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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
(inoviii.H'oUcliliiaflciU'apI).
m _ ‘ Tho remains ot Colonel W. T. Harris,
killed at Gettysburg, bavo been removed to
bis former place of residence at Greenville.
President Jolinsbn has issued a circa
lar directing the heads of departments to
give soldiers the preference in appointments
to office.
Jewish Reunion.—The Jows of Charles
ton, after n separation of twenty-five years
into two distinct Societies, have again united
in tho bonds of a common brotherhood and
are going to work repairing their beautiful
house of worship in Hasell street.
Only an Opinion.—The New York Tri
bune speaks quite lightly of the President’s
Peace Proclamation, and says it is nothing
more nor less than tho '‘private opinion” of
the President. The Tribune will find that
“private opinion” will go a long way as fats
for tho government of the United States in fu
ture.
let - —
jggTHon. John Hogan, will accept our
thanks for a copy of the Report of the De
partment of Agriculture for J8G4—a highly
interesting and valuablo document.
Hon. Jas. Dixon will also accept cur ac
knowledgments for a copy of his great speech
on Peace and Reunion, delivered in the Sen
ate, 37th February.
New York Times.—This journal has a
very strange way of supporting the President
It openly took ground with his enemies in
Connecticut, favored the return of a Radical
from New Jersey in place of Mr. Stockton,
whilst Mr. Raymond, its editor in chief, who
is also a member of Congress, helped to thrust
Brooks out of the House in order to make
room for a Radical. The President might
well say: Save me from such friends!
NEW BOOKS.
Wo acknowledge tho receipt of the follow
ing new works from the publishers:
Morris’s Grammar—A practical and philo
sophical Grammar of the English Language,
dialogically and progressively arranged;
in which every word is parsed according to
its use. By Professor I. J. Norris, A. M.
Auburn, Ala.: I. J. Norris publisher. I860.
Not having time to give this work more
than a glance at its general arrangement, wc
can only say that it is unique and original in
its manner of presenting the rules for the
construction and uso of the English Language.
The author has shown much industry and in
genuity in tho preparation ot his work, and
wo know just enough of its merits to justify
us in recommending it to the schools on trial.
Wc are of tho opinion that, as a South
ern' book, its worth should be fully tested, and
if approved, the book should be patronized
by those who have charge of tho education of
our youth. The price is $1.50 per single copy;
$12 per dozen, to the trade.
Gnn.i—A sketch expressly prepared for the
use of emigrants from the United States
and Europo to that country, with a map
and several papers relating to the present
War between that country and Spam, and
die position assumed by the United States
thereon. Bv David J. Hunter. New York:
S. Haliet i860.
The universal sympathy of our peoplo for
Chili in her present stiuggle against the
Mother Country, Spain, will give a peculiar
interest to this work at tho present time. The
author seems to have displayed great energy
and correctness in getting up his physical
description of tho country, embracing its
geography, climate, mines, agriculture, <fcc.,
and gives a flattering account of the benign
Government, which cannot fail to attract at
tention.
AGRICULTURE IN THE SOUTH.
The present state of agriculture in the
South, and its prospects for tho future, com
prise a topic of vast interest to ; the entire
commercial world. The capital and labor of
all tho leading nations of the earth are mate
rially dependent upon our success or failure.
For weeks past we have given a careful at
tention to tho subject, so far as regards infor
mation to bo gathered from a list of Exchang
es, embracing every portion of the South, and
the testimony of reliable tourists through its
various sections. Wo propose, in a very few
words, and without going into details—which
may be gathered from time to time from these
columns—to give our conclusions upon the
best evidence at our command.
In the first place we set down tho nominal
labor of the South for the present year at
just one half of what it was previous to the
commencement of our troubles. From this
wc would deduct fully a fourth on the score
of efficiency, tor free labor is an experiment
and cannot, in the very nature of things,
prove as affective as compulsory labor.
now much this labor will produce, may be
approximately inferred from the foreg?hng
estimate, taking into the account the general
desolation of the South, the necessity of de
voting much of it to repairs, and the absence
of a full complement ot working stock, mater
ials, etc.
Our own deductions are, that a sufficiency
of provisions will be raised to supply all the
wants of our population, but nothing for ex
port
The crop of cotton the present year cannot,
in our judgment, exceed a million and a
half bales. This was our estimate two months
ago, and wc have seen nothing to induce us
to change our figures. In no event do we be
lieve it can be made to exceed two millions.
With highly favorable seasons and fidelity
on the part of the freedmen, it may possibly
reach that amount
AVhile many are embarking in
that culture exclusively, looking only to a
year’s work as an experiment, -others, who
are firmly settled in the country, see the im
portance of making secure a good crop of
provisions and ore putting in but a moderate
crop of cotton, having little confidence in la
bor. To the Northern adventurers in cotton
raising, wc do not attach much importance.
They know nothing of the business, make
imprudent contracts and wild calculations,
and in nine cases out of ten will be disap
pointed in the result. We will stake our
reputation os prophets on this prediction.
Upon tlio price to be paid for the coming
crop of cotton, much depends upon the po
litical stato of the world. All thing equal,
we believe it will not fall far below the pres
ent quotations, if at all.
REPORTED SUCCESSES OF TIIE IMPE
RIALISTS.
TREATY BETWEEN MAXIMILIAN AND THE
iturbide family.
Wc have received late files of the Mexican
Times, from which we make the following
extracts:
REPUBLICANS DEFEATED AT PARRAS.
TERRIBLE AFFRAY IN .SAVANNAH.
Two Policemen Killed.
[From tho Savannah News and Herald, t>th.]
On Saturday night last, about eleven
o’clock, the citizens in the vicinity of the
Central railroad depot were startled: by the
report of fire-arms, accompanied by the
springing of watchmen’s rattles. Upon re
pairing to the spot, our reporter found some
police officers beating a man wbo was clutch
ing a revolver, and who had to be very se-
. jl, . , , c * - J verely dealt with before he would release bis
Licut.-Colond i rcvmo and t.jc Sub-Prefect j io jj 0 j. ^ wea JU j t ra soon learned
Campos, heading some Irupenal troops, rout- J ^ p ereon v. liom they were endeavoring
ed completely, on the 12tU of February, 6001 to *nT*t had already shot and killed two
dissidents in tho iieighbornood of Parras. rae n and was endeavoring to continue his
The details of this victory were as follows: Mood work It appears that the offender,
As at Urnapam, the enemy first approved I Bart i e y, wasa member of tho police
battle, but he was paid for this audacity by a I f orce wko was not on duty that night, and
bloody defeat The forces on both sides were I ko k . a j tcr angering his name at roll
nearly equal—the enemy having about 500 Lj, in ’ companv with some others,
men and two pieces of artillery. The action I ^ the w ‘ lla of t lie barracks and
commenced by a fire of muskets from the started upon a sp ,cc. Bartley had had a
dissidents posted on the heights of Canneito. I quarre j kind in the bar room of Mr.
The Imperialists responded by a charge of ft evi ,i e . at the corner of Liberty and West
lance and bayonet which the enemy could not Broad strcet ant \ on getting into the street
resist. Ho fled in disorder, abandoning on anJ persist;™ ; n being noisy and disorderly,
the battle-field his two pieces of artillery, four m tbr £ a tened f 0 arrest him, when ho
caissons of munitions and 40 dead. The pur- M ; d he wou ] d s hoot any one attempting it.—
suit continued as far as the middle of the vil- -p bo t bcn sprang his rattle for help,
lage where the enemy attempted to rally, but and G tbers arriving on lie ground they at-
were finally routed by the bravery of the Im- tcmpte(] to arrcst him. The desperado carried
perial forces. Some -00 head of cattle which out b ; g r i lrca t and fired three shots, each of
had been stolen from adjacent haciendas were which took cffec t—two of them fatally. It
captured. Our loss was 10 killed and 13 appears from the evidence, which we give be-
wounded—that of the enemy 84 killed. • - 41 * ’ —*—j
WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington,
PARTMENT, )
[INGTON, D. C., !-
April 9th, 1866. t
Brevet Maj. Gen. J. M. Brannan^Augiuta, Ga:
Tho Assistant Commissioner, Bureau Refu
gees, Freedmen, &c., for the State of Geor
gia, having inquired whether the President’s
proclamation removes martial law, and stated
that the Department Commander docs not
feel authorized to arrest parties who have
committed outrages on freed people, or union
refugees, tho Secretary of War, with the ap
proval of the President, directs me to inform
you that tho President’s proclamation does
not remove martial law or operate in any
way upon the Freedmcn’a Bureau in the ex
ercise of its legitimate jurisdiction. It is not
expedient, however, to resort to military tri
bunals in any case where justice can be at
tained through the medium of civil author
ity.
[Signed] E. D. TOWNSEND,
A. A. G.
Official:
[Signed] W. W. Deane,
Capt. & A. A. G.
Bureau Refugees Freedmen, A. L.
Office Act. Sub. Ass’t. Com.
Augusta Ga., April 9.1836.
Hie Honor Stephen Collin»,
Mayor City of Maeon:
Sir } am much gratified to learn through
Brvt. Lt. Col. Lambert, Act. Asst. Commis
sioner of this Bureau, that you have uniform
ly exhibited a disposition to aid him in the
performance of his duties, and to do justice
to the freed people. Not having a|citizen Agent
of the Bureau in your city, and anxious to
ontrust the authority of such an Agent only
ton prudent, just and careful gentleman, I
herewith relinquish to you tho right to adju
dicate in cases arising in your city involving
the rights of freed people, limited simply by
your jurisdiction in the case of white people.
I enclose a copy of Circular No. 4, from this
office, which will explain the occasion of my
taking this action.
I am very respectfully,
your ob’t servant,
DAVIS TILLSON,
Brig. Gen. Vols. and A. A. Com.
Btoeau R. F. A. L., Office A. A. Com., )
Macon, Geo., April 11, I860. J
Special Order No. 8 :
Pursuant to orders from the Assistant Com
missioner of]tlie State of Georgia, the position
of Acting Sub Assistant Commissioner •for
the city of Macon is discontinued. and all
criminal jurisdiction in the cases of freed peo
ple is turned over to His Honor, tho Mayor
of Macon, to the extent of his authority.
In all other respects the Bureau will con
tinue as heretofore.
I':.; t. A. S. Ilill, Veteran Reserve Corps; - "
U. s V., . s.-ig'.-.ul to duty in the office of
Uu C< mnm-sioner, and will take charge
ot tlie district < iiring tho temporary absence
of Lieut. Col. Lambert.
By command of
Lt. Col. L. Lambert,
N. - i 11 n> Hill, Capt V. R.C.
As. Cora. Bureau R. F. A. L.
The Supreme Court on the Constitution
ality of the Test Oath.
We are gratified to see that many ot the
leading journals of the country are giving ex
pression to their indignation over the late
cowardly and truckling act of the Supreme
Court in withholding its opinion on the test
oath, thereby leaving the Radicals to continue
their war upon the South and the peace of
the country. The Lynchburg (Va.) New3
has some very just and pointed remarks oa
the subject, we append. It says :
It has been repeatedly stated in the col
umns of different journals, that the decision
of the Supreme Court of tho United States
on the question involving the validity of the
test oath, declared said law unconstitutional;
and the official enunciation of this opinion
was anxiously anticipated by the whole
South. Wc arc now informed, however, that
this august tribunal has adjourned without
announcing any decision on the question, and
the remarkable assertion is put forth that,
whilst a mnjority of the justices coincided in
tho opinion that the law is unconstitutional,it
was deemed impolitic to Bet the oath aside
just now, for fear of embarrassing tho action
of Congress.
This most humiliating confession of the
want of independence in the highest judicial
tribunal of our land, will be, nod should be,
regarded as the most ominous indication
of the great degeneracy of tho bench, and
the demoralizing subserviency of this most
important department of the Government
to popular prejudice. There is little room
to apprehend tho downfall of freedom, and
the disruption of the Constitution, even
when a fanatical and’Jacobinical Congress
seem determined to ignore both the princi
ciplcs of justice and the provisions of the
organic law, so long as wc Lava an able
and independent jndiciary, who arc possessed
of acumen to detect the most insidious attack
upon the principles of the constitution and
firmness to arrest the threatened evil, even at
the risk of offending an ambitions executive,
ora disorganizing and fanatical Congress.—
But, when venality or timidity usurp the
place of justice, when the judges of the Su
preme Court are afraid to announce their de
cisions on questions of constitutional law, wc
may well apprehend that the foundations of
the great couservative branch of the gov
ernment have been sapped, and that the ju
diciary will soon lio prostrate at the feet of
fanaticism.
The oath of office, which binds each Jus
tice of the Superior Court “to administer
JUSTICE WITHOUT RESPECT TO PERSONS,” AND
FAITHFULLY AND IMPARTIALLY TO DISCIIAROE
ALL THE DUTIES INCUMBENT ON THEM, &C.,
seems to be regarded as a dead letter, and its
obligations arc of such little efficacy that
they can be laid aside as easily as the robes
of office. What respect can be inspired by
a legal tribuual, whose members ore them
selves oblivious of the oinding efficacy of an
oath, and who thus publiciy illustrate tlicir
indifference to the obligaticns of their office.
Disgorging.
A Northern Major General, no doubt con
science-stricken for having in his possession
property that does not rightfully belong to
him, addresses the following noto to tho Gov
ernor of Mississippi. If Beast Butler hail a
conscience, he could load a train with his ill-
gotton silver spoons and other valuables:
Lancaster, Ohio, March 24, I860.
To Ills Excellency the Governor of the State
of Mississippi. Jackson, Miss.:
Sir : In 1803 I brougnt to this State, from
tho South, several dozen books belonging to
the Mississippi State Library. For the man
ner in which they came into my possession, I
have the honor to refer you to my “Military
History,” on file in tho War Department at
Washington.
The period having, in my opinion, arrived
when property that fell into tho hands of
officers and soldiers during war can be safely
restored, I have the honor to inform you that
I have placed tlie books referred to in the of
fice of Adams & Co.'s Express, in this city,
subject to your order.
With the hope that your people may speed
ily recover from the effects of the war, I have
tho honor to be, your Excellency's obedient
servant,
llcon Ewing,
Late B’vt Maj. Gen. U. S. V.
Raising a Revenue.—A friend explains
the present system of raising tlie revenue a>
follows: “Now, you see, in the first place,
they get the bang of a feller’s business. That
is taxed. Then they find out how much he
earns every month, and that’s taxed.. Then
they find out all about his profits, and on (hat
they lay their tax. Then they manage to get
some tax on what he owes. Next comes
what they call income, and that's taxed.—
Then, if anything is left, the preacher calls
around and gits it to sustain tlie church and
convert the heathen.
low, that the murderer deliberately aimed
SECRET TltEATT MADE BETWEEN HIS MA-1 each 8 |, ot a t SOU1C One of the officers. TllO
jesty and the son of the liberator, on ] y thing which saved officer Galloglay was
d. AUGUSTIN iturbide. bis turning his head slightly, allowing the
His Majesty, the Emperor, wishing to I ball to pass him, just grazing his neck,
honor the memory of the Liberator, D. Au- After Bartley was secured and a second
gustin Iturbide, in consequence of tho first pistol taken from him, officer Galloglay
right ho had to tho gratitude of the nation, turned him over to two other policemen, and
ami his sons desiring to further the noble ob- with the aid of some citizens arrested and
ject of his Majesty, by the order of the Em- sent to the Barracks several persons who
peror, tlie Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. F. were supposed to have some knowledge of
Hamiree, and charged with the Ministry of the affair. Physicians were sent {or, and one
State, and Mr. Augustin, Mr. Angel and Mr. who was found stopped under a gas light to
Cosme, and Miss Josephine Iturbide, arranged write out a prescription, but by the time it
together the following: I was written tho wounded men were beyond
1. His Majesty will give a high position to the reach of medical aid.
the two grand sons of the Emperor, D. Au- One of the deceased, Foley, lay on Liberty
gustiney B. Salvador,as well as to bisdaugh- street, about twenty feet from where he was
ter, Dona Josephine Iturbide. I shot, and a gentleman who saw him fall says
2. Their Majesties will provide the means j the man uttered an exclamation, fell on his
for tho education of the grand sons of the I right side, then rolled over on his back and
Emperor Augustin, suited to their rank, as drawing up his limbs convulsively, almost
well as also their maintenance and that of j immediately- expired. When our reporter
Dona Josephine Iturbide. I reached the spot, the crowd had almost for-
8. As a mark of special protection, His I gotten him, and as he lay directly in tho foot-
Majesty wishes to constitute himself tlicir path and there was no light, people almost
tutor and guardian, and to name Dona Jose- fell over his lifeless body as they came upon
phine co-tutrix. the scene.
4. D. Augustin, Angel, and Augustin Cosine The other man, McNichols, lay nearly in
Iturbide promise in their names, as well as in I the same spot where he fell, and could have
the name of D. a Sabina and their legitimate I lived but few minutes after receiving the fatal
descendants, never to return to the Empire, bullet. The spectacle was truly shocking,
without previous authorization from the Sov- and the excitement in the vicinity was in-
ereign or the Regency. tense. Some injudicious person went to Mc-
5. The Government of His Majesty would 1 Nichol’s home anti informed his wife of his
pay from the Treasury of the State to D. Au- death and she was soon on the spot, and fall-
gustin, Angel, Augustin Cosme, D. a Jose- ing on the body of her husband, with her
pliincond Da. Sabina Iturbide the 6um of piteous screams and wailings made the scene
$30,000 down, and §120,000 in drafts on I still more appalling.
Paris, payable; $60,000 the 15th of Decern- Drs. Sherzer, Smith, Harris and Clift arri-
ber, of the present year, and $60,000 the 15th I ving on the spot, proceeded to examine the
of February, 1866—-making a total of $150,- bodies and to see if their efforts would avail
000 on account of what is duo them by the anything, but they found that life was already
nation. extinct.
6. The Government assures and it is respon-1 Coroner II. H. Eden arriving on the spot,
siblc for the accounts of the family of the took the bodies of the murdered men in his
Liberator, Iturbide. charge, and instructed Lt. Howard of the po-
7. The Government of His Majesty will I lice force to have them removed to the Bar-
give proper orders to secure all pensions to I racks, where lie would hold an inquest on
D. Augustin, Angel, Augustin Cosme, D. a I Sunday morning.
Josephine and D. a Sabina Iturbide which *-*-»
they now enjoy. These pensions will-be paid I’ll vote for the other Matt,
punctually and without discount at their The following story is told of a Revolution-
place of residence or the nearest place to it ary soldier, who was running for Congress,
having commercial relations with Mexico. I It appears that he was opposed by a much
8. The Government of His Majesty con-1 younger man, who had never been to the wars
cedes to D. Augustin, Angel, Augustin, Cosme I and it was the wont of Revolutionary to vtell
and Da. Sabina Iturbide an income of $6,000 the people of the hardships he had endured,
to the first, $5,100 to the second—that income Says he:
going to the wife of D. Angel in caso of his Fellow citizens, I have fought and bled for
death, and $1,524 to the two others. Orders ray countiy—I helped whip the British and
will be given for the prompt payment of these I Indians. I have slept on the field of battle
sums, in accordance with the preceding arti- with no other covering than the canopy
cle fixing the pensions. • of heaven. I have walked over frozen ground
In faith of which the present treaty lias I till every foot step was marked with blood,
becif signed in duplicate at the Imperial resi- Just about that time one of the sovereigns
dence of Chapultepcc, the 9th ot September, who had become very much affected by this
1865. tale of woe, walks up in front of the speaker,
By order of his Imperial Majesty. wiping tlie tears from his eyes with the ex-
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, charged with tremity of his coat tail and interrupting him
the Ministry of State. says:
Jose F. Ramirez, A. D. Iturbide, I Did you say that you had fought the Brit-
Angel de Iturbide, Augus. C: de Iturbide, isli and the Injines ?
Josefa do Iturbide, Alicia G. de Iturbide. Yes, responded tho Revolutionary.
The letter of Miss Alicia G. Iturbide to her Did you say that you had slept on the
Majesty the Empress ground while serving your country - without
Madam: My brother Augustin has sent to any kivor ?
Mr. Castillo to give to liis Majesty the Em- Yes, sir, I did.
peror some little cannons, which, as family Did you say you had followed the enemy
souvenirs, will have a value for my son when of your country over frozen ground till every
he has grown to manhood. I also send my footstep was covered with blood ?
portrait, with one of the child’s, and permit Yes, exultingly replied the speaker,
me, Madam, to say that I have not received I Well, then says the tearful soverign as he
those of your Majesties, which I desire so I gave a sigh of painful emotion, I’ll be blamed
much. I forgot to recommend to your Ma- if I don’t think you’ve done enough for your
jesty the nurse. She has raised the child, and | country, and Til vote for the other man 1”
you can place great confidence in her. Hav- "* . .
ing placed my adored child under the protcc- General Order.—Attention is directed to
tion of your Majesties, I must, Madam, offer the following important order from Depart-
you my sentiments of thonklulnessand friend- men t Headquarters •
ship, with which I have the honor to be your Hd - QR8 Deparxmest op GEonoiA,
Majesty’s bumble servant, Augusta, Ga., April 6th, 1830
Alicia G. de Iturbide. General Order No 17
To her Majesty the Empress Charlotte. Provisions having been made by the Legis-
Mexico, 1-th Sep.ember, lv.fi.}. j ] a tive authorities of the State of Georgia, by
_ ' r ZT „ . J which all persons, without regard to color or
, WAsniNQTON, April 9. The galleries ot f ornier condition, arc alike protected and sc-
tjie House of Representatives are crowded to I a }n „ tb( £ r] ht9 b / t)lc law9 of the
their fullest capacity. Many persons are un- s d the adm £istration of them by its
able to obtain seats. Tlierc are also »'» n y I ol fi ce re and courts, commanding officer of
spectators on the floor. Tlie great attraction aro hereby ordered to turn over to the
is the Civil Right s hill, returned from die p roper authorities of the State nllper-
Scnate to-day, and which at a quarter past * £ not soldiers, field in confinement, or
one was taken up by the House for action. nn( £ r arre3t awaiting trial, or under bonds
New York, Aril 9.—The Tribune's Yi ash- f or their appearance before any court or com-
ington special says: Alexander H. Stephens mission for crimes or misdemeanors charged
continues to receive many calls from those t o have been committed by them, except
who have been admirers of his course for the -where committed against the General Govcm-
past five years, and those holding high posi-l nle nt, to ho tried by the civil courts of the
tions, who are now disposed to make a hero (state.
of him. Ho has become veij much disheart- In future, all fieedmen or others, except
ed as to an early admission into the Senate, soldiers, who may be arrested by the military
and says lie shall go back on Wednesday.— authorities for crimes or misdemeanors
lie has not the slightest doubt but that he c h ar g e d to have been committed by them,
will yet have a seat given him in tho Senate, except where committed against the ’General
Ho estimates the coming cotton crop of the Government, and those arrested for pnst of-
South at three million bales. _ J tenses, of which agents of the Freedmen’s
It is generally expected that the President Bureau may take cognizance under provision
will in a few days release Jeff. Davis and Q f Circular No. 4, Series of 18G5, Bureau of
Clement C. Clay on parole. There is bo Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands,
probability of their ever being tried lor their state of Georgia, will be turned over to the
participation in the con.-piracy by which the c i v n authorities of the county or town in
President was murdered. It is not unlikely which the offense is committed, for trial bc-
that Congress will again call for the testime-1 f ore t j le c i v R CO urts of the Stato.
ny that liaa so far been kept secret, and its j Exceptions made to this order, for trial by
existence known to but few persons. Judge militnrv commission, will be specially directed
Holt lias expressed his opinion in writing f rom t h PSO headquarters,
that it was enough to convict them, and no jjy command of
one is more surprised at their not being tried Brevet Maj. Gen. BRANNON,
than Judge Advocate Holt. Officinl: (Signed) S. A. Moe, A. A. G.
• 1 , A. A. G.
The authorship of the substance of the
, „ - .- -n v m . . , i 57“ Dan Rice, who has lately returned
following, from the Boston Transcript, has fr0 m an extensive tour through the Southern
been publicly imputed to a member of the | States, and whose opportunities of judgin
President's Cabinet—Mr. Stanton—
The Proclamation of Peace.—Tlie Pres
ident's proclamation of peace is an act of di
rcct war on Congress. In the most emphatic
language he asserts the equality of the rebel
States, as now organized by the Executive,
with the States that have spent three thous-
millions of dollars and a half million of lives
to put down insurrection. On his own au
thority lie has declared tlicir restoration to
their position in the Union; and now, on his
own authority, he asserts them to be loyal
and trustworthy. Congress is entirely left
out of tlie question in the most important
matter which will probably c-Ycr come before
the United States Government. The Empe
ror Napoleon, in a similar matter affecting
the national life of France, would at least
have consulted his Legislature, such as it is,
or taken the votes of tlie French people.—
The President of the United States must go
to Asia if he desires to find justification for
his conduct.
A correspondent states Quantrill, the
guerrilla, has been living for some time in the
stand oi Cuba, earning a livelihood as a
armer.
of the feeling and temper of the people in
that section have been very great, had quite
a long and very agreeable interview with the
President on Saturday. The great showman
spoke of the misrepresentation of many of the
letter-writers to Northern journals, and the
imprudent course of many ot the newspapers
in the South—all calculated to keep up dis
union nnd strife. lie said that he found the
great mass of the Southern people well dis
posed toward the government.
Deatti of Dr. Henry R. Frost.—Dr.
Henry R. Frost, One of our oldest, most dis
tinguished and useful physicians, and onc_ of
the founders of the South Carolina Medical
College, died in this city, at his residence on
Broad street, alter a brief illness, between
two and three o’clock Saturday afternoon,
aged seventy tears and six months. Dr.
Frost was for many years Dean of the Faculty
of tlie South Carolina Medical College, and
remained in it as professor up to the time of
his di*atb. A large majority of our present
most succcssftal physicians and druggists in
this city and State, graduated underhis teach
ings and from him received their diplomas.
[Charleston Courier, 9th.
From tho Chicago Tribuno (Radical.)
Should the President be Impeached 1
"Wc have a lull sense of the deep responsi
bility that attaches to the public journal or
official that would discuss the above question
calmly, but thoroughly and fearlessly. But
it is now the underlying question in reflecting
minds, and therefore must soon be the great
issue of the hour.
The Constitution, Art. II., Sec. TV., declar
es that “the President. Vice President, and all
civil officers of the United States, shall bo
removed from office on impeachment for and
conviction of treason,bribery, and other high
crimes and misdemeanors.” Treason against
tho United States is defined as corsistiogin
levying war against' them, or in adhering to
their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.
Andrew Johnson has not yet levied war on
the United States, though his leading organs,
the Constitutional Union, National Intelli
gencer, New York "World, and News, Chica
go Times, have all urged him to do so by a
Cromwellian attempt to disperse Congress.
But has he not adhered to the enemies of
the United States, giving them aid and com
fort, and this not only morally, but legally 1
This question divides itself into two oth
ers, viz: First. Whether the United States
has at present any “enemies,” or whether the
late rebels still occupy toward the Govern
ment the legal relations of enemies, which
they unquestionably did occupy for several
years. Secondly. Whether, if so, the Presi
dent has adhered to them in 'heir capacity as
enemies of the country, doing that which
tended to give them aid and comfort and
maintain their enmity.
The mere surrender of the Confederate ar
mies does not of itself make peace. Other
wise our Government should have issued a
proclamation ot peace immediately on tho
surrender of Johnston, Taylor, and KirBy
Smith. But every war does something more
than subdue armed forces. It settles dispu
ted questions and determines the rights of
the parties. And until these settlements arc
embodied into law, there is not yet a state of
peace, though all hostilities have ceased.—
Where the war is between two beligerents,
both of whom continue to exist after the war
is ended, the laws into which the questioned
settled by the war are embodied are called
treaties. But where, as in our own case of
civil war or rebellion, the contest was between
the United States and a portion of its citi
zens, there can be no treaty, because the or
ganization known as tho “Confederate States
of America” has ceased to exist, ?nd there is
no organized hostile government left with
which to make a treaty. Whatever questions
have been settled by the war, therefore must
embodied into “the laws of the United States,”
and for greater permanency and security,
should be embodied into the Constitution of
the United States wherever the Government
of tho United State shall so desire. Until
this is done peace is not established, but there
is a mere cessation of hostilities. The legal
status of the country is still that of war. Tlie
legal status of the late rebels is still that of
enemies—subdued enemies—but not citizens
in any other sense than they were through
out the rebellion. The Administration, in
all its departments, has publicly and official
ly recognized the fact that, though hostilities
are suspended, the state of the countiy is still
a stato of war. The President has recognized
the “state of wnr” as still existing by main
taining martial law and a suspension of the
habeas corpus throughoutthe Southern States
As he cannot by the Constitution suspend the
habeas corpus except when in cases of rebel
lion and invasion the public safety may re
quire it, his continuance of the martial law
and the suspension of the habeas corpus is
an official recognition ot the fact that a state
of rebellion, and therefore of war, exists.
He still maintains in service about 150,000
troops, all of whom enlisted only for tho vfnr,
and who, if the stato of war had ended, would
have the right to disperse without orders and
go home. He informs Gen. Howard relative
to the present act establishing the Freedmen’s
Bureau, which by its terms was to continue
one year after the war, that said year has not
yet commenced to run, and that the war is
not yet ended, and will not until tlie “issuance
of a proclamation of peace.” Soldiers are
quartered on Southern property without the
consent of its owners, nn act which the Con
stitution forbids to be done in time of peace.
The President exercises his military power as
Commander-in-Chief of the army in appoint
ing and removing State and city officers, over
whose ttatus in time of peace he would have
no power. He dictates to Southern Conven
tions and Legislatues what laws they shall
and shnll not pass, and if they pass laws not
acceptable to him he, through his generals,
forbids all courts to execute them—acts which
in a state of peace would be intolerable usur
pations. Nay, if it be true that the country
is not now in a state of war, then the Presi
dent is plainly liable to be impeached for
every one of these violations of what the Con
stitution would require of him in a state of
peace.
We think it is plain, therefore, that not
withstanding the suspension of hostilities, the
present state of the countiy is held by the
Administration itself, and is, in fact, one of
rebellion.
The Administration , has further informed
us when this state of war will end, viz: when
the States shall be fully restored to tho Union
by the action of Congress. Such are the
words 6f Secretary Seward in his letters of
lost summer to Sharkey, Marvin, and other
Provisional Governors.
But if in the meantime a legal status of
rebellion and war exists, though with a sus
pension of hostilities, it follows that wc must
be at war with somebody, and that those
with whom we aro at wnr, though fighting
has ceased, are still rebels, and enemies'. There
can be no war without an enemy, and the
mere fact that the enemy has ceased to fight
works only a cessation of hostilities, not an
end of the state of war. If we are then in a
state of war, as the Government assumes, who
are our enemies 1 Not the organization known
as the Confederate States of America, for that
has ceased to exist. Not the organized ar
mies lately commanded by Lee, Johnston, and
Kirby Smith, for they, as organizations, have
ceased to exist. Not the State Governments
of the various States which formed tho “Con
federate States of America,” for they have
ceased to exist. Those who occupy towards
us the legal ttdtv* of enemies are therefore all
that portion ot the Southern people who en
gaged in the rebellion or gave it aid and com
fort. If tlie stato of war does not end, as the
Administration itself assumes, until the States
have been restored to the Union with the con
sent of Congress, then the legal stati’s of the
portion of the Southern people who were
rebels during the pendency of past hostilities
continues to be that of rebels and enemies un
til peace is thus restored. But President
Johnson, while he recognizes these people as
rebels and enemies in law, so tar as is neces
sary to clothe him with despotic p >wer, yet
demands for them all the rights of American
States as against any action or legislation by
Congress. lie demands, in fact, that during
war communities with which we are at war
shall send representatives into our Senate and
House of Repicr-eumtives, aud that Congress
has no right to make laws for them until
their representatives, have seats on the floor.
He demands that rebels shall participate in
the nationnl councils in making those laws
which are to constitute our treaty of peace
with the rebellion. This is, in principle,
treason, for it is giving aid and comfort to the
enemies of the United States. It is saying to
them, Congress Jms no power to legislate for
you until it admits you to vote in Congress.
It is encouraging them to resist thejattempt by
Congress to impose such terms as Congress
may deem proper as the guaranties of future
peace.
the officer himself. Bribery is seldom con
ducted in that way. It is sufficient if, with
his knowledge and approval, they are paid to
some subordinate, or eonfulant.’or intimate
friend, for whom the officer entertains such
personal regard ns will induce him, for what
ever reason, to grant the favor for which the
bribe was given. As nearly as tlie public
have been permitted to know, this state of
facts lias prevailed at the White House, and
constitutes the whole business of pardon bro
kerage. A pretty woman, the source of whose
influences over the President arc unknown,
but whose sobriety and chastity have both
been impnnged. holds herself forth to the
world as ready to secure pardons without the
ordinary delays incident to nn examination
into the merits of tho case. To test her ve
racity a detective pays her fee, $200, pretend
ing to be a rebel, and in a few hours receives
from her hand, under the signature of the
President, a full pardon for crimes never com
mitted, and for a person that never existed.
The detective is prosecuted and the tribunals
and [tlie public substantially acquit him,
Was it any the less the $200 that procured the
pardon, than if that sum had been paid di
rectly to the President i Whit is the result
of the trial, then, but to convict the Presi
dent ? But besides treason and bribery, a
President is liable to impeachment for acts
which do not amount to any crime whatever,
but aro mere misdemeanors. Can there be
any more flagrant misdemeanor in a Vico
President than to appear in a stato of maud
lin drunkenness to take the oath of office ?—
Is it not a misdemeanor for a President of the
United States to tolerate a female pardon-
broker in the White House, or to make a
speech to a rebel mob, accusing Congress of
treason in resisting his plans of admitting
Representatives of the public enemy with
whom wo are at war, into the nation’s coun
cils f If not the word misdemeanor is sur
plusage in the Constitution. Whether it is
practicable to impeach the President, nnd
what would be the consequences of his im
peachment, we leave to future discussion.—
-Wc believe we have shown that on the sim
ple merits of liis action ho deserves to bo im
peached by the House of Representatives,
tried before the Senate, convicted and remov
ed from his office for treason, bribery, and
other high crimes and misdemeanors,”
From tho Northwestern Presbyterian.]
The Great Social Problem
Letter From R. J. Breckinridge, D. D.
Touching the great problem of the black
race in this country, and especially In the re
volted States, I trust we may consider the first
step in its,solution in effect attained; its re
lease, namely/from hereditary slavery-. After
that, every additional step is full of difficulty;
and chiefly for the reason that no other step
would beneccessarv on the part of the nation
or the National Government, after the besto w-
ment of freedom, if the slaves were of the
same race with their masters, and with the
American people. Race, I mean, not in the
sense of original creation, but of those im
mense personal and national difterences, whose
origin is more remote than the dawn of pro
fane history, and whose influence has always
bceii more potent than any civilization yet
attained, or any human interests or in
stitutions yet exhibited. In the order of
Providence, and in tho course of nature, as
disclosed by tbe past, and as declared by
God, we must accept, as incontestibly certain
these following facts, namely:
First, That these differences between the
few chief races—for example, tho white and
the black races—are permanent, and their ef-
ly issue, i.i.y Mr. Johnson, for the Creating
provisional governments, and the forn-
of republican constitutions and gove-n- ''
under them in tl e subjugated State* r
power assumed in the demand, as exUtir-
i'.r I {resident, and which lie wiwlv r ,
any office whatever; nor to th ■ Con-V ■
the United States, unless these States beg!
despotically reduced to mere Territories-
to the whole people of the United State* ?
til they shall be first con-idered compttJ
to make for themselves a despotism--^
shall actually make it—in which both f
States and tlie existing form of the nuL
would be extinguished, nnd all suffra^ ,
conic a farce. Tlie power to make
constitution for a free State—much morea
power to amend an existing constitution j
an existing free State—is by our system
by the Federal Constitution, a power lncsn.
soverign—paramount and uncontrollable,,
cept by the Constitution of the United Sta-"
And it is only under the provisions aad
antics of that national Constitution tin-
citizen of one State has the rights that'
possesses in another State, and tfie.t the P^
dent can interfere,either in war or
peace, wj,
fects, whatever they may be, incapable of
being surpressed or evaded. Secondly, That j probabliTin itself. Nor, if the relative
the common affairs, much less with the
ed rights, ah ledst of nil, with those
rights of every State, without which lifer
is impossible. The claims I am controvg
ing do, in effect subvert both of our gra,
principles of double governments and p 0 p
lar sovereignty, without which our KbS
system of freedom and greatness is futile a;,
impossible. Moreover, if the power claim
belonged to the president, lie could hard
perform an act more ruinous to the emnr^
pated slaves than to exact it, as has been <j*
manded of him; nor one more fatal to t
hopes of cordial union among tlie Americj
people, or more destructive to any party tfe
should sustain him in it. Its political eff«*
would be incalculable, both upon locals
national parties, by tlie sudden creation"
four or five hundred thousand new voten.
a different race, the great mass of whom n
wholly unfit for such a trust, and would b
certain to constitute an element of vital a*
perpetual disturbance, and to fall under t]>
habitual direction of whatever party was act
interested, most active, and most’unscn;;-
lous. When it is considered thnt the sl*n
holders have everywhere controlled the not
slaveholding white vote, many times acr
numerous than their own, the notion that tb
local white vote cannot control a black to*
over the whole South, not equal to itself ;
numbers, may turn out to be as futile as :'
control of that vote by a non-resident psr
of extreme opinions would be disastrous.
In white communities, where the numb;
of free persons of African descent is comp»
tivcly very small, and very superior to th
average of their race, it is riot surprisit;
though it is far from general,that they shot
be invested with this great privilege, no
demanded for all of them, everywhere. Ki ™
if any State sees fit of its own accord to oi
this inducement to the settlement of the bln;
race in its bodies,can anything be said agate
IN legal right $ do so. .That any State,"
to itself, will ever bestow suffrage on a r
of slaves of a different race, suddenly set
by a paramount authority, anil nearly e.
in number to tlie best of its inhabitants, i;
event that will hardly be witnessed in
world. That in any State where slavery
er existed, or where it lias long ceased to
ist, a white race, both cultivated and predot-
inant, will ever give suffrage of its own:I
cord to a black race resident with it, eq:
to itself in number, and greatly beneath it
civilization, is an event contrary to the cl
mon judgement of mankind, and wholly
if they could be absolutely and universally
abolished, they would, upon supposition of
the unclian^eablencss of God, or the stead
fastness of the course of nature, re-establish
themselves. Thirdly, That so far as we kqow
no advantage to the human race would re
sult from the destruction of all of them, and
all of their effects, in our present State of
being, beyond what is at present attainable.
Most assuredly it does not become us so to
delude ourselves bn this great occasion as to
esteem as insignificant the force of that spirit
of race, and its immediate product, the spirit
of nationality, which has just borne us in tri
umph through a struggle so. gigantic* nnd
upon which we rely for the complete restora
tion of the brotherhood of the whole nation.
Nor ought we to shut qur eyes to so many
other remarkable events in our own country,
and to innumerabl phenomena in the cur
rent history of our times, nil pointing in the
same direction. The original enslavement of
the African race on this continent is other-'
wise inexplicable; the whole fatal history of
the native inhabitants of this Western Hemis
phere, from its discovery to this day, attests
the same pregnant truths ; and their cotem
porary manifestation, in this country and all
others, in the treatment of Asiatic colored
races, show how broad and durable they are.
Indeed, no historic age lias more distinctly or
widely exhibited the influences I am illustra
ting, and their profound relation to human
nature, than the one we live in.
I The basis of difference in race, nationality,
and tendencies, now so deeply agitating Eu
ropean populations, are not comparable to
those which distinguish the great races in
America; yet those European populations
become more agitated by those differences,
such as they arc, not in proportion as they
arc enslaved, but in proportion as they n/e
enfranchised; and the hope of liberty there,
as everywhere, has no foundation more se
cure than this profound and enduring spirit
of race. If. as I suppose, it is the involunta
ry recognition of those everlasting realities
which make us fee 1 that somethingmore than
even the great gift of freedom may be need
ful for this unfortunate black race among us,
tion of the parties was exactly reversed,m.|
tlie result be different; because the ins"
of mankind are more permanent by far t
the caprices of enthusiasm, and wiser by i
than the extreme , conclusions of ddushl
theories or of party spirit. Secured in i
great gift of freedom, protected in the gra
rights of person and the rights of propel
four millions of slaves will have receivcd-
God continues to smile on our endeavors-:
instalment of blessings infinitely rich,
these blessing be enjoyed and approved, a
wasted and risked in the agitation of
mauds which have no foundation in reasc
in experience, or in public necessity, c
which arc attended with many perils, andi
hope of true success.
There arc, as I luivc said before, consida
tions founded upon tlie universal loyalty
this unfortunate race,and their uniform lea
ness to our people when in trouble and dans
during the war, vfliicli, added to their h.
lessness, appeal to the American people m2
powerfully in their behalf And certak
there has been no shortcoming, on the p
ot the people or the public authorities, in :
temjiting all that seemed to promise tl-
advantage, with liow much wisdom and},
cess in mo.-t instances, or with how mud
be deplored, condemned, or even punis".
in others. I shall not now inquire. The gs
danger of this people is, that they will grad,
ly waste away in the struggle they have w
to make in competition with tlie stronger r»
for the means of existence ; a danger ins
face of which exorbitant and unprecedeas
claims in their behalf are as mclanchi)!;-'
they are preposterous. There are, hov
alleviations of this danger, possibly effect
securities againt it. The most obvious onT
to secure for thcnl the sympathy and comM
non’of thfe stronger race, especially in si
region where most of them dwell. Anotf
is their proper education, not for a futile c
test for equal participation with the w!s
race in the uftimate sovereignty, but for <
curing the means of comfortable exist-.-j
and acquiring the habits, advantages,
virtues of a free, well ordered, and stwsj
advancing civilization. IF, by any me
Ictus at the same time be tolly aware that I the woole black race could be thinly distri
anything attempted to be done for them,
even in a perfectly lawful way. in disregard
of the fundamental aud decisive fact that
they are a black race, and of the peculiar ten
dencies and instincts of tiiat race as compar
ed with ours, is infinitely certain to work
them no good, and may work both them and
us incalculable harm. And it will lie all the
worse if what is done cs attempted outrages
tlie tendencies, tlie instincts, the feelings, or
even tlie long-descended prejudices of this in-
comparably superior white race, amongst
whom their lot is cast. For myself, I desire
for every race of men every blessing that man
can enjoy, and for every countiy all that is
possible of good ; but ray own country is un
speakably dear to me above all others, and I
prefer my own race cut of all comparison
with every other race. I cannot tell but it
may be the will of God, seeing He has used
first the Asiatic dark races, and then the Eu
ropean white races, as repositories of His in
finite gifts and mercies to mankind, to use,
finally, the African black races in n similar
glorious Way. But to suppose that in doing
this lie will make the black race and the white
race essentially one,or essentially alike, or will
strip either of them of its essential peculiar
ities, which arc tlie very basis of its destiny,
high or low. is to reverse, absolutely, every
lesson we can draw from all that He lias hith
erto said and done.
There lias been for some years a party in
this country which was understood to de
mand the absolute enfranchisement of the
black race, and its political and social equali
ty witli tlie white race amongst ourselves. I
have pointed out the great mistake of sup
posing it was the teach ing of tiiis party which
produced the national attempt to abolish sla
very by an amendment to the Constitution.
The present endeavor on their part is to re-
alize the. equality originally demanded for
the black race, by securing it as a condition ,
of restoration in each of the revolted State.- :
It is giving the power oi the highest 1 in particular, that tbe right of suffrage shall
officer of the Government to the public ene
my during a state of war, and is as much
worse than tlie treason of Benedict Arnold as
tlie otlicc of President is higher than that of
Major General. We believe, therefore, that
tlie President -Jiould lie impeached for high
treason for ids attempts by his message, liis
vetoes, and other pfficial acts, to secure the
admission of representatives in Congress from
States and communities with which he con-
iven to the liberated slaves by the Presi
dent, as a preliminary in tlie reconstruction
of society in the subjugated States, and shall
be secured in the State constitutions, as a
condition, without which they shall not be
recognized as States or admitted into the
Union. It is to be remembered tiiat nothing,
of this sort is contained in the proposed
amendment to the Constitution. Nothing
like it is found in the platform of tlie party
cedes that the Government is still at war.— j which elected Mr. Lincoln for the first tim -,
A second ground of impeachment, named in ' or that which elected him tho second time,
the Constitution, is bribery. It is not essen-; Nothing in any act of Congress. Nothing in
Itii.i to bribery tiiat the bribe shall be paid to any one of thejnuinerous proclamations late-
ted over the Unised States, in tlie ratio c\
whole aggregate to that of the white
that is, about one black to seven or
whites—a third alleviation of the niosttk
ening difficulty might be considered wells
secured, wherefore anything tending in'-1
direction is important.
On the other hand, if these, two raccsce^
be separated territorially from each other,4
each bd i-n:i! ltd to dtra in itself freely.
out disturbance from the pressur • f;
other, a solution, tin- mo-t benefioMRt
ivoukl be obtained. In this light, aj f
as many others, the American coloni, -
blacks on the west coast of Africa, deserul
be ranked among the highest i-nt-rrr:- -j
modern times, And I may be allowed
this occasion, to reiterate wliat I have usfj
so long—that a powerful and civilized :
within tlie topics has been tltc one cryin?"'
cessity of the human race from the dw?
history; and that for us, and for the
race, the creation of such a Suit'. 1
American descendants of that race hj|
highest form in which that great :
can be supplied. Out of these various i
gestions, looking in all directions, we
hopefully conclude tiiat the difficulty
tin-case will not be found to exceed •;]
sources, if we will address ourselves to :
cter duties He before us, with candor, *|
patience, and wisdom, and zeal, trust®*,
God. Tlie oldest living opponents a.
terrible system of hereditary .-lavery. •
once prevailed everywhere aniorgs; ■ I
tlicir best hopes had been often defeat-' ■■ I
the system of slavery hud been appant-jF
tablished without present remedy j
many States, have at last, from an iR’. 1 -'
ed quarter nnd in au unexpected Kap
ils sudden and total overthrow, and oo I
joice in tho hope o!" its early and - p
"legal extinction. Confusion, disord 1 ’;-.
misery must not be flic final result 0 ,
lime retribution. Extravagance, anar-'y'- ,
violence cannot lie the method by I
blessings are to be seeured.
FROM TEXAS.
Galveston, April 1.—Cotton i> B P .
promising. Silk cotton is approxim- 1 •• I
Sea Island, which is largely planted.
is depressed, but wheat prouii-es tut ■
crop ever reaped. The exports ot
immense. The people talk of ;i; '
and trade, and arc indifferent alu' ut '•
57“Tho Hartford Times makes b -
majority in the btntc 410. Nothin;-'
official count will settlo the figures.