, I have a re-
islicd that it is the duty and interest of the , motc ^ ^ your prejudic ^ may not
Southern people to treat the negro kindly , so fused that you will not consent to repeal
to instruct him in mind and heart and iuor- the penal statutes now under consideration,
nls—to give him the right of property and You have not only postponed indefinitly
him under the protection of the law and to . nanb (Mr. Lawson,) asking a suspension of
counsel, aid and direct him, for his own good, j common law suits against the insolvent Banks,
in nil things. The Southern planter should until the assignee or receiver, of said Banks
retain his lands and test fairly the practice I c ,?« k ?. 1 » ^ ablcd . to marshal the assets and
.... ... . , , ,, I distribute them under equitable rules amongst
biUty of raising our great staples profitably i tho 9CTeral bm j I0 , der9 .
with the labor of freedmen. The rich lands ] You have so legislated that the assets of
and fructifying climate of Georgia arc the I tho Banks may be exhausted by the brokers
true sources of her prosperity; and our great! who centre in the cities to the exclusion of
staples are obliged to be the basis of all oth- j the honest farmers whom you represent and
cr profitable pursuits. It we do not culti
vate our lands and raise these staple# others
will. Thoso lands cannot lie idle. And, be
sides, what is to become of that large propor
tion of our population heretofore engaged in
planting and farming if they abandon tlieir
vocation ? For the most part they arc unfit
for other pursuits, were such convenient
and profitable.
But we must hasten to a close. Upon one
other point, however, we'will touch: It is that
the masses of our people should be brought
higher standard of education. Information
and knowledge should be more generally dif
fused, and papers, books ai.d magazines mere
generally disseminated and read. Constant
and persistent effort should be made to bring
all the young of both sexes under instruc
tion, and not one throughout the common
wealth should be allowed to grow np in ig
norance.
All these matters must he acted upon by
our people; and the sooner they begin the
better. Our nation has entered upon a new
career, and foigctting those things which
arc behind, we must press forward towards
the goal for the prize of national glory, hap-
pinesss and prosperity.
who will not be advised of the action of this
House until those within the reach of tele
graphic communication may have secured
liens on the available assets of tlie Banks, and
the exclusion of the small bill holders, living
at points remote from tho telegraph.
I have but little hope of nwnkning the
justice of this House, now silenced by its
prejudices, but it shall not be said that I left
any effort untried to convinco your judgments,
that the relief asked for the Stockholders,
would have inflicted no wrong, and would but
partially have protected a large class of your
fellow citizens, who stand upon the brink of
ruin for obeying tbe laws of tho State and
, , ,, , . e , . . o yielding to that common sympathy in our
up by a judicious system of schools to a 'truggll, which during the war was invoked
by a common suffering.
The insincere question has been asked dur
ing all c* fM* L.:' Jition, why is it that the
Stockholders of Bonks have to ask relief not
asked for by other citizens f
I fear that a truthful answer is not desired
by the propounders, but I will give it, be
cause it will disarm prejudice elsewhere, and
offer in behalf of these Stockholders the im
pregnable advocacy of truth, which you can
never successfully combat before the august
tribunal of public opinion.
In 1860 the Banks of this State had a cir
culation of about eight millions.
In 1861-2 they had reduced this circulation
to less than seven millions.
In 1862-3 it was increased to fourteen
millions.
In 1863-4 it was further increased to seven-
I teen millions and on 1862-5, it was about
ry:
The following circular to Customs officers bitcen millions of dollars. |
, . „ , _ . In 1801, when the circulation was about
relative to Spanish and Peruvian prize?, was minions, the Banks had for every dol-
issued to-day by the Secretary of the Treasu- iar of their issues a representative value
in bills and notes discounted, made
TnEASunv Department, Mar. 2, ’60. by solvent individuals, falling due,
It has been officially announced to this (according to the custom of Bank dis-
Governmcnt that hostilities between Spain counts) in 80 60 and 80 days from thdr.date.
and Peru have been resumed. It is possible These notes discounted were payable by ope-
that during the continuance of such hostili- ration ot law in gold and silver coin, and
ties attempts may be made to, bring into the could be paid in no other way unless in
United States ports prizes taken from one of! bills of the very Banks by whom the bills
the parties by the war vessels of tbe other.— j notes ere discounted. ..... n
Customs officers will use due diligence to pre- i ^ ayment of these assets in Bank bills would
vent the entrance of such vessels into their re- I have retired, anil consequently redeemed ev-
spectivedistricts, excepting when, as vessels in I cry dollar ot bank issues then outstanding,
distress, tliev come within the provisions of tlie j 1 ayment m goal would have placed in their
60th section of the Act of March 2, 1789, cn-! possession a dollar of coin lor every bill
' i?sucd before that time, and would, in tact,
have left the Banks without any circulation,
unless they had made new discounts.
If we bad had no war, it would have fol
lowed that the Banks would have had no em
barrassments, and the stockholders never
would have apjienred before you as petition-
titled, “An act to regulate the collection of
duties on imports and tonnage,” in which
case the provisions of that section must be
strictly enforced. Collectors will direct the
commanding officers of the revenue cutters in
i , , _ . , their respective districts to warn all vessels of
l l, i roo(1 over our •<>*** »* tfloouiy rctnwpec- ,. jf | ier belligerent that they may find endeuv-
u °n, but, acting up to the homely proverb oring to enter the ports of the United States
Umt wc must endure that which cannot be • with prizes, or captures in uharge of prize
c Ured. let u« drive aAT tlie mnniiKT flond and ■ crews,’that they are not permitted so to do, -- - ... .. . a . -
seek to chi <r l • V . . ’ . , except when they seek a port of refuge in dis- i holders fietore you, supplicants, not for char-
JT"^'“^ndammatc our hearts by bright | f| * and in this case, the Collectors will ity, but for simple, even-iianded justice.
0,ls of ‘he future. Let us remember that, I promptly notify the Department of the lact Haw did the war bring about this calami-
1 hr all,. ol ir condition is far from being ns | of such arrival, and the circumstances attend- ty f I’iie fc’onlodcrute Government had not
asit might be, and that our losses and i nig the same.
H. HoCULLOUGH,
Secretary of the Treasury,
the confidence of the public,
stocks were a favorite because a safe invest
ment for the funds of estates, and of guar
dians having tho capital of minors in their
hands? Does the member know that when
he wars against stockholders the battle rages
between him and this class who represent
nearly three millions of the capital stock of
the Banks, and are liable for about four aud
a half millions of the bills outstanding ? If
he docs, let him tremble lest lie may win a
victory the fruits of which will be one eter
nal accusation of injustice, to which there
will b» no countervailing justification !
Does he yet ask why they demand relief
not asked for by other citizens? Let the
facts which I have shown answ'er him. _ The
loss and rain growing out of tlieir position as
stockholders is peculiar to themselves; it is
not participated in by others. Tlie ordinance
of the Convention which protects all other
citizens unintentionally excludes them, be
cause, from tho circumstances already shown,
in regard to the date of the issue of Bonk
bills and the custom of Banks to re-issue
bills; without regard to the date, they stand
within the equity of the ordinance, but not
being within its letter, it is unavailable to
them “at common law,” and they ask you
to establish a rule of evidence by which they
may make their defenses in the common law
courts.
The Ordinance prorides that the debt of
every individual occurring between June 1,
1861, and June 1, 1865, shall be tested by cer
tain rules which will bring before the jury
the truth of the case in order that the verdict
may lie ou principles of Equity.” Bank bills,
although issued within these periods, bear
date (as I have partly shown and will further
show in this argument) anterior to 1st June
1861, they do not come within the letter of
the Ordinance although entirely covered by
its equities and the principle!, on which it is
founded.
Do the zealous members from Whitcfield,
Clarke anil Spaulding, bear in mind that the
hill which on yesterday they postponed in
definitely, and*this morning refused to re
consider, in no letter or word of it, asks for
any different rule from that which the Ordin
ance applies to every other citizen ?—that in
no part of it, does it"ask the Legislature to do
what the Constitution forbids, to wit: “Im
pair the obligation of a contract”—that it
only asks the Legislature to raise a presump
tion of law’ consistent with the facts “that
the bills, although dated anterior to 1861
were intact issued between the 1st June 1801,
and 1st June 1865”—that all- the citizen
stockholders asks is that a rule of evidence
may lie declared by which the truth can be
established at law, as it can be done in Chan
cery, so that the equities of tho contract
as between tbe citizen stockholder who had
no part in the issuing of the bills may staud
upon the same footing as tlie note of the cit
izen (not a stockholder) who created his own
liability—that the stockholder, who is made
liable for the payment of a Bank note, loaned
to the State on the faith of State Bonds repu
diated by the very members who oppose re
lief, only/nsks to bo placed on the same equit
able basis as the citizen who gave his note
fora consideration which has not entirely
failc4— that without this legislation you set
tle the liability of tho citizen who is not a
stockholder on the “basis of truth,” while
you settle the liability of tbe citizen who is
a stockholder on the “platform of falsehood!”
You legislate, indeed, as if the acts of these
stockholders in periling theirwhole estates to
sustain the revolution was a crime to be pun
ished, not a virtue to bo rewarded!
The Ordinance without the legislation in
corporated in the Senate Bill as amended by
the committee on the Judiciary of thi9 House,
forces the stockholder to pay a contract on
which he is only collaterally bound, according
ters, which they hoped would hereafter give
them a statutory mortgage on the estates of
the noble dead, and enable them to grow rich
by linking together patriotism and poverty
in indissoluble bonds. ,
The debtors to the Banks naturally used
the cheaper currency to pay their debts, and
within a short time after this legislation,
Bank bills ceased entirely to be known as cur
rency or circulating medium, aud became al
together, in their uses, a commodity bartered
and sold as corn, flour, bacon, or any other
thing of Jrade. They were no longer regard
ed as a promise to pay. so many dollars in
gold, but were valued entirely by the com
munity as representatives of what the Banks
might realize out of their assets when the war
should close. If we achieved our indepen
dence they would be worth much; if we fail
ed, they would be worth little.
Had the people considered a five dollar
bank bill as the representative of five dollars
in gold, they would have been worth as much
or more than gold, because more portable,
and more easily secreted—two very important
elements of value. But their price was, in
fact, always, during the war, regulated by a
different standard, and with the full confi
dence of the people that, come wbat might,
the State debt held by the Banks, to the
amount of about five millions, would never
bo repudiated, the Bank bills ranged vari
ously at from 60c. to 5c. on the dollar. At
these rates they were taken in trade and put
away.
Now, that one great clement ot their value
has been utterly destroyed by repudiation—
partly the Work of members of this House—
the stockholders ask uot to be relieved from
this loss, but that they njay bo allowed to pa
these debts according to tlie value at whici
they were received by tbe present holders,
unless it can bo shown that a different rule
should prevail which would still do equity
between tlie parties. This is refused, and
the member from Whitfield exclaims, to do
this would “ impair, tho obligation of con
tract” as to these unfortunate stockholders,
but ‘he cannot sec how it can possibly be sub
ject to the same objection when up2ilied un
der tlie same ordinance to citizens, who arc
not stockholders. Unless the judicial mind
should be controlled by wbat is now falsely
deemed a popular prejudice, I apprehend no
such untenable opinions from the Courts.
It is under these circumstances that this
Legislature lias denied to the Stockholders
all relief, refusing, even, that suits at common
law should be suspended, or an opportunity
given to them, to prove the true amount of
tlieir indebtedness under the equities of the
Ordinance of the Convention.
When they expressly say to you that they
do not wish to be relieved of their personal
liability as Stocuholder.-, but only claim as
citizens involved in a common ruin, the bene
fit of the rule of evidence applied to your own
individual debts, and for tins purpose ask for
a law of evidence which will raise a presump
tion consistent with the truth. You say no,
it is unconstitutional and at the same time
claim to pay your own debts under the very
identical rule which you refuse to them.
When you refused that, the member from
Putnam asked you to give them time to
marshal their bank assets, that a court of
equity might divide the fund among the bill-
holders, and save its exhaustion in the de
fense of innumerable suits at common law
before Justices of the Peace, you rejected this
appeal with as much acrimony as you could
have done had the Stockholders been enemies’
to your institutions and strangers to your
soil, instead of being, as they arc, your fellow
citizens involved in ruin by the failure of the
revolution. Nay more: You taunt them by
asking, why they should be so anxious about
the bill-holder I Do you forget that every
dollar of the Stockholders’ private property
must divide it between you. A, the farmer,
says„to the Receiver, this is not right, B, the
broker, should not receive as much of this
twenty dollars as Ido; I ain informed his bill
cost him ten dollars in greenbacks while mine
cost produce worth one hundred dollars. The
broker replies it is nobody’s business what I
gave for my bill; it is just like yours; it bears
the same date and is undistinguislinhlc by
any mark. The Farmer says, your bill should
be sealed jis it was issued on the basis of Con
federate currency. The Broker replies, the
proof, under the present rules of evidence, is
impossible, and your Legislature refused to
change it. The result is that the broker takes
one of the leu dollar gold pieces and the farmer
takes the other. The broker has made a profit
ot 38 pr. ct., the difference between Greenbacks
and Gold, and the farmer loses 90 dollars on
his hundred, the difference between the value
of his corn aud tho dividend received on his
bill of §100 ! Such is tho measure of justice
which this House lias enforced on the honest
farmer for the benefit of the speculator on
Bank bills! Suppose you had passed the
Senate bill, which raised the presumption
that both these notes had been issued
since June 1861, how would the matter have
stood then ? The broker and farmer would
have been sworn; the truth would have been
established; the farmer’s Bank, bill would
have been rated at §100, tbe brokers at $10;
the whole amount to be paid would have
been estimated at $110, and the dividend be
ing $20,the farmer would receive ten elevenths
or $18.17 and the broker one eleventh or
Union; Johnson, ofI’orsyth; John.-jn, of Henry•
Mallard, Mattox. HeCtatchen, McD<>weU, of Heart;
be McLendon, McWhorter, of Orletbcmc; Mi:;ell
ns Montgomery, QnUUaa, Kagsilaio, Kcdwine. KmwI
ill Iffioadee, Ridley, Rogers, Roundtree, Sale,
ouepani, Sitnm*, ot tirtiw; Simmes, of Newton;
Stapleton, Stanton, Stewart, Swann, Thomas
Umphrey, Watkins, Weaver, Wilkinson, Woods
of Floyd; Woods, of Morgan; Wamble. ‘
Ayes, 45; Nays, C5.
So the motion to take up was lost.
Lines on the Uninbridse Glee Club.
to its letter and against its equity- because ; 5 ij a ble to the payment of these bills, and
against its truth,while the same Ordinance cn- t j lnt evcry dollar of tbe Bank assets which can
ables the citizen to pay his contract on which ; be saved from loss, is a dollar saved to the
lieisprimarilv liable, not according to its let- ; stockholder?
ter, but according to its equity because con
sistent with its truth. All tbe bill asked, was
that the oath of the bill holder against the
stockheldermight be invoked to establish the
true meaning of the contract so that he might
be held responsible to that extent and no
more; in a word, that lie might repel the
false presumption arising front the date of
the bill, and stand upon bis contract under the
"When we tell you that if you bad passed
the Senate bill, giving the stockholder the
benefit of a presumption which would evolve
tlie truth, you will not hear discussion nor
allow its advocates to show that its effect
would be advantageous to tlie Georgia bill-
holder. Had you passed that bill with all
of its provisions, its effect, as I will proceed
to show, would have been protective to the
" ~ ’ be-
$1.83. This is within a fraction of the true
amount and the rule of distribution thus es
tablished by the Senate bill, is precisely wliat
the Conventional Ordinance intended to se
cure, and is just to all parties. The same re
sults apply where the private property of the
stockholder is bound. Under the Senate bill
these bill-holders would receive their proper
proportion of assets from the Bank. Tlie
broker would have bis claim on the stock
holder for $8.17, and the farmer would have
his claim for $91.83. Under one rule the
stockholder would be liable for a balance of
$90 under the other for $1180. In this, as in
all else, when in law you once establish
truth, equity follows as a consequence;
but commence on a false basis and inequali
ty is its legitimate offspring. The first
is the rule asked by the stockholder; the last
is the rule granted by the Legislature. Add
to this the undeniable fact that the brokers
who congregate in cities commenced their
work of securing liens on the Batik assets as
soon as the telegraphic wire could trans
mit yonr action, while the former remains iu
utter ignorance of the assault which lias been
made upon his rights, and you have present
ed to you the full measure of injustice which
you have done’ to your constituents. But this
is passed; and tlie Banks, forced by your ac
tion, will bave to commence an expensive
system of defenses, taxing heavily the fund
in their hands, or allow it to be entirely ex
hausted by the prior liens which the brokers
will obtain
The only measure of relief, which you can
now extend is to take this bill up and pass
it. It repeals all pains and penalties against
Banks or Bank Officers, “provided they have
been guilty of no fraud or malfeasance in of
fice.” They have incurred no penalties not
forced upon them by tlie legislation of the
State. As the law now stands, all the outside
world may buy Bank bills at the market price
and demand of the Banks and stockholders
the full amount called for in the place of the
bills; but if a Bank or Bank office redeems
the bills at less than they call for, it is by the
present law made a Penitentiary offense.
The repeal of these unjust laws at this late
period of the session is all the relief that you
can give, and yet I fear even this pittance of
justice will be withheld. I fear it, because
you have legislated against all relief asked
for, without having a single sound argument
to sustain this denial of justice.
The member from Troup, whoopposed the
relief, frankly admits that he lias no argu
ment to offer. Another opponent, Mr. Ad
ams, the member from Clark, has nothing
better to advance, than a “point of order” not
well taken; and the member from Spaulding,
could adduce no better reason while waving
the Constitutional difficulty by admitting the
power of a Court of Equity to grant the re
lief than that if the bill-holder was required
to swear when lie received the bills, some gal
lant soldier who may have bought $1000 in
1860, and then gone to battle, after fighting
bravely through bloody fields is slain in 1863,
leaves a widow and children. Administrator
ship i3 taken upon his estate, the $1000 i3
found among his assets, the presumption, he
says, is raised by the Senate bill that these
notes, though iti fact isstied in 1860, were is
sued in 1863, at the time they arc found
among his assets, and his unfortunate widow
■would have her bills unjustly sealed down^to
the value of 1863. Does tho member forget
tho tacts which could be brought forward to
repel this presumption ? What becomes of
the soldier’s absence for three years ? his hon
orable death upon a distant field ? the impos
sibility of his puchasing the bills under these
circumstances i Where is tho widow’s oatii ?
would she be presumed entirely igno
rant of the fact that this thousand
dollars had been in her possession during tlie
long absence of her husband ? and yet this is
tlicTjest, because the only, argument which
has been offered, and it is the only argument
offered because prejudice, which alone de
feated this measure of relief, had none better
to offer.
I thank you for your indulgence in extend
ing my time. It may be that the fate of this
appeal will be as unsuccessful as those which
have been made before. I have but little ex
pectation of any other result. I have pressed
this matter upon the attention of tlie House,
because I feci that crying injustice has been
done to a large and meritorious class of my
fellow-citizens. Had I urged my views with
. BY ALPHONSE.
The “ Bainbridge Glee Club” was organ
ized in the year 1860, tor the purpose of im
provement in vocal music. Tlie members <f£
this club—being young men—volunteered at
i he outbreak of the war in the Confederate
army. By a singular providence they all
escaped the peri! of battle, and were per
mitted to return to their homes at the close
of the war. About that time jthree of the
members met in the room in which the organ
ization originally took place, and, on renew
ing the pleasure of “old acquaintance,” the
following lines were suggested:
How sacred the past, those hours of pleasure
That linger on memory's altar so dear—
Tho’ silent the song, yet long shall wo treasure
Those moments of mirth and brotherly cheer.
Tho’ the “ red hand of war” the tocsin is ring
ing,
And long have we parteH to join in the fray—
Yet forget not tho song, tho goblet, that brim
ming
We sipped, drinking deep to loved ones away.
The circle of brothers, tho golden chord broken
When war's eb'on shadow bedimmed our fair
skies,
May yet be united, tbe pledge that was spoken
To music’s fond echo may yet feast bur eyes.
Tho’ still is the harp and the lute is no longer
In silver tones sounding amid thpsc old walls,
How sweet the reflection, parting! mado stronger,
When scenek of tho past lond memory calls.
Then passed the wine cup, we gaily entwining
A wreath to tbe Muses free of dull care,
Enrapturing the hour, then joyous enshrining
With Bacchus, true beauty and song mingled
there.
And when thry our land peace pleans are sound
ing,
The tent is lorsakeii, the soldier at home,
We’ll strike up the song, tho old walls resound
ing
And tosaing^he goblet, no longer to roam.
sjducY, Fla., February, 1865.
Acts and Resolutions Approved by
the Governor,
CONTINUED.
169. An Act to incorporate the Vulcan Iron and
Coal Com pany, ami to confer certain powers and
privileges thereon.
170. An Act amendatory of tho law iu relation to
the establishment of lost papers.
171. An Act to relievo securities on bonds for
criminal offenses committed during the war,
■with tho United States upon certain condi
tions. „
172. An Act to incorporate tho Georgia Express
Company.
173. An Act to incorporate the Georgia Life and
Accident Insurance Company of Atlanta.
174. An Act to incorporate tho Mining Manufac
turing and Improvement Company of tho city
of Atlanta.
175. An Act to carry into effect tho 9th clause of
section 1, article 5, of the constitution.
176. An Act to authorize tho several Ordinaries
of this State to administer oaths, and to receive
compensation therefor.
177. An Act to regulate the distribution of the
Common School fund of the county of Echols,
and for other purposes.
178. An Act to amend section 3478 of the Code of
Georgia.
179. An Act to authorize the Inferior Court of
Richmond to levy an extra tax for county pur
poses.
180. An Act to amend an Act to incorporate the
town of Brunswick, in the county of Glynn, to
define its jurisdictional limits, to provide far
tho election of a Mayor and City Council, and
such other officers as may be required, and
confer upon them specific powers, and lor
other purposes.
181. An Act to amend tho 4467 sectioh of the
Code of Georgia.
182. An Act to exempt from street duty, all per
sons who now are or hereafter may become
active members of either of the existing Hook
and Ladder or Fire Companies of the city of
Atlanta.
183. An Act to change the line between the coun
ties of Murray and Gordon.
184. An Act to authorize certain sales to be mado
in other counties in this State than where such r
sales are now required by law, and where cer
tain kinds of property havo been removed out
of the State, to authorize the sales of the same
in tho State where it has been removed.
185. An Act to repeal paragraph 183 of part 1st,
title 4, chapter l3t, of the Code of Georgia. _
186. An Act to incorporate the New Era Mining
an l Ms -"f'—‘-ring C.>:..pany.
187. An Act . aend audaller the r^*r:ir of the
city of Columbus.
188. An Act to amend part 2, title 3. chapter 2,
article 4, section 3, of the Code of Georgia.
189. An Act to incorporate tile Dalton Petroleum
Mining Compauy. .
190. An Act for the pardon of John AY. Martin,
now confined in the Penitentiary for the crimo
of murder. ifl '
191. An Act'to prevent the illegal seizure, deten
tion, or removal'of proporty in this State, and
to prescribe the punishment for tbe same.
RESOLUTIONS.
benefit of certain acts
ongress of the United States donating pub- /
lie lands for ccrtaiu purposes therein mentioned.
30. Resolution requesting thu Governor to memo
rialize tlie Secretary of the Treasury in regard to
the seizure of cotton in certain cases.
31. Resolution authorizing tho distribution or dis
position of surplus books in the State Library
by the State Librarian, under the direction of the
Governor, and for other purposes.
32. Resolution requesting the Postmaster General
to reccommeud the establishment otcertain mail
routes.
33. Resolution appointing a committoeof 16 to di
gest and report a common -chool syitem to the
next session of the General Assembly, and for
29. Resolution accepting tho hi
of Congress of the United 6
same rule that every other citizen stands uj>ou biu . llok j who parted with his produce b
his contract, “according to the equities lie- : forc ^ ^ 100 ccnts in value ft
tween the partus. _ each dollar held by him. For instance:
ers for relic
‘I he war, however, did come, anil with it
failure, the ruin which now Brings the stock-
livipp«>intnien(8,nnd liereaveuicnts are not
i u, te m sad ns they might have been. Let us
‘“‘ember the
recuperative energies of our
peo P ,c ""J ‘ho vast resources still at our com
How long did Cain hate his brother?
long os he was Abel.
As
one dollar in its Treasury with which to carry
on the Government; it had not eveu a plate
on which to print its promise to pay; it had
no means qf making a bill lor circulation.—
There Wns but one nicaus of relief; without
will determine between us. All that I have
to say on conclusion is, may yon feel here-
or j after, as I do now, that you have impartially
—m investigated this question, endeavored to dis-
If it is true that the larger portion of the ; Bis a New York broker who recently pur-! ,, e i prejudice and advance justice. I have
Bank bills,olthough bearing date before June c hasod a hundred dollar bill on the Augusta { | Jllt a single vote. I am willing to stand up-
1861, were, in fact, issued between Junc 1861, insurance Bank, in which the private property on t i, e record. Are you ? I call for the yens
of the stockholder is not bound, say for ten am i n avs.
dollars in greenbacks, A is a Georgia farmer
who exchanged for another hundred dollar
bill one hundred bushels of com in 1861, of the
value ot -SJOO. The two bills bear date January
1. I860 they arc of tho same plate and have no
ear-mark by which they can be distinguished.
A Receiver is appointed to wind up the
affairs of tlie/Bank and distribute the assets
among the stockholders. A\ i at they get from
less earnestness, I should feel tint I had been Resolution in reference to the committee of 6
false to my trust as a Legislator, false to the j appointed by the Senate, and the committee of fi
living who have survived the shock of war, appointed by the Home, to whom was referred
false to tlie dead who have left their depend- the Governor’s Message in relation to providing
,,ii r earn for the destitute, to act ns a joint commit-
ent widows and helpless orphans as wards of j J-"™ ’ J
the State, false to all the memories and sac-1 35 Kcsolution allowing the Secretary of State
ritices of the past, and more than all, unfaith-. to employ a Clerk iu lii- office, for the pur-
ful to my own duties as a member of this po*e of replacing destroyed maps in the ourvey-
House, which constrain me to advocate go^Xfiou “requiring hUT.:. -■llency, the Gov-
tice and trutli. ernor, to pardon and let i*o t:vo Epsy A *\ cod,
Either the opponents of these several ineas-• convict in the Penitent! ay : "in the county of
ures or -myself have grievously erred. Time)
and June 1865.1 ask if the Legislature is not
bound to declare a rule of evidence calcula
ted to establish this important truth? Is it
true ' I propose to prove that it is.
I have already shown tnat the issues in
1801-2 were seven millions, and that tho
issues in 1862-3; -I-'5, were fifteen millions;
this alone, shows that eight millions, tho
larger portion was issued subsequent to June
1801. Add to this throughout 1801 and
tlie motion to take
it, the revolution must have failed in the hour portion of 1862, Bank bills were the chief this distribution is all they will ever recem
The yeas and. nays on
up were as follows:
Yeas.—Asbury, Atkinson, Baker, Barnes, Bsynes
Bennett, Browu of Houston, CabauUs, Co.ley, ,
Dodson, Dodds, DuBose, Gartrcll, Green, Gross, 1
Hicks, Holliday, Humphreys, Jones, J. B. ot Hurke ;
J,,n J. J. of Burke, Kib'bee, Lawson, '•'afdox,
MeCuiioiiu’li. McDowell of Pike, McDoupdd, Mor- ;
>Ii!",n .! 1T I l.onnis, Moses, Oates. Pei pies,
Pickett Phillip-. i’owdi, liob-on. Russell of Chat-
Frtnkliu.
37. Resolution requesting his Excellency, the Gov
ernor to instruct the Superintendent ot the
'Western and Atlantic Railroad to give certain aid
to farmers aud other persons noon said Rail
rotd.
T-y~ The largest and most elegant assortment
of Black Silk Mantillas in Macon, choaf er than
Call soon, ladies, they are seil-
ALBXANPER t WHITE'S.
anywhere else,
ing very fast at
eod-5t
\ Bradley’s
Trail Hoop t-icirt
eod-5t
, tho on!v genuine Empress
1 in tho market, at low prices, a
ALEXANDER .t AYIIITU’S.
HKLMBOLD’3 FLUID EXTRACT BUGHU
m.-dut in Uinte and odor, free from nil injurte
on .'•! er-i-n dmmeiliato iu its action.