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THE GEORGIA WEEKLY TELEGRAPH
iirovriiis^'lofliliuL rlcftrapl]
[gsr In nn argument in favor of negro snf- tmded ns a ££n«ire ofjtlws sentiment
ffage,-Wendell Phillips »nyg: “Dteffiiactifog- tfa following! " . . ,. .. ,
fifty per cent, to Ills -We believe the peopfo^^-Nwfr “
J 1 sire such ah amendment. They would glad
eee representation based on colors instead <
is landed on imputation as heretofore: heeaute it would
«them a relative inc reate of power,<nj dimin-
the rejmesentation of the Southern
fg*wo boat loads of Fepi
«C^nd£kij4nd. <fnnada|«fc>r</day night, give
anocxch used several shots 'with the
BfflBlE TWPSBfi-h'tW slcmnerTiiger ap
lieiml in «j^undd«FiHiutUdl it °* >
Discontinueil—T£c.ti#rct to sec that the
‘‘South Cnroliainn” published at Charleston
S. C., F. G. DeFontaino and W„'Gilmore
Simms, editors, aud thsTfDelta^iftfc i!»ew ° r *
, leans, liar* lioth been discontinued from want
• «fj>atiwii«$e.' ;
. jjggn In appointing the Board of Visitors
to the” exattnnarion of West Point caifets, in
June, the Preadent has adjected, besides gen
tlemen from other States, one each from Vir
ginia, Florida, Tennessee and Texas, and one
from Mississippi and Arkansas.
The President has approved the Post
Office Appropriation bill. The aggregate
amount for inland service is $18,3’’7,500.—
Besides this $1,300,600 is appropriated for
the transportation of mails to Brazil, Japan,
China, and by sea to California.
_ In the House ot Representatives a few
days ago, Mr. Myers made an attempt to get
photographers classed so ns to pny taxes up
on the receipts -of itheir business instead of
using stamps upon their work. Ho was not
successful, but will probably carry his poiut
before the bill is-completed.
Scott’s Monthly.—We learn that Major
J. R. Barrack is to assist in the editorial
management of the above excellent innga
zinc. Maj. Bar rock is one of the most grace
ful writers in the South, in prose or verse’
and will prove a valuable acquisition to a
now popular journal
The Emperor Napoleon.—The late dec
laration of the Emperor of France, iu refer
cnee to the affaire of Europe, is said by M.
Drouyn de L'Huys, in an interview with the
Embassadors of Russia and Englind, who
asked for an explanation-of its meaning, to
have been a pure theoretical discussion of the
necessity to reconstruct the map of Europe.
Could not Stand Them.—Even the Ten
nessee Senate has become nauseated and re
ject the radical measures of Browidow. Un
der the recent Act authorizing him to appoint
Police Commissioners, he nominated to the
Senate Mr. Davis, a resident, ar.d two ex-
Fcderal officers from the North naned Brown
and Sparling. Tho nomination cf Mr. Da
vis was unanimously confirmed; Cupt. Brown
was rejected by a vote of seven to twelve,
and Dr. Sparling by a votcof six iti thirteen.
We are glad to see that the Tennessee Senate
has a •*«o*aeti.
A
_ Bankrupt Law.—Whatever relief a
“National Bankrupt Law” is likely to afford
the unfortunate men of this countty who arc
down with a heavy load of debt r.pon their
shoulders and want to get np agate, Congress
is about to afford to all classes. The action
ofthe House of Representatives on Wednes
day must have sent a thrill of joy through
tho hearts of thousands of insolvent debtors.
That body by a vote of ayes 08, nays 59,
NORTHERN SECTIONA L
AND SELFISHNESS.
Mr.
Tier, ft
1
Ribt-rt prfle'Owcn, ftfa letter njc
tVrlafSd i h*r'^h^North f ool
.one-® tl/c- wtft to-nK>rrow^totierjthan
the inequality of rip rosentat mu iu pnv-j
tanperswhBh lM GonstiSudfcn ,n«w
th^Bouthem’St.W-i in conisquence U>f tli
destruction slavery.
In a comment of tb^ew ^ ork Timet,
in
of
of
the
the
Tbq Ncty ^erfc .Tiros* is tlije Representative
of the liberal, conservative euatiineat of the
Northern States. ’ We may, therefore,
take it for granted that its opinions of what
is right and \fting in the present distractctl
stafe ofthc country, as a means of restoring
constitutional ^rfxwty i^ud, popular Iiarpiony,
is tho very utmost- that; the 5outh bps a right
to expefet. The Timet, too, w extremely sen
sitivc on the course of Southern jour
nals, and qever fails {S' rebilke an
travagant utterance or * bold opinion
which it deems inimical to n speedy
reunion. Even resistance to manifest wrong
has become objectionable in its eyes, lesi
encouragement should be given to tho Radi
cals, a party against which it writes much
but for whose odious measures the editor,
who is a member of Congress, seldom fails to
vote. .
Now, if the Times be sincerely desirous
reunion, in fact and sentiment, between
people of tbe North and the people of
South, in what light, we nsk, docs it expect
ns to regard the policy laid down for our
future basis of representationIn the article
quoted from, it gives a manly defense of re
presentation according to population, main
tains that it is in strict accordance with the
constitution framed by our lathers, that
have lived and prospered under it, and that
until now no man lias raised his voice against
it—in fact that it is right in principle and just
in its operation. Yet, it openly declares that
tlic people of the North desire a change,
that they would overrule tho just
and equitable system devised by
framers of the Constitution and hitherto
acquiesced in and approved—and for what
reason ? Is it because the change of the ba
sis from imputation to voters would be just ac
cording to any wise and established theory
of government ? Nay, far from it. Tho im
portant considerations which should alouc
claim the attention of the patriot, and inspire
his action, have nothing to do with the mat
ter. They are left entirely out of the account,
and a selfish, advantage-seeking and unfriend
ly motive set up as an argument in favor of the
change. Wo are frankly told that the North
desire such a change, “because it would give
them a relative increase of poicer, by dimin
ishing the representation from tho Southern
State*."
Now, we submit to the Times, and to the
Northern people, if such a motive as this be
worthy of brethren and confederates? If we
are to live together and maintain the spirit
of brotherhood, why would they avoid
union on equal terms? Being numerically
inferior, even counting the negro population,
and consequently possessing fewer votes in
the national councils, why is it that the
Times would increase the inequality ? What
motive has it, wbatflarling purpose to accom
plish, in which it fears tho power of the
South ? Do they wish to change the Govern
ment itself and establish a central despotism
at Washington ? If not, why fear the South,
which has ever been the firm advocate of a
passed a bill establishing a “national system „
of procedure and discharge in cases ol stnet construction of the Constitution, and,
bankruptcy.” There is every probability of consequently, can never be regarded asag-
ite passing the Senate and speedily becoming ^ rcmarkablc wbat very e xtraordi-
a law of the land. nar y apprehensions the Northern papers and
— nary ajjprencusiuua
National Banks.—A correspondent raises people entertain of tho power of the Southern
one serious objection to National Banks as gt^s even in their ruin and degradation,
depositories—the absence of security to the Theft- whole policy would seem to indicate
depositors. This is clearly true under the tb at ^jj e y regard us os a lion with suspended
law authorizing those institutions, ns we un- animation, and that if the restorative prin-
stand it. Depositors must rely on the known ci pj e g bou id bo applied and the monarch
character for integrity of those who have the resusc itated, the entire Northern States would
management of such institutions, and if this be crashed between its capacious jaws. They
is not satisfactory, why they are under noob- ba vc drawn our teeth, and now insist on exj
ligation to trust tlicir money to them. Happi- trading our claws and even clipping our
ly, in this city wo have the amplest guaran- n ,anc, lest we should rise from our lowly bed
! n iLta novitAllYow t on/1 in fnof tl’ft m n V ... , I* Of • . 4-
tecs in this particular; and in fact we may
say that throughout the State of Georgia,
where parties are disposed to mismanage such
a trust, there is ample restraint staring them
In the face in our criminal code. After all
there can be no perfect security where men
are disposed to be dishonest.
Rejuvenation.—Anna Cora Ritchie, in a
letter firom London, soys: “The faded beau
ties who cling to their vanished charms have
taken great interest in the sudden rejuvena
tion of Miss Burdett Coutts, under :1k> hands
of tho wonderful ‘Restorer’ Madame Rachel.
Miss Coutts, it is said, had to pay £400 be
fore she commenced the baths wi :h which
the process of rejuvenation begins. After
going through the regular course of treat
ment, Miss Coutts dawned upon the fashiona
ble world with tho ‘layers of sone twenty
birthdays’ rolled off from her per ion. Her
hair not dyed, but restored, and growing
anew; her defective complexion dear and
soft—the lines which tell such tab* of the
workings of the human heart anil human
brain smoothed out, and the imprtu of time
suddenly effaced from her general appear
ance.”
NATIONAL BANKS.
Editor Macon Telegraph: I am p U ased with
the lucid and logical manner in wh.eh the U.
S. Treasurer, F. E. Spinner, explains the se
curity and safety of the bill holders of our
National Banks. I never doubted tho safety
of the bill holder. Tho system is t ie best we
ever bad in that respect; but there is an ob
jection that is fatal to tho whole scheme. No
depositor has one dollar security, not
even tho personal liability of the officers of
these Banks. .....
Now, Mr. Editor, who will loin you and
me money without security, and without in
terest ? Yet thousands of our shrewdest bus
iness men will deposit their money, for tgje
leeping in these National bubbles, with no se
curity at all, and no remedy in case of failure
of the hank in which he deposits his money,
for the banker has given all the security he
had for his bills. And further, tho present
hanking system offers a premium to swiml'
lei’s. A roguo has only to deposit at ash-
ington $100,000 National bonds, and receive
$!*0,000 in bills, open a bank, get $150,000 in
deposits, inoro or less, pocket his bills and
deposits, exchange them for gold, and re
tire to some safe place and spend the balnnco
of liis life in comfort and affluence. "Will
you please ventilate the system sad save in
nocent depositors.
Clark eson.
with some sort of offensive powers at our
command. These fears are as cowardly as
they are unjust, whilst they show, on tho part
of the Northern people, anything but that
candor, good faith and equity without which
any union between the two peoples will be
but a mockery of confederate alliance and
harmony. , . ,
We now tell the Times, and those whom it
represents, that whilst the South is in the
Union, it will never be represented in Con
gress, or enjoy any other constitutional right
or privilege, if tho price to be paid be a sac
rifice of her dignity or self-respect Wc must
livo on terms of perfect equality, or consent to
be held together by the cohesive power
of force. Wo will obey your unequal laws,
pay your unjust tribute, promptly, because
you have tho power to compel us; but never,
so long as brave hearts beat in Southern bo
soms, will we submit to degradation and seal
it with our approval. We are ready to meet
you as Equals, ns brethren and friends; but as
masters, never. You may talk and write as
you please about “the just supremacy of the
North,” but it is a supremacy that can only
bo asserted at the point of the bayonet In
moral and intellectual greatness and power,
we need only refer to you in proof that our su
premacy is recognized anil conceded. But we
ask no supremacy, no inequality; we demand
but justico and equal rights under a written
Constitution, and except through force of
arms, we will acknowledge no other govern
ment.
A Curious Fact.—There is a rather amu
sing article in the Scientific Opinion on the
“Proportion of the Sexes.” It says:
The changes which have taken place in
various countries in tlic proportion of the
male to the female portion of the population.
f resent a curious problem. In England and
ranee the excess of females is repidly in
creasing ; while in Austria the contrary is
the case. In Austria the diminution of fe
male births has been continual and increas
ing since 1830; at present it amounts to 3-10
per cent. In six years, a rate which, if con
tinued for two centuries, would leave few
women in the country. In England, as is
well known, the change is progressing in the
opposite direction. Strange also, that there
should he more female births in towns than
in rural districts.—Letter from Paris.
—An effort was made on the eve of the
funeral in Mexico city of the late Henry W.
Allen, cx-Confedcrate Governor of Louisiana,
to have the coffin borne to the grave covered
with a Confederate llag; hut, owing to the
firmness of tlic United States Consul at tlic
japital, this demonstration was abandoned by
the friends of the deceased.
N
R E CfcO N &JL I AT I O
SElBETAiy SEWARD'S SPEECH
F'elitictt! Condition of tlic Country,
WHAT HASBEENEFFECTED TOWARDS
RESTORATION.
,*5il
mHAT REMAINS TO BE DONE.
f firm IgnitifoH JcmsminoO
Secretary Seward addressed an immem
meeting of tho citizens oCAii^um, nsscjojil'
in Coming Hall, on Tuesday evening^ The
. Cting w a •• organ!/' .1 T.y Yhe appoint:'.:
Major Power US’ Prcsjc^flpt^.'with
Yice-President&.. X committee of three was
appointed to wait upon Mr. Seward and con
duct'him to tho hall.
Mr. Bowftrd was reCeivbd with enthusiastic
applause, and proceeded tri UddressTUe audi
ence as follows:
STv Good Friends : Your kind' fmpdrttini-
ty will not avail jne as an excuse .for speak
ing, if I ought to keep silence. Perhaps,
however, the solicitude which pervades the
country may justify us all in conversing upon
political questions in a candid and patriotic
spirit. Wo were together here in October
last. The national condition has undergone
some material changes since that time. We
were then on the verge of a series of elections
tlironghout the States. The leaders who so
pertinaciously claimed to be Democratic or
ganized with their customary machinery and
ovations. They had wisely ceased to de
nounce os a failure the war for the Union,
which had at last become a glorious success.
They’ thought to undermine the distinctive
party of the Union by affecting a new-born
admiration for its chief, Andrew Johnson.
They seemed anxious to prove their devotion
superior to ours by committing themselves to
support him ns a candidate for the Presidency
in 1808. They inscribed our Administration
mottoes of reconstruction upon their newly-
wrought banners, and re-organizing their
straggling lines as well as they so hastily
could, they vehemently charged on fora par
tisan, not a patriotic victory. What led
the Democratic leaders to make this change
striking, I may call it the mar-
find noMkrfcshabe; t«» darken this pleasing
pictwe. Irrcj’iilar.t'us every human
work, and the teles/'''!''' rt ' vl ' :1K fo dark
spots evfii i>n the glowing sun. In view ol
this rap: -, pr. mis- of peace and reeon-sHia-
tion v.-c might well exp et fo find the country,
if not Icon tented, yet cheerful and liojjefui,
as/ \\e'.! .is’ en-.teVul to Almighty God.—
Such, ind.-ed.'lconceive to he the real state
of the public Kind. Many citizens arc un
prepared to acropt the improved situation of
erfairs. Political zeal gives up reluctantly its
contests over the dead past, and stretches
morbidly forward to catch tlic omens of an
uncertain future. This habit of epprehen-
-ion is natural enough, and has its .cautionary
Us6s. : But, on the other hand, conscience,
reason, and judgment are the only practical
* Mmau conduct Wp arc required
iscard this guidance, and to be-
■ ■ country'. North and South, East
and West, is in a paroxysm of turbulent ex-
vcllous phenomenon, which was just then
exhibited on the scene of the recent rebel
lion. The whole disloyal community in that
blighted and desolated region, accepting the
conditions of partial amnesty and the invita
tions to returning allegiance which were
proclaimed by the Administration, all at
once renounced the principles, practices, and
policy of secession and disunion, tendered us
a new covcuant of loyalty sealed with their
oaths, and brought forward with alacrity the
remains of their"long cherished institution of
slavery, and cheerfully threw them to be
burned upon the Constitutional altar which
they had so newly restored. These unex
pected changes in the attitude of political
adversaries, once so obstinate, naturally
enough excited suspicious, jealousies, and
apprehensions among the loyal and tried
Union men. It was the old case of William,
of Orange, who, having in civil war put
down the torics, afterward found it necessary
to cede to repenting Jacobites and Papists
the right of citizenship. It is the case which
has ever occurred, ami which must evermore
occur, as the end of a successful resistance to
rebellion. How could Democrats and rebels
citement, menacing, near or remote, some new
and fearful revolution. I think that all these
fears are born in apprehension and uninten
tional exaggeration. The feature of affairs
which disturbs the public mind is a supposed
divergence between the President and the
Representatives in Congress of tlic Nationnl
Union party, from which lie and they hnve
derived their respective hut co-ordinate pow
ers. I .ngree that It is altogether easier nffd
altogether more desirable that the work of
reconstruction, so happily begun and so suc
cessfully prosecuted heretofore, shall be con
tinued and ended under the auspices of the
National Union party, and of the President
and Congress as the representatives of that
party. I agree, therefore, that it would be a
sad misfortnne if divergence between the
President ancl Congress should work a decline
and downfall of the National Union party.—
It fa dear to me, for I am identified with its
rapid rise, its majestic progress, and its glo
rious work. Both tlfe President and Con
gress might well expect to lie equally involved
in the calamity which should dismiss the
Union party from the national councils, and
see with mortification tho great responsibili
ties, to which the party had in that case
prored itself unequal, assumed and dis
charged by some new and yet undeveloped
political organization. But President, Con
gress, statesmen, and parties are of no real
account, in my estimation, when weighed
against tho national life. The national life
lately hung on the issuo of victory won in
war. It now hangs on the issue ot reconcili
ation in peace. The nation must live. It must
live forever, whether it receive the needed
care in any emergency at the hands of
one President, Congress, and party, or
at the hands of another. I reasoned in
this way about the triumph of tho war.
reason in the same way now In regard to re
conciliation and peace. I expect that a year
hence I shall be found to be right now as I
am now admitted to have been right one
year, two years, three years ftgo. I do not
think, however, that there is any necessity for
separation between the President, the Con
gress, and the party of the Union. I admit
that the jealousies and suspicions of the last
summer were only temporarily allayed, not
extinguished, by the elections of November.
They have been sedulously cherished and in
creased until they have revealed themselves in
inflammatory debates in the press and popu
lar assemblies. ' I admit that the Nationnl Un
ion party in Congress has, ns yet, been unable
either to accept or reject the councils of the
President A wide aud enduring separation
cannot, however, be made between Congress
and tbe President without having for its
ground a serious difference upon some cardi
nal political question. At tiiis point it will
lie well to settle for yourselves what it is that
we desire to see effected bv the President
uuable to agree among themselves 'upon the
form of such an ammendment, the President
says : “Let us amend the Constitution so as
to proportion representation according to suf
frage.” Theso seem to me to be tlic only es
sentials of reconciliation. Two ! of them are
already secured by the unpresented States in
in their eonstitufions. The tliird is
a work of time,- requiring the action of
threc-fourtlis oT the Slates by amendment of
the Constitution. Why, then, the delay of<
reconciliation by Congress, when they agree
upon essentials ? With some it may be a mat
ter of temper. They ask, why should Con
gress be expected to agree with the President
Upon his plan, rather than he be ejected to
agree with Congress upon a plan to be origi
nated _by them ? I answer, because the Pres
ident has o-plnp, and Congress has as yet pro-
posed noqiy-ft^ lenstfe/ne >V*t is immediate
ly practicable. But in truth it 13 not a ques
tion which of the two, the President or Con
gress, has devised or shall devise a plan of
reconciliation. Neither the President nor
view and reverse their proceedings next j presents his credentials to the b<
winter. _ he has been elected, he ' offers hj,;
To this complexion the question of rccon- j other member does for a trial ui"
ci’.iation in Congress has come; or, if it lias tion of his loyally and pTlewiaac e
not already come to this'complexion, it must J It belongs to Cont
como before the present Congress shall expire.
Either loyal representatives, coming from
States that stand in an attitude of joyalty to
the Union, must now be admitted, or wc
have no reconciliation, except through an
appeal to the people in future popular clcc-
t onsT'lUpon such a question we may pa
tiently and hopefully await the final decision
of Congress. No CongrcsspI-think, could be
inconsiderate enough to leave the question in
that fearful shape. A failure of reconcilia
tion for an indefinite period would and could Tennessee and Arkansas have Cf
be nothing less than a practical abandon- months asking to have these oaths tenS
ment of the nation to the rebellion. It would -- —I - - Ilt| e
be disunion and revolution; it would be
Congress could arbitrarily devise and project
one m this case. We speak habitually and
, . * , • and Congress. Wc all agree that we desire
be converted to the support of a triumphant I Rn( , gcc j(Jst what this nation nceds nt thc
L mon Administration ? This was the ques- p resen t; juncture. We cannot accept less than
tion everywhere put by the zealous leaders of
the Union party. It was at that moment
that I answered that question by asking
others, viz: How could Democrats and rebels
avoid being converted ? Is it not their con
version that you contended for, and that you
now desire ? I cxprccsscd thc opinion that
the condition of pence, with its new respon-
sibitics, must henceforth be in good faith ac
cepted. I advised prompt and complete re
conciliation with tho restoration at once of
tlic Constitutional symmetry of thc Union.—
Rejecting thc ungenerous suspicion that the
rebels and their Democratic abettors were
only changing their political strategy witl)
traitorous purposes, I argued that with few
and marked exceptions they were now to
be received and accepted as fellow citizens
and brethren. I urged that this would be
safely done, if only the tried friends of
tho Administration, remning united and har
monious, and thus retaining their justly
acquired prestige, should themselves prompt
ly and magnanimously secure to the nation the
enjoyment of ardently desired peace and in
dispensably required prosperity. For a time
the friends of the Union acted upon that pol
icy. Thc elections everywhere resulted in the
defeat and overthrow of the Democratic or
ganization, and placed thc Administration of
Andrew Johnson beyond the reach of danger
at home or abroad. The work of reconcilia
tion has outrun expectation. Indeed, it has
never had a parallel in human affairs. With
internal commotions and disturbances less se
rious than those which sometimes attend pop
ular elections in a free country in a time of
profound peace, thc heretofore disloyal pco-
lie of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina,
Jouth Carolina, Georgia, Arkansas, Mississip
pi, Louisiana, Florida, and Texas have suc
cessively, nay, almost simultaneously, assem
bled and adopted new constitutions in con
formity with the Constitution of thc United
States. They upturned rebellion, with all its
far spreading roots and all its poisonous fruits,
and they accepted and ratified the then pend
ing Congressional amendment to thc Consti
tution of tbe United States which abolishes
slavery thenceforth forever. The people of
these States have at the same time chosen for
themselves, by free and uncontrolled suffrage,
Governors, Legislatures, judiciaries, and mu
nicipal authorities. Between thc Federal gov
ernment and these restored and reorganized
State governments there exists now a more
complete and practical harmony than has ever
before prevailed between thc Union and so
many of its members since it was first estab
lished. Within the same time thc Executive
Department of the United States has assumed
its functions among the people of these for
mer disloyal States. The State Department
speaks for them with their tree consent to
irincipalitics and powers. The Treasury col-
ccts the national imposts and taxes there. The
war department distributes its forces whenever
and wherever it seems necessary and expedient
to guarantee between the inveterate but fast
expiring factions. The navy of thc United
States rides freely in nil their reopened ports
nnd harbors. The Post Offico circulates
through every vein and artery there thc knowl
edge which is the revivifying blood of a uni
ted Republic. The Interior Department
pays pensions, protects Indians, sells lands,
nnd defrays thc expenses of judicial adminis
tration. The Attorney General prosecutes
traitors and other disturbers of thc peace
there before Federal courts. All thi3 has
been done with tbe active concurrence of the
people of those States, absolutely free from
military control, while tho army of the Uni
ted States, instead of being increased, has
been reduced from a million cud a half ot
men to some sixty or eighty thousand. The
expenses of the Federal Government have
been reduced from a million and a half per
day to a sum less than the daily receipts of
thc Treasury, the great, but in every sense
sacred debt of the Union, is already percep
tibly diminished. Foreign nations havo de
sisted from intervention, nnd assumed an at
titude ot conciliation and friendship. The
people of the lately disloyal States, desiring
to pass the last stage of restoration as speed
ily as possible, have chosen Senators to rep
resent them in the Senate, and members to
nnswerfor tliem in thc House of Representa
tives. Those Representatives arc daily wait-
g at thc Capitol. Through the loyal States
mlustry is more vigorous and effective than
ever before. In the lately disloyal States,
capital and la'ior, combining and operating
niler a free contract system, which to them
1 altogether new, are beginning with success
to obliterate the tracks of ruin and devasta
tion. I do not sa v that cavil and criticism can
present juncture. Wo cannot accept lei
this, because it would leave us still, if not a
desolated, at least a disturbed and distracted
country. We cannot require more now, even
if more were desirable. Yet that more is de
sirable, and must be the study and thc work
not of ourselves at this particular period, but
of ourselves and our successors hereafter.—
What, then, does the country actually need ?
Most persons say reconstruction. I
t needs no such f.liink : the country u
icted already. • It was constructed in
lS then constructed it was a Union of
—since multiplied to thirtv-six—tree,
parate, self-acting, and, in regard to
internal affairs, self-governing States.—
We do not reconstruct that which has
not been destroyed. There has, indeed,
been an attempt at destruction, hut it has
failed. Tho political system of 1787, con
structed by our forefathers, stands now firm
compact, complete, and perfect, just os it
came from the builders’ hands. It was con
structed not for eighty years only, nor yet for
a time of peace only, nor yet for a period of
civil war only, but for all alternating condi
tions of peace and war, and for all ages and
for all time. Others say what thc country
needs is the restoration of thc automony of
the nation. I think it needs no such thing.
We have passed that point. Tke Southern
States during four years were deranged and
disorganized equally in their constitutional
relations to thc Union. They have, however,
since that time reorganized. Their organic
powers and functions have been renewed,
and they have resumed their constitutional
relation of allegiaucc to the Uniou. What,
then, docs the nation need ? It needs just
what I have dwelt upon so much and so
earnestly in these remarks. It needs recon
ciliation, and just now needs nothing more.
It needs, moreover, a very little qf this. It
needs a reconciliation between thc Senators
of the United States who are now acting and
those Senators who, being loyal and qualified
for membership of the Senate, lia/c been al
ready or may hereafter be elected by the peo
ple of the several States which were lately
involved in the rebellion. It needs a recon
ciliation of the same kind between tho mem
bers of the House of Representatives who arc
now acting and loyal members already elect
ed or to bo elected by the people in thc same
before-mentioned States. * It needs just this
Congressional reconciliation, and nothing
more. Of course, I recognize thc fact that
the separation which exists between the
acting Senators and acting Representatives,
and those loyal Senators and Representatives
who are already or may hereafter be elected
in the Southern States, is understood to in
dicate a corresponding alienation between
the constituents of theso parties irrespective
ly; but this does not affect the views I have
taken of the case. It only shows that what
is wanted is reconciliation between thc alien
ated constituents as well as between sep
arated representatives. Let the reconcilia
tion be made first either in Congress or in
any of the constituencies, and it will follow
in the other place immediately. The coun
try exhibits at this moment this extra
ordinary and interesting phenomenon: a
nation of States, not only kindred, but allied,
yet hostile to each other. For such a con
dition mutual reconciliation is the only prac
tical remedy. We are prepared now to ask:
“What hinders the application of that remedy
in the Legislative councils ?” The President's
position is absolutely taken, well defined, and
universally understood. It is this, namely:
That so far and so fast ns the unrepresented
States present themselves in a loyal attitude
by representatives unquestionably loyal, they
are entitled to representation in Congress
equally with all other States, and just as well
as if there had been no rebellion. The repre
sentatives of thc National Union party in
Congress do not agree with thc President,
but I think they differ only in regard to non-
essentials. Some arc understood to insist
that the people of no State ought to reserve
the right of secession or disunion; the Presi
dent say3 exactly the same thing. A State
that should claim tc reserve a right of seces
sion could not be loyal. Others contend that
after rebellion a State ought not to be accept
ed which insists upon or readmits the validi
ty of the debts of the rebellion. Thc Presi
dent says exactly the same thing. A State
that should insist uoon the validity of such
that should insist upon _
debts could not be loyal. Others argue that
as a consequence of the abolition of slavery,
a change of the basis of representation has be
come desirable and necessary. This can be
done only by amending thc Constitution of
tlic United States. While Congress arc yet
even flippantly of the policy which tho Pres
ident supports, as if it were a plan that has
been conceived and framed in his own brain.
It is no such thing. It is a plan which grew
up as Topsey—grew out of tbe unavoidable
predestined change from war to peace. Wliat
was required was a form of reconciliation that
should be reasonably acceptable to both par
ties, while it should harmonize with return
ing loyalty and renewed allegiance in the
States which were involved in the rebellion,
and should, at the same time, secure all par
ties their exact constitutional rights. Their
present plan, like our republican system of
government, was devised by nobody in parti
cular, lint it presented itself at once to tbe
anxious thoughts of all parties concerned.—
The Constitution prescribes its chief details.
The other portions revealed themselves, as
inferior mechanism to thc engineer, to bring
the device into successful movement. Con
gress is to bo expected, therefore, to concur
with . the President, not in adopting a
plan which he has projected, but in
accepting with him actually existing over
tures of reconsideration in the form in
which they have occurred. I think that the
proceedings of Congress hitherto indicate,
not an ultimate disagreement and failure, but
only a procrastination, which, to the impa
tient, is inconvenient, and to the timid alarm
ing. Wc are to remember, however, the con
stitutional checks of legislation. Indeed,
Congress i9 designedly constituted so that it
shall not too hastily decide upon any meas
ure. Hence time is always found to be a
necessary condition of sate legislation. Thc
Senate counting only its actual members,
consists of fifty persons. They came from
twenty-five different States^ and individually
they are exponents of at le-ast five very differ
ent parties, and ot multiplied differences of
popular opinion prevailing in each of these
parties. The House of Representatives, while
it is more numerous, is constituted upon thc
same principle. No measure can lie finally
adopted by Congress until it has obtained a
majority c*f voices in each house, sitting and
discussing it in different chambers. The sen
timents, feelings, jealousies, prejudices, and
ambitions of tbeir constituents necessary and
justly influence, retard, and modify their de
liberations and their votes. To one who
should be a stranger to our system it must
seem more wonderful that Congress ever agree
upon any deeply exciting measure than it
would seem if they would fail to agree on a
plan ot reconciliation between constituencies
lately so widely divided in civil war. Delay
in any enterprise begets new difficulties and
embarrassments. There are some partisans
among us, misguided, Ithink.although honest
who deprecate an easy aud speedy reconcili
ation. One class ot these partisans think
that some conditions or forms of reconcilia
tion, other than those upon which tho pub
lic attention is fixed, are possible, essential,
and desirable. They advise Congress
to demand a concession by thc lately
disloyal States of a protracted disfranchise
ment of all persons who have been involved
in thc rebellion. On the contrary, there car.
be no reconciliation at all without amnesty
in large measure. Even the Diviuc Govern
ment does not ask sinners lo repent without
promising them forgiveness and restoration.
The Constitution, which is thc supreme law
of the land, does not authorize so sweeping a
disfranchisement. The class I speak of reply
to these arguments, that the rcliels cast off the
Constitution and became insolent belliger
ents ; that, therefore, they arc not citizens,
but conquered enemies. The advocates of
reconciliation rejoin, that, although the Con
stitution was in many of its provisions dis
placed or suspended in the disloyal States by
tlic war, yet it necessarily regains its absolute
authority on the return of peace. It takes
time to settle this new dispute. Another
class of politicians object that tho President
ought not to have recognized the plan of re
construction, but, 011 the other hand, that he
ought to have left it exclusively to the legis
lative department It belongs, however, to
the Executive to conduct war with thc means
furnished by Congress, and with the execu-
tiqn of all military powers not denied by the
Constitution and the laws of nations. The
tender of amnesty and pardon by tbe Presi
dent, and his invitation^to the rebels to re
turn to their constitutional relations, like thc
proclamation against slavery, were not for
bidden by any law of Congress or by the laws
ot nations.
Congress, nevertheless, retains and reserves
all necessary powers over the question of re
conciliation in theirreserred nnd indefeasible
right to determine the qualifications of mem-
members elected to the respective houses.
And another class of these partisans insist
that Congress shall secure the right of suf
frage for the African race in the States lately
involved in rebellion. Six months have been,
perhaps, not unprofitably spent in bringing
Congress to accept thc fact that tho subject
of African suffrage has only begun now to bo
debated, with no prospect that the assent of
a Constitutional number of States to art
amendment ot tbe Constitntion to that effect
could be in any way secured through any
form of action which Congress could adopt
at the present time. A fourth class of these
partisans arc so apprehensive ot renewed dis
loyalty in thc Southern States, that they
would prefer to disfranchise all the people of
those States and hold them in the condition
of subjugated provinces and territories for an
indefinite future period, rather than to accept
reconstruction on any terms. Six months’
reflection has not been unwisely bestowed by
Congress in reaching the conclusion that not
only would territorial or provincial govern
ment in one-fourth or one-third of the States
bo more impracticable in itself and more-in
consistent with the Constitution than any
other form of government, but that such pro
vincial or territorial government is, of all
others, thc most thoroughly incompati
ble with the existence even of the Fed
eral Union itself It was not until after
all those topics were expended that a
committee of Congress reached the point at
which they made by implication thc confes
sion that, rather than agree with the Presi
dent, it would be expedient and proper at
present to shuffle off the question of recon
struction altogether. Such I understand to
be thc effect of wbat is called thc “third sec
tion” in the first article of thc Reconstruction
Committee’s report and their supplemental
bill. They do not, however, in so many
words insist that reconstruction shall be for
ever denied, or even that it shall be indefi
nitely postponed. They havo reason for this
forbearance. Indefinite postponement in
Congressional action is equivalent to absolute
rejection. Pressed by this difficulty they
content themselves with recommending that
representatives in Congress and in the elec
toral colleges shall only be admitted upon
impracticable conditions, and in every case
that these representatives shall be excluded
until after 1870. But, on tbe other hand,
this Congress must adjourn some time this
year, and must cease to exist in 1803, tind
then be succeeded by another Congress. It
is seen at once, therefore, that the postpone
ment of reconciliation by this Congress at its
present session until 1870 is equivalent to a
rejection, so far as their own action is con
cerned, unless that, being enlightened by the
autumnal elections, they shall conclude to ra
tion of, his
m*b| or i T ' pi
I'-rtn of tii" . ! an ; the e\ id . ! ' I
dt. ’ i. In .. ■Cordan j- •
, ip..:,a:; : in vi v;o; . >. , |
' ' '» has heretofore establfth-d
one a general oath of fidelity and aIl C m\
tho other a special one, disavowing A 1 ,'
pudiatingall connection with •’
rebellion. These laws arc general, ■}>'
require every member fo subscribe to r
they are required to be, presented t 0 f
claimant to a seat, and yet the nienilw.V
denied. IF would seem that tlie^Sr
Mexican or French anarchy. The people ot justly denied only on the ground that in J
thc United States justly fear, abhor, and de- sdribing^ to thc oath tlie claimants *
test disunion,, revolution, and anarchy.— _ — --
Neither hope nor fear, nor auger._ nor re-
nor ambition, nor any height nor
venge,
depth, nor any other creature can separate
them from thi9 inherent life-saving love of
Union. The experience cf the war has
convinced tho rebels of this truth. It has
convinced tho whole outside world, and
it will not fail in due time to convince
all the people of the loyal States, and all
their loyal representatives in Congress,-
of the same great truth.' I can now
speak of another misguided class, who
love turbulence, and willingly sow the seeds
of discord. Those represent to loyal Union
people that the President has been, and is un
faithful to his party, and, of course, as they
represent, unfaithful to cardintd principles of
public policy which that party cherished.—
First, Congress proposed a bill to enlarge and
continue the Bureau which was established
during the war for the protection of freodmen
or emancipated slaves. The President with
held liis assent from the bill. It was imme
diately argued that thc President proposed
with unnecessary inhumanity and cruelty to
abandon the freedmen to oppression and per
secution by their former masters, and thus to
render positive tlic restoration of slavery. The
result of the discussion, however, established
in thc public mind a clear conviction that sla
very can never in nny case be renewed in this
to them foj ^subscription, and have (
commit a fraud and a- peijury. Not on!-' I
there a legal presumption to the conhd
but every intelligent man in the com m .
admits thc proved loyalty, fidelity r.nd
stancy of all the members who hire
from Tennessee and from Arkansas,
apology for thc denial is that, akln^h •
members now chosen are loyal, vot
might become disloyal after being admr
Is ft necessary to say that tbe same sc ’
fuge may.be equally resorted to in the
of every other member of Congress 1 ’
suspicion is illogical and unwarranted
Constitution. And even if itwere both'
stitutiouid and logical; Congress has still
reserved but absolute power to „
c
the member whenever he shall C
become unfaithful, nr. falter _j| t
legiance. The advocates of im
pressed by these facts, resort to the -
ment that although it is true that the r--.
sentatives who have come from Tennessee*
Arkansas arc loyal, and can meet consS
tiously and loyally every test which (W
has prescribed or can prescribe, andaltk .
they may be expected to remain loyal ti -
selves, yet that among those who liave c ■
from other unrepresented States there a
persons who cannot take thc test oaths *
are therefore properly held to be dislovt
The reply is obvious. Let all other diii t
claimants from other States be rejected;
ornny other Christian country; that tlic Freed- In any case admit tlie loyal representatirt.
men’s Bureau in a state ot peace is not only Tennessee aad Arkansas. Still Con gn * f
peace is not only
unconstitutional, but that it is desirable and
necessary only as a temporary measure during
the civil war and the transition from war to
peace ; that its organization, which was ad
equate during the war, is consequently com
petent during the transition from war to peace,
and that it has with his hearty cooperation a
legal duration for one year for all just, neces
sary, and practical purposes. Thc passage of
thc so-called Civil Rights bill constitutes a
second incident which the discordant seek to
improve. Besides the emancipation of the slaves
the complete abolition of slavery, the major!
ty in Congress deemed it necessary, constitu
tional, and wise to pass some law to counter
act supposed or apprehended legislation in
the lately disloyal States by which those States
might discriminate between white and color
ed citizens. The bill consists of two parts,
one of which declares that all persons who
are bom in the United States and owe allegi
ance to no foreign -power are citizens, with
out discrimination of race or color, and an
other which confers powers upon U. States
Courts nnd civil aud militaiy officers to op
pose and arbitrarily annul and defeat the le^
lslative and judicial proceedings of the States
in the administration of justice where the
equal rights of a particular class of person:
are alleged to be invaded. Thc President
withheld his approval from thc first part ot
this law, upon the grounds that was unne
cessary, in his judgment—nn abstraction open
to misconstruction. He disapproved of the
second part of thc law, because it was not
merely incongruous, but inconsistent with the
rights and powers which the Constitution ne
cessarily and wisely leaves to be exercised by
tlie several States. But he at thc same time
offered to concur with Congress in any con
stitutional measure which should be required
for the protection of freedmen in harmony
with thc fundamental principles of the Con
stitution of the United States. Con
grass adhered to its bill and it became
a law. The President could not forget—
I am sure I shall never forget—the
pestilential (ruits of the fugitive slave law
and the Dretl Scott dcscision. They were
invidious and onerous, because tliey^unuec-
essarily arrayed Federal courts and officers
in conflict with the authorities of thc States
upon questions of individual rights of prop
erty and liberty. There is no soundness at
all in our political system if the personal
civil riglrts of each member of thc State,
white or black, free-born or emancipated, na
tive-born or naturalized, is not more secure
under the administration of State govern
ments than they could be under the adminis
tration of thc National Government. Har
mony is essential to union, but harmony is
impossible to tlie citizens if every State is not
left free from constitutional intervention in
eludes tlie loyal grouping them in tbe ia|
ridi tin
criminate mass with the disloyal. This co/
of the opposition lias failed to be satisfac'-^K
and therefore new arguments must he
One of these is, that, although the prescntl ^
thejr civil rights by thc Federal Government.
Thc civil riglits bill relates on the late slave-
holding bill now, after slavery has ceased to
exist, the very aggressions which, through
thc fugitive slave law, thc Slave States com
mitted upon the Free States. I, for one, am
not proposing now, or ever, to carry sectional
ambitions into thc field of national legisla
tion. The President, nevertheless, acquiesces
in the law of Congress. How, then, shall lie
be condemned for infidelity to his political
principles or associations ?
The Colorado case ( is the third incident
which the discordant‘seek to turn to their
advantage. Five years ago Congress, in view
of the defection of thc eleven States which
were carried into the rebellion, authorized the
people of Colorado, then understood to be
40,000 in number, to form a constitution for
a State. The people, by a majority of three
to one, refused to accept the privilege. Last
year, when the people were reduced by etui
-thirds!*'
presentatives arc Io}-al, thc terms forwld wr-
they were elected will some day expire,; da'
they may be followed by disloyal success'ESt
The same argument would affect every sciv^H!
both Houses of Congress, because,
the constitutional presumption in fa-ori g* 1
irnl rut
loyalty in thc several States always nanj I np.
fi*
f
bo
good. Yet no one can absolutely goans
that any one State or district in the Una
States may not, at some future time, sa£
disloyal Representative. "Wc all seeds
that tlie question is not of wbat is past,
yet of what is future; judged by any st&r. J pife
of patriotism and loyalty, that the
Congress could accept some districts in p
ry State; and many of thc Spates Lave
times heretofore suffered themselves to
represented by disloyal men, and any one
all of them may consent to bo represented:
disloyal men hereafter. Thc only sure r
to guard against this imaginary dangenro
be to dispense with Congress altogether-
Thc advocates of dissension seem to irriv-.i
thc conclusion that our entire system ot 1
publican Government is an absurd failure.-
What, then, is my conclusion ? It is one, 1
least, that, will be permitted to iiarmoa
.with my past life. I am hopeful—hopeik
thc President—hopeful of Congress—hopd
of the National Union party—hopd
of tlie represented States—hopeful
the unrepresented States—'above all, hop
of tlic whole people, and hopeful of thc r
tinned favor of Almighty God. When I sir
return here from, the field of public terri
and shall come to mingle once more in j-
quiet anil peaceful pursuits, I desire and
then to be able to look with renewed if;
tion and pride upon our beloved countr.
hopo that then, while I remember how &
fully within our own time she has been le
besieged and tested, I shall nevertheless
able to say to all her enemies, at home as *
as abroad:
Compass her walls In solemn pomp—
Your eyes quite rouud her cast—
Count all her towers, and sec if there
You find c-nc stone displaced.
Ohio Democratic Convention [ it.
Columbus, May 24.—The State Deinociyj this
Convention Convention was very liarmooimH
to day, and accomplished its work with >; i
and enthusiasm. Thos. M Key, of Hank
countv, was nominated for Supreme Jud;
Col. Lcfener, Shelby county. Secretary
State, and Win. Larwill, of Ashland com
member ofthc Board of Public Works.
The following is the platforpi adopted:
Resolved, That the Democracy of Ohior
adhere in tlic future and present, as in:
past, with unaltering fidelity nnd firmness
the organization of tlie Democratic party*
to its ancient and well-settled principles, y-
enunciated by Thomas Jefferson, thc
apostle of American Democracy, and a* tj
knowlcdged and accepted by the party fa Slu.l
the foundation of the Government; and : w J r [
pecially to tlic principles of equal tax.n:: Qaj .
and of thc representation of all thc States
ject to taxation.
Resolved, That tlic one great question J aa|l
th 1 day is tlic immediate nnd uncouditH rec
restoration of ail the States to the exerciaj f or
their rights within thc Federal Union
the Constitution; and that, wc will cordii^B"
and actively support Andrew Jolmsmj **'- :
President of the United States in all ne w«!
ry and proper means to carry out his p j bra
of immediate representation in thc SenattH net .
gration to two
House of the eleven States from which
of their former number, I now unconstitutionally and arbitrarily »
a party without nny authority held an illegal j held, unless in the degrading condition^
election, and obtained a majority of one hun
dred and thirty-five, out of less than six thou
sand votes, for accepting the privilege of a
State government, which they had rejected a
year before. Congress passed a bill which
proposed their admission into the Union.
Thc President withheld his approval on the
"round that the few inhabitants of Colorado
Territory are already exercising all thc neces
sary and beneficent powers of self-govern
ment; that the late irregular election famish
ed only equivocal proof of their desire to
come into the Union; and that in principle,
communities having less than one-fourth of
the population required by law fer the elec
tion ot one member of Congress ought not,
without some extraordinary reasoD, to be ad
mitted to an equality of political power with
thc States which have a population four
times, five times, ten times, or one hundred
times greater.
The dissent by tlie President from the ac
tion of Congress, while it was clearly within
the province of the Executive Department,
was at the same time as just, as well consid
ered, and as loyal as tbe action of Congress
in-passing the bill. In two of the instances
mentioned, Congress, according to the forms
of the Constitution, have, or at least seem to
have, surrendered their own convictions and
accepted those of the President. Letflfce say-
now, that all three of these messages, in
which the President declines to concur with
Congress are purely extraneous instances, and
have no necessary or real bearing upon the
question of reconstruction. I think it may
be now assumed that the President has nei
ther sought, nor made, nor accepted any occa
sion for disagreeing from Congress; and that
so far as the purely incidental legislation to
which I have referred is concerned, lie was as
loyal to its principles and to the national
cause as Congress or any cf its members can
claim to be. The sowers of discord further
insist that the representatives who have come
from the unrepresented States arc actually
disloyal. It is agreed on all hands that dis
loyal representatives ought not to be in any
case admitted. Congress, however, lias the
constitutional right aud power to exclude all
such representatives, not only from the States
unrepresented, but from any other State,—
When, therefore, a Senator or Representa
tive from one of the unrepresented States
feriority in the Union, and negro poC-J
and civil equality enforced by the
Government.
Resolved, That for the purpose
forth, wc cordially co-operate in
meetings and at tlie polls with all men
out reference to past party positions,
honestly, and by their acts and votes, as
as by their profession, support the Prew®
in his policy of reconstruction, as no* -■
dared. II
Alter tho Convention adjourned, *°H
mense mass meeting was held, at
speech esj,verc made by Vallandigha®
II. Pendleton.
The Georgia Cotton Cases.—A
reference to tho seizure of a large
cotton in Georgia by Treasury agents ca®*l »
for hearing in tlie United States Circuit
in New York, on Wednesday last. Tlierl
tiffs, Mr. Dennistoun and others, who H ptohli
brought actions in the Supremo Court olj*
city, against Mr. Simeon Draper, cotton
for thc recovery of the property, aPP®’
by their counsel, to qnash a suit of certifr
by which the Government seeks to t*® _
the proceedings from the Supreme Cof j
the United States Court. The case is s' 1 - j
The Au8Tria-Mexican Troops.^^|
test telegrams by the Cuba mention *'
rumor that thc volunteers raising for »
would enter the Austrian army. 'V.V-*
when Austria is threatened not only ‘‘.'Vj
Fr*®**
sia but by Italy, also—if not by ; MB
would be the height of folly on her U'
be sending an army thousands of mik 8 -
It is no time to be popping up a trans a
tic throne, when the Harpsburgs nt '
ment may be called upon to defend tM ^
at home.
—Santa Anna lias made New YoA b-:
quarters, anil is living in a house --e
him in fifth Avenue.
—MamimHian has voluntarily et-
his expenses to $.700,000 per annum.
G eorgia, rib 3 county.—sixty;
( " Ti
date application will be ir.r.de to t- : j ..
Ordinary ot" said county, for leave to
wild ami scattered lands belor.aiit-’ - 1 ’
of George TV. Fort, late of said 0 «»:.'• •'
JOHN P. / L '
may22-£0d '