Newspaper Page Text
6
(ffforjiaSB tth hi Cclcttnifl?
fgT Mr. John Nelson, a prominent and
highly esteemed merchant of Augusta, died
* on Saturdny last.
Oglethorpe Insurance.—Tin- well-knovrn
portrait of tho illustrious founder of Georgia
which appears in our columns, suggests anew
the claims of the Insurance Company that
hears his name. As the tail business will soon
commence, we hope to see this home institu
(ion take the rank it deserves with our mer
chants and people generally.
Wedgwood’s Government and Laws of
THE U. 9.—In noticing this new work, a few
day* ago, wc omitted to state that Maj. L. H
McIntosh is the sale agent for the publishers
for tho States of Georgia, Florida and Ala
bama. Tho subscriIters in this part of the
State will rcceivo their books at the office of
the Telegraph, where new subscriptions can
also be made.
Notice to Papers—Some few papers arc
still advertising for me the Christian Index,
which I sold many months since, and so pub
lished that no more journals should insert my
advertisement. This is to announce that I
do not hold myself responsible for the bills
that may be run up against me by those who
copy the old advertisement, according to my
directions of last summer.
S. Boykin.
Exactly So.—It is not often that
teljf a disagreeable truth under the circum
stances, but nobody will hereafter question
Mr. Grinnell’s veracity, who, after getting a
sound caning from Gen. Rosseau. on the steps
of the capital, responded with a declaration
that it was “all right.'' Certainly it was
right, and wo hope your example will prove
-a lesson to other foul-mouthed blackguards
in Congress.
Watermelons.—The Ocala (Fla.) Banner
of the 6th mentions having seen the first load
of watermelons in that town on the day pre
vious. The Savannah Advertiser of Friday,
says: The first load wc have seen on our
streets was on Wednesday. They were sell
ingat $3.00 each—too strong for editorial
indulgence. Wc learn that our friend Luce,
of the Marshall House, with his usual deter
mination to secure all the luxuries of tl.e sea.
son, had* watermelons on his table at dinner
on Sundav last.
TnADE op the U. S.—The records of the
Treasury Depatmcnt show that for the year
ending June 80,1865, our trade with British
America is second only in magnitude to that
with Great Britian. Its aggregate was $00,-
190,603, while the commerce witii great Bri
tian was $335,700,263. The external trade
of the United States for 1865 consisted of
$330,768,330 exports, and $334,434,167, im
ports—an aggregate of $574,202,337.
Radical Opposition to the Paris World
Fare.—Senators Wade and Howard a few
days ago, made strong opposition in the Sen
ate to tho appropriation for the Paris Expo
sition. The grounds of their opposition were
that Louis Napoleon has evinced such un
friendly feeling toward this Government
that we could not, with proper self-respect,
participate in tho proposed exposition. Mr.
Wade denounced the French Emperor as a
robber-tyrant and despot, and unfit to be re
cognized either as a gentleman or a states
man.
Col. Forskey Before the Examining
Committee.—The answer given by this offi
cer to tbo question, “Please define wlmt you
mean by ‘higher civilization V ” contains vol
umes. We read it with pride, because we
feel its truth. If wo ever entertained any
doubts upon tho subject, recent events have
removed them. Let us impress such thoughts
upon our children, they are calculated to in
spire sentiments of the purest, truest patriot
ism. The man who thus thinks, is an, honor
to his country; he shows a just appreciation
of true nobility. To snch an one, treason is
abhorrent—it could not lurk in his breast:
“The pride of character, the chivalrous
tone, and the liberality and hospitalities of
our people; the broad views and great genius
of our public men; the delicacy, modesty,
refinement, and yet the lofty spirit of our
women. We had a' society without gossip,
envy or fanaticism; a population of millions
without beggars or paupers. Whether this
was higher civilization is a matter of opinion.
Certainly it had a different type, and one
which would not longer harmonize with yours;
and lienee the necessity, as we believed, of
separation.”
The Federal Tax in Georgia.—A Wash
ington special of the 13th, to the N. Y. Times.
8*8: “A message was to-day laid before
Congress, transmitting resolutions of the Leg
islature of Georgia, asking for the suspension
of the collection of internal revenue under the
act of Congress, of Aug. 5, 1861, which pro
vided for raising by direct assessment upon
the State of Georgia of $584,187. The pro
rouble asserts thut no opportunity lias been
afforded that State to assume the collection
aid payment of the money; that the Secretary
of the Treasury declines, without the express
legislation of Congress, to permit thisassump 1
tion by the State, and asks a suspension until
the question shnll lie submitted to Congress,
which is respectfully requested to consider
tUejust claims of the people of Georgia, who,
tfofeccount of their present exhausted con
dition, should lie relieved from the payment
of a Federal tax by a direct tax upon the
people at this time, and that the Stnt o should
bo permitted to assume its collection and
payment"
Wire Don’t you Prove it?—Whilst Horace
Greeley is at Washington, asking the privilege
pf going on the bond of Mr. Davis, his paper
in New York, tbo Tribune, is denouncing
Mr. Davis as on “atrocious criminal” and a
“conspirator,” who “starved our soldiers by
thousands, hired agents to infest our ports
with yellow fever, murder our citizens, burn
our cities and assassinate our President.”
Well, suppose Mr. Davis is the great crim-
d that you take him to be—why have you
lod to provo it in the only way guilt and
innocence can be established in a civilized
’country f He has implored a trial by your
own courts, licld by men who are notoriously
thirsting for his blood, and yet yon refuse it
The Southern people have implored, and
even dared you to bring him to trial, and yet
you will not Does this look like guilt on
the part of Mr. Davis, or like sincerity on the
p-.rt of his accusers t The world will say no.
The truth is tho highest legal authority in the
..United States, including the Attorney Gen- 1
oral, has determined that Mr. Davis is not
guilty of trca an, and such being tho fuel, we
T arn the Northern press that every time they
repeat the charge they are guilty of a base
slander and lie against a man who is, in ererv
respect, far better than themselves.
dftgBLV.TT c•nyr ~ ,,
THE GEORGIA WEEKLY
TELEGRAPH.
THE FENIAN MOVEMENT—IS IRELAND
HEADY FOR REVOLUTION ?
This is a very important question, and es
pecially to Irishmen in America, for if Ire
land be unprepared to strike for her liberties,
alUbutside movements toward that end must
prove abortive and ruinous to all engaged.—
“Who would lie free, themselees must strike
tihe blow/ American Fenian organizations
can do no good if tlie people of Ireland have
not both the will and the power to strike -
indeed were there « Fenian army in every
nation on the globe, tlie result would lie tbe
same.
Wc have been invited to these remarks by
a very interesting Dublin letter, written by an
Irishman at home to the New York Daily
News, a paper that has looked favorably upon
if it bas not in reality patronized, tbe Fenian
movement at the North. The writer critic!
ses with dignified severity, tho late speech of
Head Centre Stevens at Jobes’ Wood, a few
days after his arrival in this country, and
closes his letter with the following remarks
touching the actual condition of the people
of Ireland as relating to the question of inde
pendence. ne says:
But while public opinion goes so far with
Stephens, there arc several points in his Jones
Wood speech which are freely faulted; in
deed, I may say that the whole tenor of his
observations, wbicli make it appear that the
question of Ireland’s freedom is a matter of
pounds, shillings and pence, and that we may
all be rendered citizens of a free and inde
pendent republic at a uniform charge of so
man much per head, is severely canvassed. But I
believe that this view should be reserved for
the admirers of The London Times, and
feel quite certain that in such an undertaking
as that planned by James Stephens, money
must form a very important element. With
more reason, his statements referring to the
immediate cause of the arrests in September
are found fault with. The real cause of the
arrests was, firstly, tho information of Pierce
Nagle, who kcpt'tlie Government posted con-
9C
ceming every movement of the Fenians from
March, 1864, up to the time of the arrests,
and the proximate cause of the swoop is to
be found m the letter of Stephens to the “B.V’
of Qlonmel, vriiich Ncagle managed to steal
and give up to tho authorities. Then, again,
the statesment that tho Fenians in this coun
try would have broken out into insurrection
but for the dissensions among the Brother
hood in America, are read with the greatest
incredulity, for it is impossible to forget that
the whole organization was broken to pieces
here long before the split at Union Square
was heard of. As to the assertions about the
existence of an organized force and well drill
ed army numbering tens of thousands of men
in this country, they may find some believers
in America, the time is past when they would
find many hcre.and I have not been able to meet
with a single person professing to believe in
the existence of a powerful organization in
Ireland at present, though, of course, the ma
terials exist in abundance. Fenianism was
lowerful at one time, but in this conntiy, at
.cast, it has fallen to pieces before the action
of the Government. What it was ten months
o, I have often described; what it is now,
ack spirits to mention. Fuit ilium.
This correspondent, it will be recollected,
is an Irishman, writing from Ireland, and ful
ly imbued, himself, with tho spirit of revolu
tion ; his testimony, therefore, is not withont
its weight
Regarding the Fenian movement in this
country, whatever difference of opinion may
exist of the practicability of the end in view,
we may say this much: The sympathy in this
country for Irish independence and for Ire
land’s wrongs, is probably a universal senti
ment She has lived and agonized long un
der the British yoke, and notwithstanding
the fact that very many of her people have
iust contributed, materially, to impose even a
worse yoke upon the South, thus ignoring
for the time the principles and love
of liberty, xve can feel for her condi
tion and wrongs stilL If Irishmen fought
against us, and so far forgot their Own cause
os to wish to impose a government upon a
people against their will, on the other side it
may be said that Irishmen—near! j all who
had cast their lot in the South—fought for
us, and were among our staunchest and most
loyal soldiery. On the other side, they were
deceived by cunningly derised fables, and
hypocritical appeals to stand by the flag of
the Union which they bad sworn to uphold
—a Union that had given them protection, •
citizenship, bread. In view of tbe credulity
of the race in general, and that native pro
pensity to become parties to a fight without
regard to the merits of the cause, we have it
in our hearts to forgive them. Wc shall never
aid England in forging chains for their limbs,
nor tbe limbs of those dear ones they have
left behind. 'Wc wish all the Irish people
well, and would to-day, had wc the power,
strike every shackle from a brave and lionest-
hearted people.
But, whilst wc sympathise with Ireland in
her wrongs, we have never been able to bring
our judgment and sense of propriety to ap
prove the efforts that have been making in
this country for a year past by those who
have come forward, or have been put for
ward, as their leaders in the redemption of
their native country. Their whole policy has
been so unjust and replete with folly, that in
jnsticc to their common sense, wc have almost
felt constrained to regard their coarse as dic
tated, not by an honest desire to serve the
Irish people, but, through hypocritical ap
peals to their patriotism under the pretext of
advancing a great cause, to put money into
their own pockets and leave those whom
they have duped and their unfortunate coun
try, to go to perdition. At least, matters look
very much that way. Millions of the hard
earnings of poor Irish men and women have
been given, as they were led to believe, to
liberate their country from a British yoke,
and what are the fruits?
England or a landing on the coast of Ireland ?
No. Wc find tho result of a year's commotion
and the expenditure of millions, in the Cana-
da fiasco—a ridiculous and imbecile attempt
by a disorganized mob, without any of the
appointments of war and many of them whol
ly without arms, to invade a country that had
never done them harm, shoot down its unof
fending inhabitants, and erect an unsought
government over them! What could be more
senseless and unjust ? Conceding that the
capture of Canada was practicable, how could
it have advanced the cause of Irish indepen
dence? We confess ourselves unable to dis
cern the relation of cause and effect in the case.
If Roberts and Sweeney were honest, which
we doubt, they should be put into straight-
inckets for tbe rest of their lives. The rights
and interests ef nobody are safe in such fool
hardy hands.
The course of Stevens—perhaps, wo should
say President Stevens, though wo do not ex
actly sec what he presides over or is likely to
—bos been temperate and marked by more
good sense than that of his eolaborers. I ic
did what he could to prevent the Canada fol
ly, has inculcated respect for the Neutrality
laws of the United States, and maintains that
the battle for Irish liberty must be fought on
Irish soil. So far he has shown himself a con-
I ttstive and sensible man. Hi
raise monev and munitions of warfor his peo- j Grinnell deserved a carving on the spot, for tlm*
traducing a brave soldier and a patriot, whose rep
utation is untarnished. But, Mr. Speaker Caliax
looked on, listened to all that Grinnell said, and
made not the.-lightest attempt to chick him. Was
such an offense to be passed over in silence?
No: by tbe rood. Yesterday, therefore, as Grin-
pie at home, and be trusts to them, with what
aid they can get from their countrymen
abroad, to throw off the British yoke. What
the prospect of success is, we know not. We
have never, though, been inclined to regard
it as favorable, and tlm condition of the Irish was leaving tbe capital. Gen Rosseau accosted
. , . . , him on tlie portico. Grinnell, who Is cowardly as
people at tlie present tuns, as set forth by the hp attempted to run. But the General
Hints correspondent, but strengthens the con- caU g b t him before be bad ran ten steps: held him
viction so far as present efforts are concerned. I out a t arm’s length by the collar; and then and
Our Irish friends must examine the question | there gave him a most scientific drubbing with a
for themselves, ar.d give their money to Ste
vens, or not according as they may regard tbe
prospect of success or failure.
In our judgment, Ireland will nevertic freed
from British dominion through her own un
aided exertions. That great and iron-hearted
;ood, stout rattan. The whipping was well laid
on, and was hugely enjoyed by all who witnessed
the performance; and the universal verdict was,
‘‘served him right.'
Before this little affair happened, tbe House had
been electrified by an able and eloquent speech by
Hon. Benj. G. Harris, of Maryland, in opposition
. . l • «i I to the Report of the Destruction Committee. Mr.
government is destined to retrograde in tlie nani3 occupIe8 a di(Ierent position from that of
scale of nations at no distant day, and in the I my other Democratic member of the Honse. That
political convulsions thatmay bring about that part of Maryland which he represents, is as Intense
result, perhaps, under the patronage of some Southern as any part of Georgia or South Caro-
fricndlv Power the Emerald Isle may be lina - The constituents of Mr. Harris, are firm be-
, , \ ... , , lievers in the right of the people ofevery State, to
elevated to the digm y ^ 1 L ' ■ Liter or abolish their form of government whenever
For the present, in our opinion, the wisest thcv gce propcr; #nd Mr . Harris was elected be-
conrse for the Irish everywhere is to be quiet, (.gage be had always been an open advocate of the
industrious, frugal; send money, instead of I Southern cause daring the war. He was imprison-
arms, to their friends in Fatherland, and in- ed. by Schenck I believe, or by one of the many
stead of exhortations to strife and war, give “UitMj governors of Maryland; was tried by a
_ , . . . j * * I court martial: found cuiltr, of course, of some im-
them appeals to comp ora to a land ot pleat) offeMe> Mil sentenced to a degrading trad
and freedom—for we hope this country will lr , mlnlnM punishment The President, how
yet be free. Bide your time, have nothing to I ever> disapproved of tbe findings and acntcnce ol
do with political agitators, who live on other court martial, and ordered Mr. Harris to be in-
people’s money and were never yet known to I stantly released. Tlie Radical members of the
soil their hands by working for bread, and nonsewonldbavecxpellcdhlm longagobuttkey
„ . , „ ... ° . ,, know that it is useless, for his constituents would
all will vet be well with your down-trodden I .....
J J I send him back as often ashe was expelled. Inthis
country. j g pe* cb he said:—
xvletiivrTOK rnnnpspnvnvvrr n ° declaredhis belief that abuses and usurpa-
iv ASIIIMwTON COKRESPOJDtNCt Uons Iiad practiced and threatened to so great
OF THE GEORGIA TELBGKAFIL
:n prac
an extent, by their associates and partners in this
governmental compact, that the Southern States
Passage by tbe Honse, of the Senate Amendment to I were justified in going out; and liis further belief,
the ConstUntion-Curions Speech of TbaddcusStc-1 that by their ordinances of secessions they did go
vens-Thaddeus as an Aqgel—Disgraceful Proceed- out, and thereby became, to this Union, foreign
ings in the House—Punishment of a Slanderer— I States. These convictions he conld not change,
Remarkable Speech oftlr. Harris, of Mary land. and he did not expect they would ever be removed.
W t ci-rvr t<yv Tun* ilttlt 1RM He would most assuredly proclaim them, and stand
WASHINGTON, June loth, i860. by them as long as a single citizen ol the Confcd-
WhcnThaddens Stevens became convinced that the crate 8tatcs was in chains or subject to penally lor
I asserting them.
Senate at least would not submit to hi* dictation— Referring to the assassination of Mr. Lincoln,
when he became satisfied that the Senate amend- he said: Mary Surratt was convicted. Of course
ment or *<»w most be passed by tbe House-lie did ahe tri#d V Her immediate
,. ... . * . ..’ vT__.ni. execution was ordered. She entreated for four
not hesitate a moment as to his course. Humilia- day8 to enaWe her to overcome tho shock and
tingasltwas to him, he determined toeat his own j the better to prepare her soul to meet her God.—
words, and to support what he had before denonne-1 Net an hour, thundered forth the voice of the War
ed, just as Master Raymond had done. But he must j ! On with her to the gallows, the
... , , „ 4 , 4i I coffin and the grave. The angels of heaven shall
de Hasaleader. Hemuat still aen to bethe leader not „ joice 0Te b r this repentant sinner. Agents of
of the Honse. Therefore, yesterday he rose from a mercy sought the ear of higher authority, and
sickbed, tottered to Ida seat in the House, and in-1 probably a more merciful heart Bnt Pieston
listed upon the instant passage of an important King waa janitor that day, and they were exclud-
amm^KttmCm-twZrttmUnlMsmt-. & "“V.
The Republic members, with slavish .ubttreieu-1 notwithstanding application hu beVnn.Se in
cy, yielded. Not one of them dared to get np and behalf of her heart-broken daughter for her re
assert the right of his constituents to be heard upon mains, these remains are still in the keeping of
the passage of an act, which, ifitbccomcsa partof War Department Pontius Pilate deli ren
AK. n TTa I body of Jesus to Joseph of An math
the Constitution, will materially change the form of worso f han Pontius Pi r ato i9 here . Let us
the Government The old man cracked his well-1 look now B t a Southern picture. John Brown
worn whip, shrieked out his commands, and the I was arrested for crime kindred to that of
130Republicans bowed their heads and obeyed.— I Booth. Ho was in the most formal manner
|4_:.j *—•—p allowed every facility for
lecial test oath being urged to pie
ces of any advocate. He was legally
bellowed Thaddens, “doyon want to speak? We are I and jnstly convicted to be bnng. Between bis con-
not going to speak on ourslde. Well, Til give yon Y ic ‘j? n «nd execution ample time was given him
e 6 ’ ° _ for the settlement of his worldly affairs, and for
an hour: no more. Divide it among you as yon tbe preparation of h ls soul for eternity. After ex-
please.” ecution, hls remains were placed in a decent coffin
And when the Democratic members had occupied <“>4 handed over to hls friends.
t hclr 6 n.4 s ln S .,.JI».e4hnn,.old T h.d4e_g.t„p ."SJtRaM uSfSffifi?SS^«£
to excuse hia action. “He had declared that he the Constitution and became a ruling principle of
would oppose all measures of the kind which did I the ruling Democratic party, being inserted In Its
not disfranchise the whole white population of the I plaUorm from 1796 to the late war.
South. Why then did he support this one? Be- Mn n »rris in speaking took a stand near the
cause he had to act with men and not Main akle > in front of the Speaker’s chair. The
with angels like himself. In Ms youth, in his |«*iety tobcar bis speech was so great that mem
manhood, and in Ills old age, he had fondly looked
for some fortunate chance to have broken
foundations of onr institutions, and released us i tbe thermometer stood at eigbty
from the most tyrannical obligations to our 8onth- general distribution and use of palm leaf fans bad
era brethren, and that then a purified Republic I become necessary. Warwick.
should arise, based upon negro suffrage. This
bright dream bad vanished. He would now have
Amendment.
The following are the remarks reported
have been make by Tlmddeus Stevens, in the
House of Representatives, just previou
the passage of the Constitutional Amendment
resolutions:
Mr. Stevens closed the debate. He con
gratulated the House and the country that t
scheme was soon to be submitted to the pco
nle for the admission of an outlawed comma
n . 5t -7,. t0 , tlle I ,r i v ilt‘gc3 and advantages of
civilized and tree Government—a scheme
containing, lie said, as much positive good t
the omission of many better things. In my
youth, he continued, in mv manhood, and in
my old age. I have fondly dreamed that when
any fortunate chance should have broken up
fora time the foundations of our institutions,
and released us from obligations the most
tyrannical thnt were ever imposed in the
name of freedom, tho intelligent, free and
just men ol this. Republic, true to tbeir pro
fessions and their consciences, would have so
remodeled all our institutions as to have
freed them from every vestige of human op
pression, of inequality of rights, of tlie re
cognized degradation of the poor and tho
superior jaiste of the rich; in short, that no
distinction would be tolerated in this purified
Republic but that, which arose from merit and
conduct. The bright dream has vanished
like the baseless fabric of n vision. I find
that wc shall be obliged to be content with
patching up the worst portion of the ancient
edifice, and leaving it, in many of its parts,
to be swept through by the tempests, the
frosts and the storms of despot ism. Do not
you inquire why, holding these views and
possessing some will of my own, I accept so
imperfect a proposition ? I answer because
I live among men and not among angels—
among men as intelligent, as determined, as
independent as myself, who, not agreeing
with me, do not choose to yield their opinions
to mine. Mutual concession, therefore,
our only resort for mutual hostility. We
might well have been justified in making
renewed and more strenuous efforts for a bet
ter plan, could we have had the co-operation
of the Executive. With his cordial assistance
the rebel States might have been made mod
el .Republics and this nation an Empire of
universal freedom. But he prefered restora
tion to reconstruction. He chose that the
slave States should remain as nearly as pos
sible in their ancient condition, with such
small modifications, as he and his Prime
Minister should suggest, without any imper
tinent interference from Congress. He antici
pated the legitimate action of the National
Legislature, and by rank usurpation erected
Governments in the conquered provinces, im
posed upon them institutions in the most ar
bitrary, and unconstitutional manncr,and now
maintains them as legitimate Governments,
and insolently demands that they shall be
represented in Congress on equal terms with
loyal regular States. To repress this tyranny,
and at the same time to do some justice to
conquered rebels, requires caution. The grave
danger is that the seccders may soon over
whelm the loyal men in Congress. The haste
urged upon us by your loyal but impetuous
men; their anxiety to embrace the represen
tation of rebels; their ambition to display
tlicir dexterity in the use of the broad mantle
of charity, and especially the danger arisin
from the unscrupulous use of patronage an
__ Minute oT Points.
to^be content with'patching up the wontportlons I Deeidedbythe Supreme Court at MilledgetiUe,
of the ancient edifice built by Washington and <ra » June 2erm - 1800 -
Jefferson. Why, possessing some will of my own, I [continued.]
do I support the Senate Amendment? Because I Jackson, Adra’r.,
the men with, whom I am to act here, are as intelli- vs - 1° Equity from Richmond,
gent, as determined, and as independent as myself; Johnson & Wife
why, not agreeing with me, refuse to yield tbeir I Harris, J.—1. The decisions of the Courts
opinions to mine.” Mr. Stevens then made a rabid I °f other States, are not binding here as au-
attack upon the President “He chose,” said Mr. thority. They are only guides so far as their
Stevens, “that the slave States should remain as | reasoning may be satisfactory.
nearly as possible in their ancient condition, with
snch small modifications as he and hls nine minis-
2. An administrator ai
ii _ i __ ig i
ters*8hould*suggMtTwithont"any rm^rti'neet'in-1 •*»*» f ® r the due.performance of bis trust,
4 . tt ' »„4i*»i™«t«ui ,i,„ cannot, upon coming into this State on ~
terference from Congress. He anticipated the I ... ’ r. I , llri , nc ° f
ppointed i;
lnmself, :
in Alabama,
legitimate action of the National Legislature, and
by rank usurpation erected government# in the
conquered provinces; imposed upon them institn
tlons In the most arbitrary and unconstitutional
manner; and now maintains them as legitimate
governments, and insolently demands that they
shall be represented in Congress on equal terms
with loyal and regular States.
To repress this tyranny, and at the same time to
do some notice to conquered rebels, requires cau
tion. The great danger is that the seceders may
soon overwhelm the loyal men in Congress.”
visit or for purposes of business, be called to
account here, in a Court of Equity, at the in
stance of distributees residing here, fog waste
or maladministration.—Judgment Jteiersed.
Dougherty for Plain tiff in error.
Bighnm tor Defendants.
A member of Judge Lumkin’s feraily being
related by marriage to one of the parties, ho
took no part in deciding this case.
Abbott )
vs. > In Equity from Fulton.
Dermot )
Lumpkin, C. J.—1. Ignorance of fac* is no
The previous question was then called, and the cause for redding a contract,
amendment passed by more than two-thirds vote, l 2. On the first of May, 1865, alter General
130 to 32. It Is now to go to the States. Of the I Johnson had surrendered tho forces and terri-
Northern States, It will probably be rejected by tory under his command, nnd before that
California, Delaware, Indiana, Kentucky, Mary-1 event became known in Atlanta, Dermot sold
land, Minnesota, New Jersey, Oregon, Pennsylvan- and conveyed to Abbott certain real estate in
la and the counties known as West Virginia.— that city receiving from him the agreed price
Possibly however, it may be adopted by as many as in Treasury Notes of the Confederate States,
twenty Northern 8tates. At all events, to render both'parfies being alike ignorant of the sur-
its defeat certain, the eleven Southern States | render. The currency became valueless very
should stand sbonlder to shoulder, In a solid col
umn, against it. If twenty-fire Northern States,
soon after news of the surrender was received;
Held—That a Court of Equity will not re-
J al... ft ft .. .. ftU „ .1 ] A. ftl._
and only two of tho Southern States vote In favor | wintract and^cancel the deed at the
of it, it would be adopted, and then where would
tho Sontli be?
Two or three days ago, Mr. Grinnell, of Iowa, a
rabid Black Republican member of tbe Honse,
made a coarse and vituperative, violent, personal
attack upon Hon. L. IL Rousseau, of Kentucky.
Mr. Rosseau was a Major General in the Federal
army during the war,and his record isa most bril
liant one. All the military operations conducted , .
under hls command were marked by vigor, good Convention, tlie jury in adjusting the equities
^ 0 ’ " I .. r *1,,. mm hnmi/l ma.Iiiaa (Lxn
conduct and success. De rendered the most Im
portant services, and was, in part, one ot the most
valuable officers in tbe army. He has been, in Con
gress, a zealous and strenuous advocate of the Pre
sident’s policy of restoration, and on the occasion
alluded to, hadjnst made a speech in support of
the President’s policy.
Mr. Grinnell said that if he were the President
and snch a speech were made in his defense he I Distressing need of Bread.—We are
An invasion of rn 0 c^effirftnlto. e d“re2de”!%ta“ “wTe^n I ^’^^^^“^ior
civil life, as In military.” In what volume was the Court, thafYlierc ure now in Floyd county,
gentleman’s military history to be found? The I between eight hundred nnd one thousand
reputation he got m'Kentucky was earned by send-1 white persons destitute of bread-most of them
ing back-negroes acr.jss the Ohio or Mlrsbslppi widows and children, and not included in the
river, who had swam the river for their liberty.— I classes for which the Len-isla*ure mmle mi
Where had the gentleman been in the great battles cm98es I ? r 1 J v ,11C “ , T . rc , maau .*‘ n
of the war? A hundred and fifty milesawsy from appropriation. The Legislature only provid-
them. Let him ask General Grant or any general C( 1 f°r indigeut. disabled soldiers and their
officer his oplnionabout him. Tbegentleman had families, the indigent widows and orphans of
talked a’JO’it his commanding Iowa troops; but a soldiers, and infirm, old persons destitute of
leading officer from that State had told hfm It was mea ns of tlmi- own or near kin who are able
a common expression amongthe troops when there “ leans 01 ‘ ,u -i- o» n, or near Kin w no are aote
was any excitement that it was either a rabbit or I to 8U PP»rt them. Even these classes should
General Rosseau. He had led Iowa troops to the have made affidavit of their situation and had
“Imminent deadly breach.” It was all pretense—I their names registered some months ago in
hiowin'ThiVown'horo*^ 11 *** th * geDt,em,n order to entitle them to draw corn now.
“And there,” said Mr. Grinnell, in a most con- 1110 Court has no morjey. and cannot sell
temptuous manner, “there he stands, six feethigli, I county bonds, unless at fifty cents in a dollar
and even callinghimself abuttoned-up general ol- or less, and they arc greatly perplexed in re-
fleer and gentleuun. gard to what thev should do under the ,cir-
Mr. Rosseau, after shifting his position several
times, had got into the vicinity of Mr. Grinnell, ‘• umstanc ‘-‘ s -
as it might reasonably be expected that, smartlm- 1
under the taunts and sneers so lavishly directed at
him, he would take a summary mode of dealing
’ cr from Iowa, but at this time Mr.
with the member Hi f
Banks rose and made the point of order that the
gentleman from Iowa had n->t, in obtaining leave
to make a personal explanation, obtained any right
to violate the roles ot debate, which point of order
the Speaker-ustained, notifying Mr. Grinnell that
he must proceed in order.
Mr. Rosseau intimated that if the 8peaker would
not protect him be would protect himself.
I have given your readers this extract in full, that
they may tee how matters are conducted in tho
present Congrefs. Every member, who supports
the President’s poii-y, Is exposed to jnst snch in
sults, and not the slightest attempt is made to pro
tect members frim tbrin, 1 or to preserve the digni
ty ol the Honse. No gentleman, of course, likes
make no further delay. Referring
to the third section. Mr. Stevens said
that he could not look upon the Senate
amendment as an improvement. In his
judgement it endangered the Government of
the country, both State and National, and
might give the next Congress and President
to the reconstructed rebles. "With their en-
. ....... . . , „ , , larged basis of representation and the exclu-
bera gathered Into the seats and standing places in ^ sion ol ]oyal mcn of color from the ballot-bqx,
lie saw no hope of safety unless in the pres
cription ol proper enabling acts which should
do injustice to the freedmen and enjoin en
franchisement as a condition precedent.—
While he saw much good in the proposition
he was anxious for its speedy adoption, for
he deprecated delay. Let us, he said in con
clusion, no longer delay. Let us take what
we can get now, and hope for better things
in farther legislation, in enabling acts or oth
er provisions.
The Reconstruction Report—The
Committee Floored.
The Richmond Times discusses the various
leading propositions of tlie Reconstruction
report nnd most effectually “corners” the
committee. A few paragraphs of the article
will be found below
As to what constitutes a State, and whether
the States or the people were out of the Union
during the late war, the Committee cut the
Gordian knot by saying, that as to the first it
is not ot the slightest importance, and as to
tlie latter, the people, they were unquestion
ably out of the Union by their acts, and there
fore they, the whites, composing two-tliirds,
must be punished and guarantees required of
them; whilst the other third, the blacks,
should be rewarded for their loyalty with the
right of suffrage. The general impression
has hitherto been that the people, the citizens,
constituted a State.
As to what sort of a Government the Con
federate States were, the Committee very
sagely remark: “For four years they had a
de facta government, but it was usurped and
illegal.” As contradistinguished from a gov
ernment de jure it is generally so regarded,
buta‘de facto government hasadmitted rights,
a status’that is recognized, and we could have
wished that the learned publicists who pre
pared this famous report would have touched
more extensively on this subject of a de facto
government, and ns to wliat allegiance a citi
zen owes to it for its protection, when there
is no de jure government to protefct him; and
in fact, the whole subject of protection and
allegiance; liow far they go together and their
relations; whether a man should be punished
for obeying de facto government, and whether,
if he paid taxes to it, he should be compelled
to pay them over again a second time, when
the do jure government, in the course ot
events, resumed its sway and was able to pro
tect him. , .
Wc recollect the advise our Lord gave the
Jews about paying tribute to the usurped and
illegal de facto Government of the Ca*sars
over that nation. Wc do not recollect that
the taxes were collected of the British people
by the’ dejure Government of Charles tlie S«:-
oiid on its return, for the twelve preceding
years of Cromwell’s protectorate, which the
British lawyers and jurists regarded as an il
legal and usurped de facto Government. We
have read some old authors on this subject,
and think there are some judicial decisions.—
But ns most of our authorities seem to be be
hind the times, wc having been blockaded
for four years, and in faerfearing that some
new edition of the Bible may have been
brought out which we have not seen, we re
gret that the learned committee did uot go
more in extenso into the subject of a de facto
Government, and the duties, obligations and
rights of a person living undtsr it, and liow-
far allegiance and protection go together,
etc.
As to the objection, one of the grievances
the American "Rebels” alleged against George
tho Third, that there should be no taxation
without -representation, and that, therefore,
the Southern Congressmen should be admit
ted, the Committee are not very clear on this
point, and evidently are more muddled than
ever. Their aigument at this point of the
report is, however, a very good one, though
n little too general. “Tbe wicked must suf
fer.” Not very new, but still true. They say-
nothing about another proposition laid down
in their Declaration of Independence by the
American colonists, and which was the
ground-work ef the Fc ierai Union, that "all
government depends on the assent of the
governed.” The fact is, all such questions
just about this time are “fruitless abstrac
tions."
“The report, in it- opinion of the loyalty of
the Southern people and its rai. vv-s of South
ern affairs, heeata to have srrk :.!1 respect fee
truth and all claim to rtatu-manslnp: Ac
cording to it there' is throughout the South
“an evidence of an intense hostility to the
Federal Union.” AYc pronounce this false.—
The. organic law of every Southern State rec
ognizing its fealty to the National Govern
ment, the almost universal quiet and order
of the Southern populace, the unexceptiona
ble teach ings ol the {Southern press and pulpit,
which now inculcates obedience to the laws,
the example of the conspicuous civil and mili
tary leaders, all stamp this statement of the
committee without foundation and without
excuse. We also deny- the right to interpret
dislike to the Thirty-ninth Congress and its
disorganizing influences, whether at the South
or the North, ns “an evidence of the hostility
to the Federal Government.” It is love anil
reverence to the Government that causes us
at least to be hostile to Congress.”
instance of Dermot, the vendor.—Judgment
Hammond, Barnett & Rleckly for Plaintiff
in error.
Brown & Pope for Defendant
McLaughlin & Co.
vs.
O’Dowd.
Lcmkin, J.—L Under the Ordinance of tho
| As
Assumpsit from Rich
mond.
of the parties, arc not bound to reduce Con
federate money to its specie value. The Or
dinance wisely gives the jury a wide latitude.
2. The Court can discover no distinct legal
I reason for setting aside the verdict in this case.
| Judgment Ajfirmed.
Miller for Plaintiff in error.
Walton for Defendant.
The President “Counted Out.”
It is announced in the Washington Chroni
cle that the Radicals do not intend to ask tlie
President to sign the new constitutional
amendment. “It seems to be generally con
ceded,” remarks that veracious joHmal, “that
the President’s sanction to the measure is not
requisite.” And why not ? The Constitu
tion expressly declares that every bill and
every resolution which requires the concur
rence of the two Houses of Congress shall be
presented to the President for his approval
or disapproval. Tho argument that the same
two-tiiirds vote which originally passes a
constitutional amendment can casilv pass it
over a veto, and therefore to ask the Pre
sident’s signature is an unnecessary and un
meaning ceremony, is not a good one. The
President may present such objections to the
measure as will induce some of the members
to change their votes. The amendment abol
ishing slavery was presented to and assigned
by Mr. Lincoln. We are not surprised, how
ever, to learn that the Radicals intend to
curry on the Government without the aid of
Mr. Johnson. He has been too lenient with
them. When he vetoed the Freedmen’s Bu
reau bill, they cowered before liis power; but
when they saw that lie did not follow up his
veto by a change of his Cabinet and a dismis
sal of the subordinate officers who took ground
against him openly, they felt that the Execu
tive hand was not to be dreaded. We ap
preciate the peculiar circumstances which
surround the President; jet we think
that it is in a large degree owing to
his concessions to the Radicals that they
are now so potent for evil. One side or the
other, in these quarrels, i9 always sure to
strike. If the President had “put down his
foot firmly,” as .Air. Lincoln phrased it, his
enemies would have borne themselves in a
very different manner from that defiant one
whicli marks their public conduct. As it is,
they take pleasure in thwariing his will and
proscribing his friends. A remarkable in
stance of their truculence occurred in the
Senate on Tuesday. A bill was up granting
certain discretionary powers to Secretary Mc
Culloch in regard to the pay of the clerks in
his department, when Senators Wilson, Grimes
and others took occasion to declare that they
would vote against it because Mr. McCulloch
had, in his recent Washington speech, pro
claimed his cordial approbation of the Presi
dent’s policy. But for the support of the
Democrats, the measure, which was passed
by a very small majority, would have been
defeated on this very ground. Yet the Pre
sident is expected to remove none of the
friends of these Radical Senators from office.
He may possibly be pursuing the wisest
course, but it does not appear so to us. He
certainly has nothing to lose by at once
breaking with those who do not hesitate to
avow themselves his opponents. They have
made up their minds never to trust him again.
There can be no doubt on this point. And
what he hopes to gain by attempting to con
ciliate men in whose principles and practices
he is free to declare he has no confidence, we
cannot imagine.
From the Montgomery Advertiser, 3d.]
Prosecutions for Treason in Ala
bama
The Case of O. W. Gayle and others. Offering
a Reicard for the Assassination of Hr. Lincoln
United States District Court—Judge
Busteed, Presiding.—In this court on yes
terday an indictment for treason was read
against Judge AVm. G. Jones. The indict
ment set forth that the accused did, in De
cember 1860, in connection with Jefferson
Davis, Judah P. Benjamin, and divers others,
conspire to obstruct the execution of the laws
of the United States, attempt to overthrow
said Government by inciting to and organiz
ing armed resistance and insurrection, etc.
Judge Jones was in court at the time tbe
indictment was announced nnd read. The ac
cused was arraigned and plead “ not guilty
with tlie understanding trom the court that
such general plea should in no wise interfere
with any special plea that he might wisli,ti
enter. A demurrer was then entered by hi
counsel and, as the counsel were limited to
half an hour each, argument upon it was post
poned until Monday next at 9 a. m. The ac
cused was placed in the custody of the
Marshal, and at adjournment of the court, no
bond having been given, though ability and
willingness to give bond in any amount re
quired was asserted by his counsel, was placed
in the charge of Gov. YVatts and Judge Chil
ton, who were created by the court special
United States Marshals for the occasion.
Judge AYm. G. Jones, Augustus J. Rcquircr
Bliss Coltark, nnd Alfred H. Moses, were also
indicted for conspiracy against the United
A Sticky Question.—The latest tol£ ol
the whirlwind in Alabama ispassable. 'On a
plnttntion was a colored overseer. He. with
a stick in hand, wn- standing close to a freed-
man, who purposely was doing work wrong.
At tlie very minute the hurricane broke upon
them, freedman was giving overseer “sh-s.”
when the wind most violently blew overseer’s
stick, so the overseer says, against freed man's
head. “Culltid pnsson” dropped to the
ground and remeined there like the dead for
ten minutes. AVl'en he got np lie was so ob
stinate as to contend that overseer had
knocked him down with his club; but he
was finally convinced, much against his will,
that the wind blew stick against his head.—
That freedman don’t like whirlwinds.
States. The conspiracy waa alleged to have
consisted in certain acts of the accused while
acting as Judge, District Attorney, Marshal
nnd Clerk of tho United States District, in
1860. Judge Jones and Mr. Moses were ar
raigned and plead “not guilty.” Judge J.
was admitted to bail on this charge iu the
sum of §15.000; and Air. Moses after putting
in a special plea of “pardon,” was discharged
<>:i his own recognizance firs’.."no. The case
was set for trial o* Monday next.
A true bill was also found against George
W. Gayle, T. S. Caswell, and J. A. Works,
for complicity in the assassination of Abra
ham Lincoln. Tlie facts were that an adver
tisement appeared in a paper published in
Selma, by Mr. Caswell, offering a reward of
§1,000,000 for the assassination of Lincoln,
Seward, and others, which advertisement was
it is charged, written by Mr. Gayle and put
in type by Mr. AVorks. None of the parties
mentioned weic in court but Mr. Gayle, nnd
ho was released on bond. Case set for this
morning.'
Tournaments.—An ungallant country cd
itor thus discourses:
Tournaments are all the f ishion In some
parts of the country—a tournament consists in
a parcel of awkward fellows trying to poke a
stick ‘
He who succeeds in getting kis stick through
the ring oftenest, gams tile prize—a nosegay
of roses or other vegetables—presented by the
“Queen of Love and Beauty” generally the
prettiest woman in the crowd. • A tournament
is a modification of the oi l game called
“Hookcm Snivey” (just as Croquet is of Sliin-
ney), which used to be very popular in dog
geries in old times. The only diference is,
that one of the players tries to thrust a stick
through a ring, while in the other he throws
the suspended ring at a hook in the wall with
a view to catching it thereon. Great sport isa
tournament-so is Hookein Snivey, but neither
of them come up to marbles.
f-M’The public may not perhaps be aware
that old TIiacL Stevens doesn't even spare
that other crusty old bachelor and crack-
brained politician, Sumner. Tlie irate
Pennsylvanian pitched into Sumner recently,
and characterized the latter's attack upon
him r.s “gross, foul, outrageous, with every
other vulgar epithet which polished cultiva
tion could command,” and in which he accuses
Sur.incr of “a perversion of philogical criti
cism which, if. when I taught school, n lad
who had studied Lindley'Murray had as
sumed, I would li ivc expelled him from the
institution as unfit to waste education upon."
Go it, Stevens! Hit him again, Sumner!
The public will view your set-to with the
serene indifference of the lady wh.t. looked
composedly on while her husband had a
tussle with a bear. 1
^<?“Ro'sini has petitioned the Pope to
nllowwomcn to sing in Italian church choirs.
A Bold Speech in Congress.
A AA’ashington dispatch in tlie Ch-irh- •
Courier of Thursday says • a
Mr. Harris, of Maryland, made a bold ana
extraordinary speech in tlie House to-dav
He maintained the right ot secession *^
said tlie South hail exercised that right ani
were now Foreign States. He said lie wonls
vote against their representation here. Q
During this extraordinary speech Mr Tr
ns said that though the Confederate stanj
nrd had been lowered, tlia standard of South'
ern pride was as high ns ever. He said th
fact that their, soil covered the bones of thrJ
hundred thousand of their invaders wasjA 2
calculated to lower their tone. lie also siid
that Johnson was illegally President because
lie was a citizen of a Foreign State g
likewise denounced the military trial and
execution ofMrs. Surratt.
The speech created a great sensation «,
well it might on account of its boldness?
The WnirpiNo Penalty.—The Atlanta In.
telligencer of yesterday says:
The County Court is still in session at the
City Hall, and a fair amount of business isbe.
ing transacted. AVc learn that Hut Honor
Judge Smith, yesterday, sentenced a negro to
receive twenty lashes on the bare back, which
sentence was immediately executed 'by the
Sheriff, and the erring brother permitted to
depart. This custom of whipping iu Georei»
is something new, and results from an amend
ment to the penal code by the last Legiff.
ture. It now applies to both black and white
and, while it was a common custom to inflict
corporeal punishment in former times upon
the negro population, the spectacle of a white
man’s bare back being exposed to the lash
was rarely, if ever, seen in tbeCommonwealth
ot Georgia. That it is peculiarly applicable
to the times now upon us all will admit, since
it becomes necessary to vindicate the majest?
of the law among a class of persons who*
condition in life has undergone auch a great
and sudden change.
JIadame Jlnrat.
From the Florida Sentinel.]
We are glad to learn that Madame C. D
Murat is likely to be the recipicat, soon of
another muniticicnt inheritance. It is'not
long since onr readers were notifiod of a go.
erous annuity tended her by the Emperor
Napoleon; and they will see by the follow
ing extract from a late French journal,kindly
translated for the Sentinel, that her prospect
. is good for obtaining at least five millionof
francs. The whole community will unite
with us in tendering our congratulations for
this turn in the wheel of fortune; and allwill
agree with us that a rich inheritance conld
not seek a more worthy recipient than this
very estimable and charitable lady.
AVhatever benefits her situation is a bless
ing to the whole community, and especially
the poor. Now that Madame Murat is absent
(for she left yesterday for Paris) we take the
liberty'of disregarding her injunctions of*,
cresy by stating that she inaugurated the
movement tor supplying artificial limbs to
our maimed Confederate soldiers. She was
very largely instrumental in getting up tit
benefit of Maj. Gee. Indeed, her active a-
ertions in his behalf brought on a serious and
almost fatal illlnesss. Her charities, though
are proverbial and it is needless for us to
mention them.
The prayers of this whole community fon
pleasant journey and a safe return, attend her.
The following is an extract:
“Mr. Savarese the counsellor, one of the
heads of our bar, has just deposited the chin
of Prince Murat, for the amount which he
contends to be due 3iim. Prince Murat do
mands not less than fifty millions.
This claim is based amongst other things,
upon a sum of twelve millions which King
Murat gave from his private purse to the
Banco to support him in an hour of difficulty.
This amount was entered as a deposit with
out interest. The Bourbons seized the prii-
cipal. If the claims of the Bourbons tor tber
private fortune are legitimate, that of the
Prince Murat will not be less so.
Mr. Savarese hopes, it is affirmed to obtii:
a compromise in lav6r of the Prince throi
the authorities. The’ sum proposed as
compromise will be from fifteen to twenty!
millions.
It seems that the government wished N
give but five millions. It i3 said that thej
Emperor Napoleon does not wish this que*j
tion to be treated diplomatically.”—Perc\
tract: A. Lemonene.
Telegraph Consolidation.
New York, June 14.—The American ss.|
AVestern Union Telegraph companies
about concluding a union, which is of co:|
siderable interest to the public. The demi: I
for prompt and uninterrupted transmi“ : . :|
ot messages renders it indispensable to :
rid of all delay in checking and bock'
from one line to another. The new consoil
dation will control and operate 104,000 mii-l
of telegraph wire, covering all the territorr
and connecting all points of importance fiu 1
New Foundland to San Francisco and Yz
couver’s Island. From tho latter point sli
of 140,000 miles to St. Petersburg will!
done within a year. Cuba and the AYesttf
dies will soon be connected, and the suc<
of the Atlantic cable in August next is cocij
dentialiy hoped for. 1
It is to be regretted that tlie tclegn
business cannot have the lively stimulus
competition that so favorably effects ev<
other, but at least five attempts within -I
last fifteen years, by men of energy and hjlf
capital, to build up and sustain an opposit I
line, have signally failed. AVhen the Un*'
StatesTi ’egrapli Company had acquired
sixteen thousand miles of line, it was in 'dj
fruits of opposition we looked for a
tion of rates, but rates had to be tv I
advanced to enable the business d®T
to support two companies instead
one. The formidable opposition
ing compelled at last to
and sellout at a loss. The question s
settled for the present that the telegraph'’
ness will not yet allow of competition,!
against the immense advantage of this o' c l
bination it would be rash to attempt it.
company can do all the business, and doj
cheaper than two can; for two organi»ti*j
with a duplicate of the officers and emph-j
mu.-t double ;lie expense of the
business, and the customers must be
meet doubled expenses. Let enlarged ’J ! ’J
govern this mammoth corporation, *®“ r
them serve the public promptly, courtcc-1
and cheaply, as they can afford, and ffje Pi
and public will be satisfied. 1
“Selau.”—The learned are dividfJ
opinion as to the meaning of this A
which occurs so often in the Psalm*- *
Targams, and most of the Jewish com®
tors, give to the word the meaning of* 1 * 1
ly, forever. Rabbi Kimchi regard* 11 fj
sign to elevate the voice. The authors 01 *
Septvagint translation appear to have Kh:
ed it Os a mimical or rythmical note.
ri-iraitls it indicating a change of t 'jl
Mathcson a musical note equivalent
haps, to the word repeat. . Accordi*? j
Luther and others it means silence
explains it to mean, “Let’ the ins’
play and the singers stop.” AVocber
lt'ftftoqubalent to aursum corda—up
ommer, after «qii«ining all the severf/T
assages in which the word occurs, rerfy^
in every case “an actual appeal or so®'
to Jehovah.” They are calls for s* 1 .
prayers to be Jieard, expressed
ntire directness, or it not in the imPr
Hear, Jehovah!” or awake, JdH’jJj
the like, still earnest addresses to t"’.
e would remember and hear,etc. * B .
It he regards as indicating a h! •“ *.
pets bv the priests. Selali, it-i ii- h*
- jSoj
an abridged expression used for , -.
-Iligi
aion indicating tlie sou
‘ruments, and •' 1
ast of trumpets.
Selat
rin
bl
An Irish peasant being ,
permitted li is pig to take up iii- 1 ; - V-!
family, mado au answer a' 1
itirieal naivette: “AVIiy no:
lace afford every convenient'
oquirc ?”