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m • £T.fA*i>nw(i demands of the 8outh, and wholly free from I Radicals in the high places of the Go-
©torota (laiffluir a cicigiapn. ! olljcction . vernment, and he the beginning of a nigbtof
• .... - I formr nnrl nnlitiMl iiiirl'nMu Wc CJUlIlOt l)C- i
Ciianck for Capitalists.—The Charles
ton and Savannah Railroad is to be adver
tised to be sold at public auction, in the city
of Charleston, on the 20th day ol November.
Ilere is a fine opening for an investment.
jyTlie recent General Order issued by
Ueu. Grant, requiring department command
ers to fortran! copies of such newspapers with
in their respective commands, as contained
Mntiinents of disloyalty and hostility to the
Government in any of its branches, with a
view to their suppression, has been revoked. 1
Crops in tub West.—The N. O. Picayune,
l£th instant, says: “Our exchanges from all
parts of the cotton-growing country report
excellent weather and healthy progress of the
plant The worm tbu9 far, though watched
will) some anxiety, has not appeared in num-
l*ers to cause alarm. It is gratifying to know,
during all onr personal sufferings from the
heat, that it is good weather for cotton."
WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE
OF TRE GEORGIA TELEGItAm.
m, .i-i i • i terror and political darkness. „_ _ .
11..- third clause is- gin to picture the horrors which we believe | Complete Exposure of the Abmcjof the Fre.-d- g£
That no State has the right to withdraw W ould follow the success of the Radicals in j 51s Exposure—The Leading Radicals Control " :1
The Second Plenary Council of the
Catholic Church in the United States will
convene at Baltimore on the first Sunday in
October. The Archbishop of Baltimore will
preside. The Bishop of Newark, in announc
ing the Council to bis Clergy, says there arc j
a large number ot important practical ques- {
lions affecting the discipline of the Church,
and its greater efficiency, some of them grow
ing out of the present condition of things,
which need to be determined and enforced.
An 1—Tho New York Tribune contains a
list of the Southern delegates to the Phila
delphia Convention, and makes a point on
their identification with the late “rebellion.'’
Well, what of it ? If such rebels as they can
ground arms, go to Philadelphia, shake
hands and drink whisky cocktails with the
Yankees, and renew in good faith their alle
giance to the Union, is it not the best possi
ble evidence that the whole South is “all
right-”
-*C<B DIAN springs.
A short visit to this popular resort enables
us to give n few facts that may interest those
who desire to imbibe the bcalth-bcstowing
water. In the first place, the supposed cose
of small-pox—hastily and injudiciously so
pronounced—which created a panic among
the visitors, turns out not to have been small
pox. Such is the decision of physicians both
at the Springs and at Macon, where the gen
tleman now is. Not the least apprehension
of the disease need he entertained. The
three Hotels at the Springs—Collier’s, White-
head’s and Elder’s—are well kept. The two
lormer have thirty or forty guests each, and
the last about seventy-five—visitors having
fiockcd’tlicrc from fenr of the small pox (!)
on this side of the creek. Board ut the Mc
Intosh House, kept by that excellent caterer,
Collier, is §15 per week or §50 per month.—
At Whitehead's—the eld Varner Hotel—the
churgo is §15 per week or §45 per month.—
We stopped at the latter house, and found
Dr. Whitehead an attentive host, and a cour
teous and affable gentlemen. Both landlords
keep excellent tables.
Comfortable coaches, that seat nine per
sons, run daily to Forsyth, making the trip
in four hours, at a cost of §4 per seat. The
company at present there is very agreeable
and, to those who wish to recuperate or re
create, wc heartily recommend a trip to these
Springs.
from the Union.”
This means, of course, the peaceful consti
tutional right, a doctrine which ire have ever
held to be sound, and essential to the stabili
ty of the Government. Many of the South
ern people have differed from us on this point,
but all will now agree that it has been set
tled, for all practical purposes, against their
opinion by the disastrous issue of the late
war, which they have pledged themselves to
abide by. There need lie no yielding of
opinion, the solemn convictions of judgment,
on the question, but the freedom of action
on a point that has been adjudicated—just
as wc yield acquiescence and obedience to
the decision of a court in the last resort,
whether wc believe it in strict confor
mity to reason and law or not. Its
decision is late, and we both uphold it and
conform our conduct thereto. In this light
we view the resolution under discussion, and
can see no reason why the whole Southern
people cannot accept it without dishonor or
humiliation.
The fourth clause say3:
“Thnt on all Constitutional amendments all
the States have an equal right to vote.”
This needs no comment.
The fifth and sixth clauses are as follows:
“That slavery is abolished, and forever pro
hibited—that the National debt is sacred and
inviolable, and the Confederate debt in
valid.”
The first of these positions we have already
asserted and engrafted upon the fundamental
law of our State. As regards th« second, we
have repudiated and made invalid the Con
federate debt, and if members of the Union
and an honest people, wc nre bound to con
sider the National debt as sacred.
The telegram closes as follows:
“The resolutions recognize the services of
the Federal soldiers and sailors and the debt
due by the nation to them and their widows
and orphans, and endorse President Johnson
for his steadfast devotion to the Constitution,
laws, and interests of the country.”
As regards the latter clause, the South is
under peculiar-obligations to approve it as a
ju3t recognition of the services of our patri
otic Chief Magistrate, who lias for more than
a year held up the Constitution, and stood
between her people and every species of po
litical and personal calamity. With our
whole heart we say amen to the sentiment,
and so will the great body of the Southern
people.
Touching the first clause, it announces no
principle, and as the Southern people are not
expected to laud the men who whipped them
and express gratitude for the act, wo consider
it assimply a matter between the Northern
delegates and their constituents, with which
THE PHILADELPHIA PLATFORM.
The harmony nml glorious success of the
Philadelphia Conservative Convention, Is a
fit subject for congratulation with all the
right thinking and reasonable men of the
country. It has, on the other hand, proved
a sharp thorn in the side to its enemies, both
North and South. The Radicals arc furious
at tho prospect of nn early loss of power, and
the few Southern men who opposed it are
chagrined over the failure of all their ill-bo
ding prophecies. The Convention met in
peace, conducted all its proceedings in har
mony, and adjourned with a common patriot
ic hope that ihcir labors would result in an
early restoration of the Constitution and Union
and the signal overthrow of the enemies of
both. Every honest patriot of the land will
send up a fervent prayer that these grand
anticipations may not be disappointed.
When we look over the roll of the Conven
tion, wc find spread out the names of the lead
ing and hitherto most influential gentlemen
from every portion of the Union. It was no
mere convocation of demagogues and men of
straw to get up a party and devise means for
their own aggrandizement, but an assembly
ot the wise and solid men of the country,
called together for the single purpose of re
storing the Union of our fathers, and rescuing
the Government from the hands of Jacobins
and revolutionists. It was a grand spectacle,
and some men may denounce and deride it if
they will, but we tell them that the great
popular heart was represented at Philadel
phia, and in the avalanche that is to follow,
their puny efforts will be swept away like
chaff before the wind.
As regard? tho platform, or announcement
of political principles, adopted by the Con
vention, it would possibly bo the part of pru
dence to defer all comment until the full text
shall have been received; hut, taking it for
granted thnt the telegraphic epitome pub
lished by us yc-trrday, contains the real gist
of their action, it may not be amiss, even at
this early day, to say a word or two in its
favor.
So far as essential principles, and the real
interests nml rights of the Southern people
nre concerned, the resolutions adopted by the
Convention are ali the South could expect or
desire. They cover the whole ground of her
trouble.-, and nuaive every obstacle to a com
plete restoration of her dignity io the Union,
and of all her constitutional rights. There is
not a claim that the people or press of the
South have asserted, that has not been fully
met and satisfied. The platform declares,
first:
would vote for it standing alone, and if it will
aid the Northern friends ot the Constitution
and Southern rights in the Union to beat
down and triumph over their enemies and
ours, why, all wc have to say is that they arc
welcome to it. It may do them good, but
c an by no possibility do us harm.
Such is the Philadelphia platform, and now
can any man assign n good reason why it
should not command the approval and sup
port of the whole Southern people ?
their war upon President Johnson. They are
daily hinted at by such men os Colfax, For
ney, and Brownlow, and consist of confisca
tion of property in spite of pardons, politi
cal proscription of all who took part in the
rebellion, and the equality of the black with
the white race. In view of the magnitude of
the material interests involved, and of the
sacredness of tho relations threatened with
desecration, it becomes all Southern men to
strip for tbe fight, and prepare to give a cor
dial support to the President's policy as liis
friends shall declare it atPbilcdelpliia, regard
less ot all issues that may bo raised which
shall not touch their honor as men, or their
dearest rights as freemen
the Operation? of the bureau Ag
thev Make Their Tools.
fortli his whole energies in providing for the
wants of liinisclf and his family, and in doing
so to contribute most effectually to the aggreg
ate wealth, revenue, and prosperity of the
ation. If this faithful adherence to the
nts, whom Constitution be the paramount interest of
every free people, how emphatically is it ours,
The Crops, &e., in Texas,
From the Galveston Price Current of the
4th instant we clip the following
Orofs.—Com abundant—heavy yield;
(odder will be scarce, owing to the late rains,
which found it pulled and in the field; con
sequcntly, nearly all destroyed. Cotton—
splendid prospects, if we are not visited with
the army wonn, as is the case on many of the
Brazos farms, which arc said to be almost
ruined.—Bastrop Advertiser.
The crops of Eastern Texas are certainly
considerably more backward than in the
West. This is usually the case, but wc judge
from what we can learn that the difference in
the cotton crop is rather greater than usual,
owing, perhaps, to the more frequent rains in
the East. The papers of Eastern Texas speak
generally of very heavy rains there about two
weeks since, causing tbe creeks to overflow.
The canc crop in Eastern Texas is general
ly spoken of as abundant, while in the more
Northern counties the wheat crop does not
appear to have suffered from the rains in the
time of harvesting as much as in the more
western counties. The Kaufman Star says
the average yield ot wheat has been about
thirty bushels to the acre in that and adjoin
ing counties.
All over the country vegetation is unusual
ly luxuriant. The prairies were never cover
ed with finer grass, and the thousands of
stock cattle are literally “in clover.” Vege
tables are said to be abundant even in por
tions of the “dry West, 7 ’ where gardens so
often suffer for want of rain. Fruits arc
spoken of as in the greatest profusion, and in
such quantities that there is scarcely any
market for them. Peaches seem to be the
most universal fruit in Texas. They are in
all pwto of the State, from the const to the
mountains; and while they are offered here
at a dollar a peck, they arc sold in Austin at
fifty cents a bushel. Grapes are also said to
be very tine this year, and we presume many
of our farmers will supply themselves with
wine from the native grape, even it they do
not produce it in quantities for sale.
Wchave just noticed that the LnGrange
Era speaks of the cotton worm in various parts
of Fayette county, but adds that very little
damage is yet done, and that it is expected
that but little will lie done if the wann weath
er continues. This was early last week. The
same paper says they have a good com crop,
though the rains prevented the fodder from
being saved.
Sweet potatoes are doing well
generally. The Crockett Sentinel says the
cotton crop is promising, though some of the
we have no concern. No Southern man j-jyer ianns had been nearly destroyed by the
SECURE YOURSELVES.
No man of ordinary prudence should fail
to secure himself against loss by fire by ob
taining a policy in some one of the many
companies having agents here. There is one
company that we can safely recommend to
insurers, and that is the Southern Insurance
and Trust Company, of Savannah. Gn. This
company for the past year have done a good
and safe business, and their financial affairs
arc in a most prosperous condition. This,
taken in connection with the standing of the
officers and directors of the company, gives
ample guarantee of its reliability.
In the recent fire in Atlanta, this Company
had risks to the amount of §5,000 on the
Phoenix Building, which proved a total less.
The insurance was paid by the Atlanta agent
in three days after the occurrence of the fire.
E. C. Grnnniss, the prompt paying Insur
ance Agent, is the agent of the above com
pany, and he will be pleased to fill out
policies for his fellow-citizens.
worm. Wc conclude that most of those farms
which were overflowed some two or three
months ago were replanted, and if the worm
does not destroy the cotton, the Trinity Val
ley may yet yield some return to the planters,
notwithstanding their misfortunes.
A gentleman wiio has just returned trom a
journey through Brazos, Grimes, Walker, and
some other counties, informs us that he neith
er saw nor heard of any signs of the nrmy
wonn. There were, however, some appear
ances of the boll-worm, which is found on
the plantation of Mr. Washington Ilcarn,
and in some tew other places. Much uneasi
ness is felt in regard to the boll-worm. Our
informant says the cotton crop is really bet-
icr than he ever before saw it. The stalk is
larger than lie ever saw it and better boiled.
Colonol T. G. Wilson, in Brazos County, has
a most splendid crop, aad our informant
thinks he will not make less than two thou
sand bales on his several plantations, if no
worm appears to destroy it. Wc hear, also,
that the crop ol corn on the Upper Trinity
has turned out fur better than was thought
possible at the time of the overflow. But ut
ter the replanting, it grew with astonishing
rapidity aud has agreeably disappointed the
mostsanguiuc in the yield. The cotton crop
of tiie Upper Trinity also looks well, and,
though backward, will yield well if it escapes
the worm.
We have also just seen a planter from Mat
agorda County, who says his cotton never
looked better. lie has seen nothing of the
cotton worm, though, like others, he has
heard a great deal of it.
President Johnson.
“That the war just closed has maintained
the authority of the Constitution, and has
preserved tee Union with the equal righto,
dignity and authority of ail the States per
fect and unimpaired—that representation in
Congress and in the Electoriul Colleges is a
right abiding in, and a duty imposed upon,
every State, and that neither Congress nor
the General Government has unv authority or
power to deny the right to any Stale.”
Can there he any objection to this clause?
We apprehend not. It asserts the very doc
trine and maintains the very righto that the
Boutiiern people have been contending for
the last eight months, nml which have been
denied and refused her at the hand? of the
Radical usurpersat Washington.
The second i9—
“That Concres? has no power over the
Elective franci.i?e. but that right belongs ex
clude !v to ci.. b •'M'ric.
The position of the President is one that
none need envy. Surprised to find the party
which elected him to power as mad as the
Revolutionists in France who overturned the
monarchy and tried to put down the Chris
tian religion, Mr. Johnson was for some time
evidently halting'between two'opinions—un
decided whether he should attempt to de
stroy the Radical party, or go with them in
some of their measures that he might defeat
others. When lie made his celebrated speech
on the 22d of February he denounced only
Sumner and Stevens, and inflicted a kick on
nobody but Forney. He then still entertain
ed a hope that he could rally among the Re
publican members of Congress a party suffi
ciently strong to enable him to restore the
Southern States to their places in the Union,
and inaugurate an era of peace between the
two great sections. Therefore lie said nothing
ot the Radicals as a party, inasmuch ns Ste
vens had not then secured such a control of
the members of Congress as to leave no
room for hope that they might be detached
from his mad schemes. But each successive
day furnished evidence that tbe Stevens
nil Sumner faction were determined to rule
the country or ruin it; and there was nothing
left for the President to do hut to crawl at
their feet a supple tool of malignant petty
tyrants, or assert his manhood by endeavor-
ng to rally to his support the conservatism
of the country. But even when convinced
that lie must fight a hard battle with the en
emies of constitutional liberty, he was crip
pled by the presence in the Cabinet of de
signing men, who were in league with the
TIic National Express ami Trans
portation «'oinpnny.
We regret thnt, in the “noise ana contu
sion” incident to all celebrations, wc should
have omitted to insert the card of the Vice-
President of the National Express and Trans
portation Company, and the telegram from
the Superintendent ot the Southern Division,
and the Treasurer of the Company at Balti
more, which will he found in our columns
to-day.
We arc glad to be assured, from such high
authority, of the satisfaction ot thc*grcat body
of the stockholders with its management and
prospect of success, and that a number of the
most^ominent business men of Baltimore
arc lending their active influence to sustain it.
Independent of any special sympathy we
might feci for this Company ns a Southern
enterprise, or our estimate ot the importance
to the mercantile community of sustaining a
competition which would insure the transac
tion of our express business at moderate
rates, wc cannot but think that all men
North and South, who take an interest in the
reorganization ot tho industrial pursuits of
the Southern States and tlic support of its_
people, must regard with luvor an enterprise’ 1
which, iu its wide ramifications, gives em
ployment and support to thousands of South
ern fumiiics; whose failure would take the
bread from many a needy household.
Its stockholders have certainly showed that
tenacity of purpose in encountering and over
coming difficulties, which generally assures
success.
Owing to the enormous expenditures inci
dent to the establishment and supply of the
many costly wants of offices from New York
to New Orleans, the Company, so far, has re
ceived no returns in proportion to their in
vestment, and debts at some points have for
a time accumulated. They have always,
however, been promptly paid off at the meet
iug of the Board, and provision made, by
Washington, Aug. 12, 18CG.
The publication of the full official report
of General Steednmn and General Fullerton,
in relation to the abuses of the Freedmcn’s
Bureau, has created a profound sensation here.
If this report could have been made and pul>-
lisbcd in June, the Freedmen's Bureau bill
could never have been passed over the Pres
ident's veto. It is safe to say that no one, ex
cept the officers and agents of the Bureau, not
even the President, not even the members of
Congress, had any idea of the shameful and
disgraceful manner in which the affairs of this
Bureau have been managed. The facts pre
sented in the report show that the continu
ance of the Bureau is entirely useless: that it
is of not the slightest use to the negroes: that
they would get along a thousand times better
if the Bureau had no existence: that the ex
istence of the Bureau is productive of much
misery to the negro: that the people ot
the Southern States arc kindly disposed
towards the negroes, and would treat
them kindly and justly, if it were not for
the interference of the officers of the Bn-
reau ; that the whole of tho vast sums of mo
ney that are appropriated by Congress for the
support of the Bureau huve been squandered
and embezzled by the agents of the Bureau
that the negroes in many parts of the South
are in a worse state ot slavery than they were
before the war, being worked a great deal
harder and robbed of the fruit of their labor
under various pretences by the agents of the
Bureau; that the agents of the Bureau im
pose upon the negroes a variety of fines and
arbitrary assessments, of which they make no
return, and the proceeds of which go to tlieir
own aggrandizement; and that the agents of
the Bureau interfere with the operations of
tho civil laws, set the laws of the State at defi
ance, by inflicting small penalties and trifling
punishment upon negroes, when convicted of
crimes which in white men would be punish
ed by the State laws, either by death or im
prisonment for many years in the Penitcntia-
The report is being extensively repub
lished at the North, and it will do much good.
No doubt when Congress assembles an effort
will bo made to correct all of the foregoing
abuses. I am informed that the President has
informed Gen. Howard that lie will hold him
personally responsible in future for the exist
ence of any such abuses, and has required
him to dismiss every officer and agent ot the
Bureau who does not conduct himself proper
ly in his office.
There is one evil in relation to the contin
uancc of this Freedmen's Bureau against
which the people of the South themselves
must* guard themselves. Recent develop
ments have shown that nine-tenths of
the agents of the Bureau in all the
States are nothing more than the obsequious
tools ol the leading Radicals here, and that
they liavo been all along obeying their in
structions. These instructions require them
to sow diligently the seeds ot revolt and dis
affection, which in a few months’ time, may
spring up and produce the beginning of that
war of races which sometimes seems to be
almost inevitable. The New York Herald
truly remarks:
“The Freedmen’s Bureau was established
for this purpose. Its separate sub-bureaus,
and agencies scattered throughout the coun
try nre nothing more than so many Jacobin
clubs, iu filiation with and acting under the
control of tlic central Directory of Radicals at
Washington. Let not the people suppose
that the riots which have occurred, and which
are intended as only the precursors of a more
dreadful state of things, are not the work of
the Bureau and the Radicals. The evidence
of that is too plain to he ignored. The
Southern people naturally want to live iu
peace with the negroes’ They do live in
peace with them wherever the Bureau has not
interfered to prevent, as wc have abundant
proofs to show.”
I trust that the revelations which have been
made in this report of Gen. Stcedman and
Gen. Fullerton, will lead the Presidcntto take
the most energetic steps to nip this evil in
the bud. The removal of Gen. Terry from
his command at Richmond, would seem to
indicate that the midnight drilling of negroes
with muskets in the streets of that city, is no
longer to be allowed, but that is not enough.
Either the negroes in nil the Southern States
must be disarmed, or else the white people
must he armed.
Warwick.
blessed as we are with freer institutions than
any other people, and endowed by the wis
dom and foresight of our ancestors with a
constitution of government which, by a nice
adjustment and balance of State and national
attributes, entrenches liberty against the en
crouch men ts of power, wliilo defending pow
er against the nttnrks of licentiousness.
Ever} 1 free government is necessarily a sys
tem of checks and balances, or what Burke
happily and significantly calls a system of
“reciprocal control.” This principle our an
cestors were enabled to apply to a greater ex
tent.than any modern people have done, by
the fortunate division of our country into
separate and independent communities.—
The system devised by them has stood the test
of experiment, in peace and in war, through
a period of now eighty years, and has proved
itself adequate to every vicissitude and exi
gency of human affairs. While some of the
systems of tlic Old World, after a far shorter
trial, are crumbling into ruins before our eyes,
the federo-national system of America still
survives in undiminisbed vigor, and bids fair
“ to thrive amid the rude concussion of the
storm.” We have, every reason, then, to cher
ish with increased veneration the legacy be
queathed to us by our lathers iu tiie Consti
tution framed by their wisdom, and to sur
round it with new and watchful precautions
against usurpation on the one hand, and rash
and unadvised change on the other.
All wilt now admit, in the language of one
of the earliest and most distinguished of our
Republican Presidents, when entering on his
high office, that “the preservation of the Gen
eral Government in its whole constitutional
vigor is the sheet-anchor of our peace at home
Jersey, Virginia, North Carolina, South Car- j “Do you know ber r
olina and Georgia against it, and Pennsyl- ’ I then turned away my face and
vania divided. to have heard some thing at the wb i
Tho great principle of the equal right of “I have seen her.” I replied wh^i
all the States to representation in the nation-j composed myself. “S’*•.
nl councils by one and the same rule was ; the church."
,r 8»a
thus victoriously and permanently established
in the Constitution against all the efforts nnd
devices of sectional jealousy or ambition to
thwart or defeat it. What is now the sweep
ing exclusion of ten Statesof the Union from
a common representation in the national coun-
“She and I were schoolmates
Stanton; and speaking of wine bii np V^
my mind. D» you know anyth’-!
early life ?" * ^ V
“Nothing,” I answered.
“? oor M,,ry: 1 never think of her „
cils hut a reversal, by a subordinate and brief feeling my resolution of totalabstinc-
authority, of the supreme decision of the I stronger and stronger. When we were*
Convention and the people, and an effort to 1 children together her father was the
revive, in another form, the injurious sectional lest man in Berryville, and she sod hi
were
" ml . her t»5
discrimination attempted and overruled in er were among the happiest of the h»n n '
1787 ? Each State has an inherent interest “Air. Granville was in the habitnf?'
and right in the equal, constitutional repre- ing wine, nnd the evil habit grewum*?
sentation of all the States. If the West, for until lie could not go without his brand ^
example, shall think that the representative _ “ He was of social disposition, and
voice of the South would be with her in any j it came to pa>s lie was often grossly j n * 0 ,'
question of national policy which may divide ! ted. Of course, under such circuinstai
the public councils, she lias a direct, imme- °nc of two things must liappeo—i^
diate interest in the equal and just represen-1 must reform or must sink. Mr. Granvin^
tation of the South; and to withhold that I not reform and ere many years he diJ
representation is the same thing to her, prac- drunkard's death, leaving his family hi«,
ticallv. in the decision of every such question, em ' and suffering.
as the undisguised and open mutilation and
retrenchment of her own representation.—
And what, it is well worth while to consider,
may not be the danger to so many of the
States having a representation in one branch
of the Legislature out of all proportion to
their population of once setting tlic example
of breaking in upon the solemn, constitution
al adjustment of a subject involving such del
icate and precarious interests ?
In writing to you thus, my dear sir, I have
been borne along by the current ot my
thoughts, and by an earnest solicitude for the
preservation of the Constitution, into a state
ment of my views on topics which certainly
require no discussion to you. You have
sounded “alt tbe depths and shoals” of con
stitutional learning, as you have done and
erty and suffering.
“Thomas, the son—four yearsoldtru
Mary—became dissipated, aud at the
“iglitcen was killed in a street fisrht
and safety abroad”; but no attentive ob- will continue to do, I trust, of the public
server of the practical operation of the gov-, honors of yonr country. My career, if career
emment, or judicious student of its theory,
can fail also to agree with his immediate sue-,
cessor. bred in the school of the Constitution
itself, when, on a like solemn occasion he
said “the rights and authorities reserved to
the States and the people are equally incor
porated with and essential to the success of
the general system.” It is this compound or
ganization of the system—the mutual de-
pcndance and reciprocal action nnd reaction
of the several parts on each other—which
constitutes its chief excellence and security,
as well os its distinguishing characteristic
compared with other governments. One of
those venerable and able men who bore part
in the formation of the Constitution, John
Dickinson, adverted in the Convention, with
prophetic and far-seeing sagacity, to the di
vision of the country into district States as
“tho chief source of stability” to our political
system. “It is this,” lie said, “which is the
ground ot my consolation for the future fate
of my country. Without this, and in case of
the consolidation of the States into one great
republic, we might read its fate in the histo
ry of those which have gone before it.’’
Important Letter Trom
Hum C. Hives on
Slight* or State*.
lion.
the
Wi
conspirators. He labored under this load of fresh calls, for the further extension of their
difficulty for some time, trying to compel
either unanimity among his constitutional
advisers, or the resignation of the traitors;
and finallv, after much trouble, sacceedcd in
relieving himself of all except Stanton, who
still clings to his office, in the language of
General Cass, “as the mariner clings to the
lost plank when night and tempest close
around him”—and for the same reason, we
suspect; for if all reports he true, there will
he a considerable “tempest”raised about Mr.
Stanton whenever he relinquishes his port
folio and becomes a plain, untitled citizen,
liable to actions for dnmages.
Having reorganized his Cabinet, Mr John
son appealed to the friends of freo govern
ment to stand by him in his efforts to prevent
the centralizing ot all the powers belonging
to the State governments in the Federal
Government. lie sounded the tocsin which
called the representatives of the people to
gether at Philadelphia. He has been in con
stant communication for mouths past with
many of the best minds of the North and of
the South. lie has succeeded in assembling
the most respectable Convention, for talents,
patriotism, aud numbers, thnt has met in this
country for many years; and to-day that Con
vention will enter upon tho performance of a
duty which if well discharged will result in
tbe peace, prosperity, aad happiness of the
whole country, but if neglected, or
This also, is in strict accordance with the not well performed, will leave the
connections.
The objects accomplished within the last
six weeks are a striking evidence of the ener
gy and resources of the Company.
They have re-established their communica
tion through Wilmington and Weldon, after
a legal contest,' in which they successfully
maintained a principle involving the rights
and convenience ot the public, as well us
their own.
They have opened communication via Ma
con, Columbus, and Montgomery, to Mobile
and New Orleans; to Thomasville, Southwes
tern Georgia, by the Albany and Gulf Rail
road, and to Jacksonville, Florida, by sea.
We arc informed that Gen. Rosser in Louis
iana is actively engaged in extending their
connection from New Orleans to Memphis
and Cairo, and that it is the determination of
the Company to grapple with aud surmount
every impediment, till their connections are
completed on every line of railroad and steam
communication throughout the South.—Char.
News.
Ex-Gov. Wise’s Property.—It is rumored
in Norfolk that the property of Henry A.
A Vise has beeu restored to him. It is situated
near Druuimondtown, on tbe eastern shore of
Virginia. It Is said that the freedmen occu
pying it have beeu ordered to vacate it, and
thut an agent has been sent from Washington
to put Mr. Wise in possession.
Caknwatii, Dmjfluss County, N. Y., \
August 10th. j
My Dear Sir—I had the pleasure of receiv
ing your letter of tlic 23d a few days ago.—
Since I last wrote to you I perceive that, in
mv absence from home, 1 have been named
one ot the delegates of Virginia to the Na
tional Union Convention to be held in Phila
delphia on the 14th instant. I regret it will
not bo in my power to attend. The state of
my health is too feeble to admit of any useful
participation in the proceedings of that body.
I am here at present with my son und his
family, in their summer residence on the
North river, where the congenial quiet and
pure highland air I am permitted to enjoy
will, I trnst. gradually restore me to my ordi-
unrv health. In the mean time my wannest
wishes nnd prayers shall be for tbe success of
your deliberations, giuded, as I am sure they
will be, by that spirit of union, of justice, of
fraternity, and of a broad and comprehensive
patriotism, which originated the proposition
of the meeting. ■ - -
The objects and principles so well set forth
in the call for the Convention have my most
hearty assent nnd concurrence ; and I am not
less sensible of the fitness and propriety of
such an assemblage at the present moment to
interchange counsels on the measures requi
site for the maintenance of the Constitution
and the security of Republican liberty in this
land of oure, once so favored of neaven. It
certainly would not be an extraordinary thing
it, after the tearful tempest of the unhappy
civil strife through which we liuveiatcly pass
ed, our vessel of State, however nobly she has
withstood the shock, and however strong and
unbanned her timbers and clamps have prov
ed to be, should have been somewhat discom
posed in her canvass, and been momentarily
driven by the stress of the elements from her
straight and onward course. It becomes, then,
the duty of those in charge of her. now that
the star of peace once more beams from an un
clouded sky, to take a new observation to as
certain her*precise position on the ocean, still
swollen by tho recent tempest; to put her on
her original track, aud t0 steer her, by Hie
chart oftho Constitution, into the port of her
destination.
The sacred observance of tho principles of
the Constitution is the highest and most vital
interest of every free country. It is that alone
which gives jeac9,mi(l security to the whole
and every part ; - which guarantees the public
liberty; which promotes enterprise aud im
provement by confidence in the tuture; which
rivifics private industry by the prospect of an
assured reward, nnd leaves every man tree,
without distracting apprehensions and fbre-
Tiic supremacy ol the Constitution and
laws of the United States within their allotted
sphere; the inviolability nnd perpetuity ol
the Union under the Constitution; the in
competency of a State or States, or of the Gen
eral Government, to impair the integrity of
the Union by secession on the one hand or
exclusion on the other, are postulates of the
political system ol America which must be
soon, it not already, universally acknowledg
ed ; tho perfect equality of rights among all
the States under the Constitution; the exclu
sive right of each State to regulate its interior
concerns, subject only to such special excep
tions as the Constitution itself has establish
ed ; the right of each State to prescribe for
itself the fundamental qualifications of suff
rage are correlative propositions equally clear,
no less necessary to the preservation of the
system, and go hand in hand with their com
panion principles just enumerated. The
corporate existence and privileges of a State
under the Constitution are as indestructible
as the Union itself.
A State can never be the subject ot con
quest in a united government, however im
perfect and loose tlic bands ot connection
may be. It is remarkable that this principle
was laid down as a well-established maxim
of universal law in the late debates of the
Corps Legislatif of France with regard to
the rights of the Germanic Confederation
over the Duchy of Holstein. “/I n’u a pas,"
said Monsieur Thiers, “<?« droit de conquete a
Vegard (Tun eonfedere. Ixi confederation
n'acait qu'um droit jurisdiction, est non pas tin
droit de conquete, sur le Holstein." The same
principle has received the highest judicial
sanction in this country from luminaries of
the bench, whom I am proud to recognize as
belonging to the North, and elevated far
nDovc the possible imputation of any party
or local basis—of Nelson, of Sprague, ot Cur
tis, of Parker.
Among the rights of the States none cer
tainly is more vital than that of representa
tion in the national councils according to the
rules established by the Constitution—a right
which cannot, without a virtual act of revo
lution, be denied to a State fulfillingin peace
and loyalty its obligations to the Union. In
structive lessons lor the present are often
learned by a recurrence to the past; and in
this view a passage of our early constitutional
history is well worthy of being recalled. In
looking back to the proceedings and debates
of the Federal Constitution, as I had occasion
to show in the second volume of the Lite of
Madison recently published, it is seen with
how much jealousy and alarm the eastern
Stati s contemplated the future growth and
power of the new States of the West. Mr.
Gouvcnciir Morris, though at that time a
delegate from the State of Pennsylvania, was
made the spokesman nnd interpreter of this
jealous feeling in the eastern States. He said:
He looked forward to that range of new
States which would soon be formed in the
west. These States will know less of the
public interest than the old; will have an in
terest in mnnv respects different; in particu
lar, will be little scrupulous of involving the
country in wars, the burdens and operations
of which would fall chiefly on tile maritime
States.” “ Among other objections.” he ad
ded, "it must be apparent they would not be
able to furnish men, equnlly enlightened, to
share in the administration of the common
interests. If the western people get the pow
er into their hands they will ruin the Atlantic
interests.” Finally, he said: “Seeing the
dangers from this quarter, he should be oblig
ed to vote for the vicious principle of equali
ty in tiie second branch, in order to provide
some defence to the Northern States against
itand lie also declared that “he thought
'the rule of representation in the first branch
ought to be so fixed as to secure to the Atlan
tic States the prevalence in the national coun
cils.”
This hint was immediately taken by Mr.
King and Mr. Gerry, ot Massachusetts ; and
the latter, repeating the alarm .-ounded by
Mr. Morris, and declaring that “if the West
ern States acquire power they will abuse it,
will oppress commerce, and draw our wealth
into the Western country,” actually submitted
to the Convention a proposition that, what
ever might be tlic future population of the
new States of the West, “the total number of
their representatives shall never exceed the
total number of the representatives of the
old States.” This invidious attempt on the
part of some of the old States to bind the
infant Hercules of tho West in perfect swad
dling bands met with an indignant protest
from others, and especially from tho oldest of
them all, Virginia. Col. Mason said:
The new States of the West must he
treated as equals, and subjected to nodegrad
ing discriminations. They will have the
same pride and other passions which we
have, and will either not unite with or speed
ily revolt from tho Union, it they are not,, in
all respects, placed on an equal looting with
their brethren.'’
Mr. Madison said:
“With regard to the AVcstern States, I am
clear nnd firm in the opinion that no unfavor
able distinctions arc admissible, either in
it may be called, is ended. Still, as a citizen,
a patriot, and a man, I cannot but feel the
deepest interest in whatever concerns the
eventful future of our magnificent common
country. I accept without hesitation or re
serve tho constitutional amendment already
made for the extinction of slavery—a con
summation long and anxiously sought, though
in a different mode and by other agencies, by
many of the wisest and most illustrious citi
zens ot my own State. In all other respects,
my fervent prayer is that the Constitution of
our fathers, with the admirable wisdom and
harmony pervading its complete adjustments,
may be defended from the rude hand of head
long innovations or wanton encroachment,
and that it may continue, with each revolv
ing year, to the remotest generations, to shed
its blessings on a free, united, and Christian
people.
Believe me, my dear sir,
Most truly your friend,
AV. C. Rives.
Tlic Two Answer*.
“No, Charles, it cannot be. As a friend I
shall respect and esteem you; but I cannot be
j»ur wife. Have compassion on me, and do
not presume further.”
Mary Granville stood before me os she
spoke, with her hands clasped and her head
bowed, trembling like an aspen, and as I
fancied there were tears in her eyes.
She was a beautiful girl and I had thought
her as good and pure as she was beautiful
and. further than this, I had believed that she
loved me.
She was an orphan, and had been engaged
during the past year in teaching one of our
village schools.
Of her early life I knew nothing, s >ve that
she had been educated and moved in good
society; nnd I had reason to believe that at
some time her parents had been wealthy, but
her father had failed in busiress, and it had
been told to me, that the sad reverse killed
him. I had known that Mary was poor; that
she was dependent on her daily labor for sup
port, and the thought that I could offer her a
comfortable home, with the advantage of
moderate wealth, had given increase to my
prospective happiness.
But this unexpected answer dashed all my
bright hopes to the ground.
“ Do you mean,” I cried vehemently, “Thnt
you dismiss me ? Am I a castoff?”
“ I cannot be your wife,” was the reply.
iglitcen was killed in a street fight in'v'
York. Mrs. Granville survived her son I-
few months—absolutely dying, the <w
said, of a broken heart.
“Poor Mary thus left fatherless andoor]
les3 without brother or sister, at the • j
fifteen, was forced to earn the bread she a*
nnd nobly lins she done it. If you knowL
Charley, you know one of the noblest»
that ever’ lived. But what’s the mat:--
Why bless me you are as pale as a ghost.
I struggled hard with myself, "and t .
Jack that I had swnllcwed a lot of q
smoke. I arose and opened one of thef
meats, stepped out upon the balcony;*-
the fresh air restored me.
At a late hour Jack departed for the he:-
and when I had retired to my chinl*
f aced to and fro until long after midcifi
could no .longer misunderstand the not
which had actuated Alary in rejection;
hand. She knew that I was ia the iai;-
using wine, and on that evening whenir es ,
she must have discovered that I had da
enough to bring a false flush to my chctk.
“Oh my God 1” I ejaculated, as I saak k.
a chair, “I wonder not that she rtfe^: ;
place her future life in my keeping. V]
had suffered enough from the accursedtT
The night of sorrow and desolation has
long upon her. She would be worse
mad to take a husband whose opening^
in life led toward the pit in which the
ones of other days had fallen.” "Bn.'
asked myself, “why did she not tell e:}
whole truth.”
I found no difficulty in answering the
tion. She had shrank from wounding'a
feelings.' I knew bow sensitive she wain
I knew she was afraid of offending me. P-
haps she thought me proud and headsu*
enough to resent such liberty on her parti
perhaps she imagined I might look upon k
as the offering of her hand in consider
of renouncing the wine cup, and that Ini:
spurn her offer. —
On Friday Jack Stanton left me, nnd
Saturday evening I called at Alary^s I
ing house. Alary herself answered my
mous. She started when she saw me. oij
saw her right hand move quickly toward
heart.
“Alary, I said speaking calmly, for I b
mighty strength of will to support tut
have not come to distress you; I k
come as a friend, and I humbly ask tha:;
will give ine audience for a few moment-
She went into the parlor, and I followed,
closing the door behind : and when we i
alone, she put the lamp on the table and
tioned me to a seat.
“No,” said I, “I will not sit down .it
Give me your hand, Alary.”
Alechanically she put forth her hand*
I took them in my own. There wnsai
dcring look in her eyes, and a slight
come to her pale cheeks.
“Alary,” I continued, speaking slowly
softly, and I know that moisture was gi
ing in my eyes, “you must answ er me ones
tion. Answer it as you please, ar.d takeoji
emn assurance that’l ask it only foryomc
Tell me do you love me ? No, no—<hi |
take your hands away yet. Answer me i
can. Fear not—O fear not; for I had:
“Then,” said I, with more warmth than I
go into endless night than do you wnc
'Tell me Alary, do you love me?’’
might have betrayed under other circumstan
ces, “ I leave you to yourself, and while I try
to shake off the love that has Ixmnd me to
you, I only hope that ere you lead another
into your net you will conclude before hand
whether you will keep him.”
She looked into my face witli a painful
frightened glance, but I did not stop to hear
her speak further. I turned and lelt the
house. •
I remarked that under other circumstances
I might have been more cool and collected in
my speech; and what do you suppose, dear
reader, the attending circumstances were?
I’ll tell you candidly.
I was a little heated with wine; I had drank
just enough to warm my blood and give my
brain an extra impulse and my words were
not chosen, ns I should have chosen them had
the spirits of wine been absent. As I walked
toward home I fried io persuade myself that
I had fortunately escaped the snare of a co
quette, and thnt I might be the better enabled
thus to reason, I stopped at the hotel where
I found a few of my companions, and helped
to dispose of half a dozen bottles of wine.
On the following morning I awoke with the
headache, and when I called to mind the
events of the proceeding evening, I was any
thing but happy.
I began to realize how much I had loved
Alary Granville. There was an aching void
in my heart, and I wept as I contemplated
my loss. It was my first love, anil its influ
ence penetrated every fibre of my being. The
beautiful girl had become more dear to me
than I could tell, and I groaned iu bitter an
guish when I thought that she was lost to me
forever.
I resolved that I should feel very angry and
indignant, but when the sweet face was call
ed to mental view, such feelings melted
away, leaving me sad and desolate.
On the following Sabbath I attended
church where I saw Alary once more. She
played the organ ns she had done for the past
year, nnd as her fingers swept over the keys I
fancied thnt I could detect a trcmulousncss,
which I had never noticed before. AVas it
imagination, or was it really u plaintiveness,
a sadness in expression of her music.
To me at times it seemed a? though the
organ moaned and wept. It was like the
wailing of the daughters of Zion by the riv
ers of Babylon.
When the services were over, and we went
out of church, I sad Alary’s face It was pale
aud wan, as though she had been sick. AA'hut
could it be i Was she suffering as 1 bad suf
fered ? The thought flashed upon me that
some one had told here something to my dis
advantage. I had enemies who envied me
because I had inherited some wealth—and I
fancied enemies who envied me tho love of
Mary Granville.
Another week passed and I became more
and more sad and lonesome. Aly business
was irksome to me, and my books and papers
afforded me no respite. In fact I could not
read for my mind was never on the page be
fore me. Another Sabbath at church and I
saw Mary again. She was paler than before
and her eyes looked as though she had been
weeping.
During the succeeding week I received a
visit from my college chum Jack Stanton,
who had just opened a law office at Berry-
“I cannot speak falsely,’’ she tremlii
whispered, “for my own peace perhaps I
you too well”
“Listen to me for one moment,” I:
drawing her nearer to me; “when I a
told you that which I hare to tell, yon- to|w
bo the judge.”
She did not strive to free her hands,
looked up eagerly ia my face, aud her
beamed with a hopefully light.
“You know Jack Stanton ?” I said.
“ Yes,” she replied.
“ He was my best friend when we
college and my friendship has isot
less. lie camc'to see utc and told me
trials and sufferings of one of the
■nates of his earlier days.”
“ Oh, Alary, I know well why my bands
refused, and I hiatus you not. It may be'-'
your paths will be different through lift"
you shall at least know, that lie whoa '
have loved will so live, thnt lie shall N
unworthy of your kindest remembn®-
know that I have hitherto wandered into'
paths of danger, but henceforth I a®*
from, the dread snare. Under the ne*
that has dawned upon me I hold tbe
cup to be a fearful enemy. I would
as I would shun a shameful life and n ci<*
deathbed. For my own sake will I do 3
so that my sainted mother, if she e® -1
upon her boy, can sunle approvingly-
course he has chosen.
“And now, Alary, if at sonic future
you should feel that you can trust your
piness in my keeping, you will give me
token thereof, and I will come and -
your hand; and should it be mv blc^
to receive it, I will devote everey
my bciag to make your life a j°. T0 '
peaceful one.” y
I released her hands, and bowed *5^
to wipe away a tear. I turned to»***|
door, really intending to depart aad £ ;
time for reflection, when she pro non
name; I looked back, her hands were
ed out toward me.
‘‘Not, now,” I whispered. "I ffl
ask your answer yet. AVatcb
me. Only give me to know that I hs v
i° ve . . ,
I stopped speaking for Alary s ha-
been pillowed upon my besom, and 5
weeping like a child. :
“Now 1 now 1” she uttered. asIwo’ ,L
arms around her. - Oh Charles *
doubted your truth. I know that y
not deceive mo. Aluy God bless y° u
resolution and let me help you to keep
I cannot tell how long I stopped «**
ing. I can only tell that I was verr ’J
and that my prospects of the con-i-r
wero bright and glorious. , D ,
On the following day—a Sabbath c- -'
pleasant—the organ gave forth a ne ^ j
The daughters of Zion were no Job* J
strange land. They had taken . t5 . 0 ‘J
down from the willows, and within o' I
hers of the new Temple more reap 17 "
than the old. They sang the songs
times made joyous the city of their -.4
All marked the grandeur of the* ,
sprang into life beneath the touch __
organist on that beautiful Sabbath -■ - I
and all seemed moved by
■nr
it was like the outpourings ot »
soul, and with bowed head andfojoj
I gave myself up to the sublime
As Afary turned from the instrutnc?
I
bodings of governmental oppression, to put
point ot justice or policy.
The proposition of Air. Gem- s
rejected—Mnssachuset
r. Kin?
icticiir
Maryland nnd Delaware votiug for it; New
ville After supper as wc sat in our cosy par
lor smoking our cigars, I suggested that a
bottle of wine would not be amiss. Jack I her eye.* Mine were dim with
shook his head. j hers were bright, gleaming ' vlta
“No Charley,” he said, “AYe'll leave the | light,
wine for those who need it.” I Ere many weeks had passed, a n °-
“You used to drink, Jack.” j passed over the keys of the orgnL
“Yes; but it never did me any good.” : was not in the choir. She knelt
er did you I altar by my side and over us ho®
j clergyman stretched his hands
I Hri
<lc
“And do ybu'think that it
any harm ?” -
“As that to J will not say, it never shall de
me harm. I know that it .has harmed other?
as strong os I am. By the way Charley, isn,t
Mary Granville here ?”
“Yes,”sa ; d I. •
ft )j'
hud'
j and blessing.
j And ire went oi t of churc
j out iu the new life—bound b c - ir
| hand to hand, to love, honor an
evermore.
N s
Me,
ri»r<